Text of report in English by Macedonian news agency Makfax
The division of Kosovo might force scores of people to leave their houses and cause instability in other parts of the Balkans, particularly in Macedonia, says the report of the International Crisis Group [ICG], published on Tuesday [13 September].
Western forces and United Nations should offer autonomy to the Serbs in northern Kosovo, in order to avoid the division of the province on ethnic lines, says the Brussels- based organization.
Instead of international control, the Serbs living in the north of the province should be granted broader competencies, which would turn that region into "pivotal point of the efforts to provide services for the Kosovo Serbs," says ICG.
"The Serbs in the north should be offered a substantial autonomy, including transfer of power to the municipalities, granting the right of municipalities merging, and ensuring coordination with the ministers of the Kosovo government through the Serbian representatives," says the report, which focused mainly on Kosovska Mitrovica, where one third of the remaining Serbs in Kosovo live.
Source: Makfax news agency, Skopje, in English 1344 gmt 13 Sep 05
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9 comments:
Shqipet shume shkurtpames. Faji pse Mitrovica u bo problem n'rend t'pare eshte pse qytetaret aty nuk lejohen m'u kthy neper pjeset tjera t'Kosoves. Mitrovicalite e pertej Ibrit munden mi falenderu kosovaret tjere per kete ndere qe po ju bojin.
the only way albos can win by stealing and lieing as usual, no shame. i cant wait for nato to leave!
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bill_clinton#Attack_on_Yugoslavia
Attack on Yugoslavia
Some critics have accused Clinton of leading the United States to war with Kosovo under the false pretense of genocide [9]. Others have accused him, and his administration, of inflating the number of Kosovar Albanians killed by Serbians[10]. Clinton's Secretary of Defense William Cohen, giving a speech, said, "The appalling accounts of mass killing in Kosovo and the pictures of refugees fleeing Serb oppression for their lives makes it clear that this is a fight for justice over genocide [11]." On CBS' Face the Nation Cohen claimed, "We've now seen about 100,000 military-aged men missing...They may have been murdered[12]." Clinton, citing the same figure, spoke of "at least 100,000 (Kosovar Albanians) missing[13]". Later, talking about Serbian elections, Clinton said, "they're going to have to come to grips with what Mr. Milošević ordered in Kosovo...They're going to have to decide whether they support his leadership or not; whether they think it's OK that all those tens of thousands of people were killed...[14]". Clinton also claimed, in the same press conference, that "NATO stopped deliberate, systematic efforts at ethnic cleansing and genocide[15]." Clinton even compared the events of Kosovo to the Holocaust. CNN reported, "Accusing Serbia of 'ethnic cleansing' in Kosovo similar to the genocide of Jews in World War II, an impassioned President Clinton sought Tuesday to rally public support for his decision to send U.S. forces into combat against Yugoslavia, a prospect that seemed increasingly likely with the breakdown of a diplomatic peace effort[16]." Clinton's State Department also claimed Serbian troops had committed genocide. The New York Times reported, "the Administration said evidence of 'genocide' by Serbian forces was growing to include 'abhorrent and criminal action' on a vast scale. The language was the State Department's strongest yet in denouncing Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević[17]." The State Department also gave the highest estimate of dead Albanians. The New York Times reported, "On April 19, the State Department said that up to 500,000 Kosovar Albanians were missing and feared dead[18]."
However, the numbers given by Clinton and his administration have been proven false. The official NATO body count of the events in Kosovo was 2,788 (not all of them were war crimes victims)[19], with Slobodan Milošević charged with the "murders of about 600 individually identified ethnic Albanians[20]". Critics have noted that these numbers can not be considered genocide. The headline of The Wall Street Journal, which had launched an investigation into whether genocide had occurred in Kosovo, on December 31, 1999 was "War in Kosovo Was Cruel, Bitter, Savage; Genocide It Wasn't"[21]. The Wall Street Journal wrote, "the U.N.'s International War Criminal tribunal has checked the largest reported sites first, and found most to contain no more than five bodies, suggesting intimate acts of barbarity rather than mass murder... Kosovo would be easier to investigate if it had the huge killing fields some investigators were led to expect. Instead, the pattern is of scattered killings[22]."
In addition, a United Nations Court had previously ruled that Serbian troops did not commit genocide against Albanians. The court wrote "the exactions committed by Milošević's regime cannot be qualified as criminal acts of genocide, since their purpose was not the destruction of the Albanian ethnic group[23]". According to BBC, "the decision was based on the 1948 Geneva convention which defines genocide as the intent 'to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group as such'[24]". Milošević was not charged with genocide in Kosovo by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) but the more broader "crimes against humanity"[25]. Spanish forensic surgeon Emilio Perez Pujol, who led the Spanish forensic team in Kosovo, gave an interview to the British paper The Sunday Times. The paper wrote, "In an outspoken interview, Pujol complained he had been sent to head a large investigation team attached to the ICTY, consisting of pathologists and police specialists, to work in the north of the country. But he found that what was publicised as a search for mass graves was 'a semantic pirouette by the war propaganda machines, because we did not find one—not one—mass grave.'[26]".
Extract from Of War: Letters to Friends / Von den Kriegen: Briefe an Freunde, published by S. Fischer, Frankfurt am Main (2004)
Kosovo, 1999
Dear friends,
I have been back for two weeks.
I do not know how to answer the questions about my time in Albania and Kosovo. The experiences are present; the images, the smell, the sound – everything is clear and yet it is impossible to transform it into an adequate and intelligible narrative of horror.
We wish to believe that we are able to defuse threats by giving them a name. Rumplestiltskin loses his power when we guess his name. But sometimes Rumplestiltskin rages even when we know what he is called. Sometimes words cannot banish feelings, and their failure only increases our sorrow.
Maybe I simply don’t know where to start.
There: in the refugee camps where the deportees were stuck, the men silently sitting on the field, smoking, covered under coloured woollen blankets; the women bent over plastic buckets, washing the only clothes they had, there: on the fields where the corpses were decaying in the sun, in the hospitals with this inimitable smell of disinfection and death, there: on the overflowing marketplaces, in the devastated mosques – there we all had the same horizon of experience. We were all stuck in this world of pain and destruction. Within this context, all these horrifying scenes made “sense.” Of course, it all seemed unreal, and yet it was simultaneously too real for us to permanently call it into question. Our conversations and gestures were embedded in this context. It was a life within the same radius of violence.
Only now, back in Berlin, now when I am about to talk about that time, does its absurdity strike me. The experiences there are somehow separated from reality here, and it feels a bit like when I was a child at my grandmother’s and we would make biscuits, cutting out shapes in the dough. Maybe that is why journalists are considered disturbed cynics: because the reality that they describe is so disturbed.
That is the burden of the witness: to remain with a feeling of failure, of emptiness because even the most accurate account does not grasp the bleakness of war.
The task
We were in Tirana when the peace agreement was signed: the Serbian delegation agreed to pull out within 48 hours after the settlement from Kosovo and to withdraw to what was left of the Yugoslav republic. The air bombardment of the NATO alliance had lasted 78 days during which they flew attacks against government buildings in Belgrade, against positions of the Serbian army in Kosovo – but also against civilian targets: bridges, factories, power stations, the television station of Belgrade and various refugee treks, “collateral damage” as the propaganda unit in Brussels would call it.
At the end of the war, we travelled with the ground troops that had been inactive so far and the thousands of Kosovo Albanian refugees returning to Kosovo.
Our team in Kosovo included our Albanian driver Kuijtim Bilali, his nephew and our translator Noni Hoxha, Joanne Mariner from the organization Human Rights Watch from New York, whom we had met in the refugee camps in Albania, the photographer Sebastian Bolesch and myself.
We remained two more weeks in the war torn Kosovo and then travelled throughout the entire region. We saw how the young men – who had been hiding in fear of the Serbian militia – returned from the mountains. We saw the famished Kosovo Albanian prisoners with sunken eyes tied together on a truck. They were supposed to be hostages from kidnappings in Serbia, but now they had been forgotten. We saw how the Kosovo Albanians celebrated the end of the repression. We saw everywhere how the Serbian units had raged: burnt down farmhouses, demolished minarets of the village mosques. We saw the mutilated corpses where the Serbian myrmidons hadn’t had time to erase the traces of their deeds and to bury their victims. We saw the Serbian troops on their withdrawal, drunk from stolen booze. But we also saw Serbian civilians fleeing out of fear of revenge. We also saw the neighbourhoods of the Roma standing in flames.
Death and destruction
Since my return people ask me: “How do you cope with what you witnessed? How do you digest all the experiences?”
The answer is: you don’t.
There are certain impressions you cannot “digest.”
The sight of a seventeen year-old girl in the hospital of Prizren in Kosovo. She had been shot by a sniper the day before the allied forces entered Kosovo. She had a brain injury and urgently needed to be transferred to the hospital in Prishtina. Since that night she had been staying in a room with five badly injured men: Serbs, KLA-fighters and Albanians, the enemies of the war united in one overheated room.
You could hear her breathe.
She would probably die within the next five hours because the hospital could not transfer her to Prishtina – the Serbian troops had stolen the only ambulance for their flight at the end of the war.
The sight of a charred back of a dead catholic Albanian between hundreds of books in his house in Koronica. The muscles in the shrunk body were still recognizable – it looked like one of those charts from biology class where all muscles of the human body are schematically displayed. Except: the man in Koronica was brown-black, his burned flesh was porous and looked hairy like scratchy fur. Arms and legs were missing. Maybe they had been cut off, maybe they were burned completely, maybe it had been the dogs...
The Homeric heroes in the Iliad have less fear of death than the thought of being left unburied – outside the city walls – at the mercy of stray dogs. It always seemed rather strange to me that a living person would have to worry about his corpse being ravaged by dogs. I could not imagine a world in which dogs would run around with human limbs in their mouths.
It was the brother of the dead who brought us to this package of withered flesh. He walked from one room to the other, in a destroyed house, and talked as if it was still intact, and as if that bundle on the floor still had anything in common with the human being he grew up with.
And one does not digest: the sight of corpses without heads, cut off body parts, contorted bodies that had been pulled behind a truck for miles (also like a quote from Homer); the sight of bloated or burned corpses, some two months old, one week, one day.
And there is this one image I cannot forget: the foot of a male body that we found in a ravine on a field near Meja. I still remember those five centimetres between the black leather shoe on his right foot and the blue cotton trouser, a peasant uniform as I would get to see in the following weeks so often when looking at dead civilians. The corpse had been lying there apparently since 27 April.
In the meantime it had rained, and it had been hot as it can be in a Yugoslav summer. And there is one particular part of the image that haunts me, a small detail: those five centimetres between the tied shoe and the seam of the trouser. Without the clothes that proved that this had once been a man, there was only five centimetres of dead, living flesh. Nothing else.
And there was this sound, very quiet, first unnoticed, and then so penetrating in its repulsiveness that no taboo, no shame could repress my hearing it: a number of parasites was eating the rest of a human being.
And I cannot forget the ten year-old girl in Gjakova who stood in front of the burned out ruins of her former house and could not say two complete, intelligible sentences. She spoke without pausing, as if her speech was making sense. She did not stutter or hesitate, she formed one incoherent sentence after the other.
Finally we understood that in this house her father, her brother, her aunt and two cousins had been killed. Her uncle and her two other brothers had been arrested by Serbian units and deported the day before the arrival of NATO troops.
She told us, her father had fallen off the roof when celebrating the long-awaited NATO intervention. He had broken his leg and could not move when the Serbian soldiers arrived at their house. They had told the girl and her mother to leave the house – and killed everyone else in it.
I cannot forget how she stood there in her pink shirt, in front of her former living room wall, slightly oblique because the floor was no longer flat. And I cannot forget that she could not speak properly, and that she occasionally only stared at us and then continued to speak. And that she did not seem upset at all.
She was quiet and calm, and only every now and then did she seem irritated – when she realised that she did not know that trick anymore, the trick that someone had taught her, years ago, in another time: how to form sentences and makes sense to others. Then she paused and suddenly felt like a stranger to herself, and then she seemed to tell herself that these words that came out of her mouth were unintelligible.
Many journalists only arrived in Albania or Macedonia when the peace agreement was signed. But we had already been acquainted with the terrible events. We had been writing since April on the refugees and their fate, we had been listening to them: how their sons and husbands had been killed, what they had done before the crises began, where they used to live, how they were expelled, how many hours they had walked till they had reached the border, when they had last seen their brother, where they were standing when a Serbian officer pulled a woman out of the refugee trek, how they had been hiding in a barn.
At the end of the war, when we entered Kosovo, we knew exactly where to go and what to expect there. We had a map of killing in our minds – even before we arrived at the places of the massacres.
But that meant that we could not relate to those tormented bodies as neutral bystanders towards anonymous corpses. But after weeks of interviewing survivors in the camps in Albania, photographer Sebastian Bolesch and I knew the story of many of the dead, we knew whether their wives or children had survived on the other side of the border.
It also meant that we could imagine the corpses before us as fathers and brothers, as peasants or writers. We could imagine their previous lives, and sometimes we knew the relatives in Albania.
Impossible to gain distance.
But it was also conciliatory: to remember the real person, the living father or brother or cousin or neighbour; to ask for their story and narrate it; to recreate in writing a world that was supposed to be destroyed; to give each of these stinking, faceless bones a name again and not to turn one’s back.
http://www.opendemocracy.net/arts-Literature/war_letters_2826.jsp
US and British officials told us that at least 100,000 were murdered in Kosovo. A year later, fewer than 3,000 bodies have been found - False figues from the Kosovo Liberation Army promulgated as fact - Brief Article
New Statesman, Sept 4, 2000 by JOHN Pilger
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After more than a year, the silence of those who wrote and broadcast the propaganda for Nato's "humanitarian war" over Kosovo remains unbroken: they who answered the Prime Minister's call to join "a great moral crusade" against a regime that was "set on a Hitler-style genocide equivalent to the extermination of the Jews during World War Two".
Something had to be done, they insisted. After all, by March last year, 500,000 Kosovar Albanians were missing, feared dead, according to the US State Department. In mid-May, the US defence secretary, William Cohen, said: "We've now seen about 100,000 military-aged men missing... They may have been murdered." Two weeks later, David Scheffer, the US ambassador at large for war crimes, increased the 100,000 figure to as many as "225,000 ethnic Albanian men aged between 14 and 59". The British press took their cue. "Flight from genocide," said the Daily Mail. "Echoes of the Holocaust," chorused the Sun and the Mirror.
As the bombing dragged on, the facade began to crack; British television viewers were shown the ruins of trains and refugee convoys attacked by Nato aircraft, and their victims. "We have a public relations meltdown," said someone at Downing Street. On cue, the then Foreign Office minister, Geoffrey Hoon, announced that, "in more than 100 massacres", about 10,000 ethnic Albanians had been killed, adding that "the final toll may be much worse". Although inexplicably reduced from the original claims of 500,000 and 100,000, this was a substantial and utterly unsubstantiated figure.
By mid-June, with the bombardment over, international forensic teams began subjecting the province to minute examination. The American FBI arrived to investigate what was called the "largest crime scene in the FBI's forensic history". Several weeks later, having found bodies but not a single mass grave, the FBI went home. The Spanish forensic team also returned home, its leader complaining angrily that he and his colleagues had become part of "a semantic pirouette by the war propaganda machines, because we did not find one -- not one -- mass grave".
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At grave site after grave site, the story was similar. Reports in the western media, sourced to local people but often traced back to the Kosovo Liberation Army (as with the figures quoted above), became unbelievable. One explanation was that the Serbs had come in the night and taken the bodies away. "Where," wrote Michael Parenti in his review of the investigation, "was the evidence of mass grave sites having been disinterred? Where were the new grave sites now presumably chock-full of bodies?"
Perhaps the most significant disclosure, confirmed by the International Criminal Tribunal last October, was that the Trepca lead and zinc mines contained no bodies. Trepca was central to the drama of the "genocide" investigation: the corpses of more than 1,000 murdered Albanians were presumed hidden there, many of them disposed of in vats of hydrochloric acid, according to Nato and American officials. According to the Mirror, there was evidence of the "mass dumping of executed corpses" and "Auschwitz-style furnaces". Not a single body was found: no teeth, no remains.
Last November, the Wall Street Journal published the results of its own investigation and dismissed "the mass-grave obsession". Instead of "the huge killing fields some investigators were led to expect ... the pattern is of scattered killings [mostly] in areas where the separatist Kosovo Liberation Army had been active". The Journal concluded that "Nato stepped up its claims about Serb 'killing fields"' when it "saw a fatigued press corps drifting toward the contrarian story: civilians killed by Nato's bombs". This propaganda, said the newspaper, could be traced back to the KLA; many of the most lurid and prominently published atrocity reports attributed to refugees and other sources were untrue. "The war in Kosovo was cruel, bitter, savage," said the paper. "Genocide it wasn't." Such honesty was rare.
Nato bombed, according to George Robertson, the then defence secretary, "to prevent a humanitarian catastrophe" of mass expulsion and killing. In December, the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe, whose monitors were in Kosovo until just before the bombing, released its report on the war. This received almost no publicity in Britain. It confirmed that most of the crimes against the Albanian population had taken place after the bombing began: that is, they were not a cause but a consequence of the Nato campaign.
Western gravediggers have found a total of 2,788 bodies, and not all of them war crimes victims. On 7 June this year, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) published a list of 3,368 missing persons whose names had been given to it by families from all communities in Kosovo, spanning January 1998 to mid-May this year. The ICRC says that a substantial number could be alive, among refugees scattered throughout Europe.
What is now beyond doubt is that the figures used by London and Washington, and by much of the media, were ludicrous inventions. The killings in Kosovo were despicable and tragic, but to equate them with genocide and the Holocaust is to mock the truth with profanity. With the exception of the Guardian, almost none of this has been reported in Britain. The Red Cross report was virtually ignored in this country. This is understandable; among the journalists who swallowed Nato's and their government's lies were the truly committed and triumphant, who wrote that "when the mass graves are opened, the opponents of this humanitarian war should apologise".
The defenceless population upon whom Nato's bombs rained down night after night, the 400 to 600 who died, blown up in crowded passenger trains and buses, in factories, television stations, libraries, old people's homes, schools and 18 hospitals, many cut to pieces by the RAF's thousands of "unaccounted for" cluster bombs which fragment into shrapnel, require an apology from the propagandists; because, as Nato's planners never tired of saying at their post-bombing seminars, without journalists "on board", they could never have pulled it off.
Robert Fisk, Britain's greatest war reporter, has called them sheep, gulled by professional manipulators. Take the bombing of the Belgrade TV headquarters and the murder of staff such as make-up ladies. Amnesty International, in a rare departure, called this "a deliberate attack on a civilian object, and as such constitutes a war crime". Shortly before the bombing, the Nato mouthpiece Jamie Shea had given a written assurance that the TV building would not be attacked.
With the media on board, Nato could go forth. At one "private preliminary review by Nato experts" of the bombing (reported in the Daily Telegraph), it was agreed that "any future operation by Nato is likelier to involve heavier, more ruthless attacks on civilian targets ..."
Having taken sides in what was a bitter but low-level civil war on the scale of Ireland in the 1970s, and having deliberately blocked a peaceful solution at the phoney Rambouillet "talks", Nato was able to finish off the west's "strategic concept" of destroying Yugoslavia - without recourse to the United Nations or international law. It was all based on a marriage of lies, thanks largely to those journalists who acted as the handmaidens of great and murderous power.
Kosovo is today, more than ever, a terror state, run by Mafia-style criminals with links to the KLA: the people who last year could call Robin Cook directly on their mobile phones.
More than 200,000 Serbs and Roma have since been driven out, with few headlines here. The Americans have built one of their biggest military bases in the world, Camp Bondsteel, which achieves a long-held strategic aim of Washington to straddle the Balkan transit routes. Stand by for their next humanitarian adventure.
COPYRIGHT 2000 New Statesman, Ltd.
COPYRIGHT 2000 Gale Group
Pusite mi kurac svi zajedno u paketu, a posebno ti prince da mi se napusis!!
Chronology of the KLA's Terrorism 1996-98 Before "Yugoslav Represion" on Kosovo)
1996
April 22: Blagoje Okulic, a Serb refugee from Croatia, was sitting with
a friend in a cafe when a masked member of the KLA opened fire
on the customers with an automatic weapon. Okulic died in
hospital. He was the first victim of the KLA.
Armand Daci (20), an ethnic Albanian student in dentistry
school, was shot and killed by a sniper.
June 16: In an attack against a police patrol near Podujevo, police
officer Goran Mitrovic was heavily wounded.
June 17: Around 11:55 p.m. a police patrol in the village of Siplje
near Kosovska Mitrovica was attacked, resulting in the killing
of Predrag Djordjevic (28) from Krusevac, and the wounding of
Zoran Vukocic (30) from Nis.
The same day a bomb was hurled at the police station in Luzani,
and the police officers on duty in the station were fired on by
automatic weapons. No one was injured.
July 11: One hour after midnight in the center of Podujevo terrorists
carried out an armed attack against police officers, resulting
in a heavy wounding of police officer Sredoje Radojevic.
Aug. 2: Armed attack on three police stations (in Pristina, Podujevo,
and the village of Krpimej) around 10 p.m.
Aug. 28: Three bombs were hurled in the village of Celopek (border of the
towns Pec-Klina-Decani), around 3 a.m. No one was injured.
In the village of Donje Ljupce police inspector Ejup Bajgora (44),
an ethnic Albanian who worked at the Pristina Precinct,
was shot and killed.
Aug. 31: In the night hours two bombs were hurled into the courtyard
of the Yugoslav Army's barracks in Vucitrn.
In the village of Rudnik (Srbica municipality) an armed attack
was carried out on the police station.
In Podujevo, police officers at the juncture of the road
Pristina-Podujevo-Kursumlija were fired on. No one was hit.
The police station in Glogovac was fired on with automatic weapons.
Oct. 25: Two police officers were killed by automatic weapons near the
village of Surkis in the Podujevo municipality -- Milos Nikolic,
a police inspector of the Pristina Precinct, and Dragan Rakic
from the village of Velika Reka, who was a police officer in the
reserves and a manager of a company in Podujevo.
Nov. 16: In the village of Rznic, in Decan municipality, around 10:30 p.m.
a terrorist attack was carried out on the police station. No one
was killed.
Dec. 26: Faik Belopolja, an ethnic Albanian from Podujevo who was a
forest worker in the Serbia Forest Service, was shot and killed.
1997
Jan. 9: In the center of Podujevo at 5:30 p.m. Malic Saholi (52), an
ethnic Albanian who was the manager of the superamarket "Vocar"
and a deputy in the municipal council of Podujevo as a member of
the Socialist Party of Serbia, was shot and killed.
Jan. 11: In the Vucitrn village of Mijalic, around 7 p.m. more than
26 bullets were fired at the house of Ljubisa Mitrovic. No one
was killed.
Jan. 13: Shooting Fazil Hasani, an ethnic Albanian forest worker from the
village of Brabonic (Srbica municipality) in the neck, KLO
terrorists killed him and issued a statement denouncing
Mr. Hasani as a "traitor".
Jan. 16: Using remote-controlled explosives, the KLO attempted to
assassinate the Dean of Pristina University, Mr. Papovic,
at 8 a.m. as he was driving to the University. Both he and
his driver Nikola Lalic were heavily wounded. The explosives
were set off when their car was some 50 meters from Dean Papovic's
apartment in Pristina.
Jan. 17: In the village of Reketnica (Srbica municipality), at 1 a.m.,
ethnic Albanian Zen Durmisi (52) was shot and killed and his
son Nazmi Durmisi was heavily wounded. The Durmisi family was
labeled "pro-Yugoslav" by the terrorist KLA.
Feb. 1: KLA terrorists from a moving vehicle fired on police officers.
The officers fired back and killed all three terrorists.
March 5: At 10:47 a.m., in front of the Pristina University School of
Languages, a bomb in a container exploded. Four people were
wounded, two ethnic Albanians -- Adrijana Dremka and Lindita
Maksuti -- and two ethnic Serbs, Borivoje Popovic and Ivan
Maksimovic.
A second explosives device weighing 4.2 kilograms, which had
been placed at the base of the Vuk Karadzic monument in front of
the School of Languages, was found and deactivated by
members of the Anti-Ballistics Unit of the Pristina Precinct.
March 21: Around 8 p.m., in the center of Podujevo, KLA terrorists fired
five shots at police officer Branislav Milovanovic, wounding
him heavily. In a statement, the KLA claimed responsibility
denouncing officer Milovanovic as a "Serbian policeman, well
known blood-sucker and anti-Albanian".
March 25: Near the village Sicevo, Klin municipality, a group of attackers
killed ethnic Albanians Jusuf Haljiljaj and Fehmi Haziraj (who
were well known as loyal citizens of Serbia) and wounded
ethnic Albanian Mehmet Gasi.
April 10: In the village of Banjica near Glogovac, using automatic
firearms, KLA terrorists killed ethnic Albanian Ramiz Ljeka,
who worked at the Glogovac Municipal Council.
May 6: Around 10:30 p.m. in the village of Lozica near Klina, ethnic
Albanian Hetem Dobruna (30), a farmer from the village, was
shot and killed.
May 16: In Srbica near Kosovska Mitrovica police officers Miomir Kicovic
and Radisav Blanic were shot and heavily wounded.
June 19: On the Pristina-Podujevo-Nis road near the village of Donje Ljupce
in the Podujevo municipality, terrorists fired 12 bullets
from automatic weapons at a police patrol. No one was injured.
July 3: In the village of Trstenik, Glogovac municipality, in the early
morning hours the KLA shot and killed ethnic Albanian Ali Calapek,
a farmer who was a member of the Socialist Party of Serbia and a
member of the local Election Commission in the 1996 elections.
July 21: The Assistant District Attorney in Pec, Miroljub Petrovic, was
shot and killed.
Aug. 3: A police vehicle was fired on at 7 p.m., in the village of
Bradis which is 10 kilometers from Podujevo.
Aug. 4: At 9:30 a.m., on the road from the village of Rudnik to Srbica,
KLO terrorists from Drenica fired on a police vehicle using
automatic weapons. Police officers Milomir Dodic and Zoran
Boskovic were heavily wounded, and a civilian who was in the
car was lightly wounded.
Aug. 23: Forest worker Sadi Morina, an ethnic Albanian, was killed in
Srbica. Mr. Morina had already been receiving threats from KLO
terrorists for a long time because he remained to work
"in the service of Serbia".
Aug. 24: In the village of Zub near Djakovica an ethnic Albanian,
Kcira Ndue (32), was shot and killed, while his brother
Bekim Ndue was wounded.
The police station in the village of Rznic near Decani was
sprayed with gunfire.
Sept. 2: At 10:55 p.m. Ljimon Krasnici, an ethnic Albanian denounced
by the KLA terrorists as a "traitor", was killed in his home.
Sept. 12: A dozen attacks were carried out on police stations
in the municipalities of Pec, Glogovac, Decani, and Djakovica
around 11 p.m. No one was injured.
Sept. 13: Around 10 p.m. a hand grenade was hurled at the police
station in Luzano, near Podujevo.
Sept. 14: A hand grenade was hurled at the police station in Kijevo,
near Klina.
Sept. 23: Around 11 a.m. in the vicinity of the village of Kijevo,
the KLA opened fire on a motorized police patrol. Milan
Stanojevic, the commander of the Djakovica Precinct, was in
the vehicle. No one was injured.
Oct. 13: The police station in Calopek near Pec was attacked.
Oct. 16: Around 1:30 a.m. there was a terrorist attack on the police
station in the village of Klincina, which lies on the road
Pec-Pristina. Adrijan Krasnici (25) from Vranovci near Pec
died in the ensuing gun battle.
Oct. 17: Around 1 a.m. the residential community Babaloc, located between
Decani and Djakovica, where 120 Serbian refugee families who
fled from Albania several years ago are situtated, was attacked.
Oct. 20: The OVK claimed responsibility for attacks on police stations in
Babaloc, Calopek, and Klincina, as well as police patrols in
Gerlica near Urosevac and Balinac near Klina, about which the
public had not been informed earlier.
Nov. 18: Around 7 p.m. in the village of Komoran near Glogovac,
Camil Gasi, an ethnic Albanian deputy in the Parliament of the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the chairman of the
Municipal Board of the Socialist Party of Serbia for Glogovac,
was wounded heavily. His driver was wounded as well.
Nov. 25: KLA terrorists held the police station in Srbica surrounded
for 15 hours.
Around 7 p.m. in Decani, and after midnight in the village of
Rznic, two terrorist attacks were carried out in which police
officer Dragic Davidovic (32) from Berane was killed, and
Ljubisa Ilic from Srbica, also a policeman, was heavily wounded.
Bojan Trboljevac from Leposavic, Srdjan Pavlovic (26) from
Zubin Potok, and Nedeljko Aksentijevic (30) from Kragujevac all
subsequently died from mortal wounds.
Dec. 4: The KLA claimed responsibility for an attack on Pristina Airport,
claiming that it shot down a "Cessna 310" on Nov. 26 killing all
five people on-board.
Dec. 15: Around 1 a.m. on the road Srbica-Klina three masked KLO terrorists
stopped a convoy of three cars with 16 Serbian civilian passangers.
According to the civilians' testimonies, the terrorists -- who
were armed with machine-guns and hand grenades -- threatened
them with death.
Dec. 19: Around 6 p.m. on the road Klina-Srbica, near the village of
Josanica, eight masked and heavily armed KLA terrorists stopped
the car of the civilian Milan Sapic from Lazarevac
threatening, insulting, and searching his family and him.
Dec. 25: Two terrorist attacks were carried out shortly after 3 p.m.
against police officers in the Podujevo municipality: In the
village of Zakut a police vehicle was fired on, and in the
center of Podujevo explosives devices were hurled at the
residential building where police officers live. There were no
victims.
1998
Jan. 4: The KLA claimed responsibility for a series of terrorist
activities in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia:
planting a bomb in front of the police station in Prilep,
which caused no injuries but demolished five cars;
attacking the police station in Kumanovo; and attacking
the Municipal Court in Gostivar on Dec. 16, '97.
Jan. 9: Shortly after 8 p.m., Djordje Belic (57) was shot and killed
with an automatic weapon at the doorstep of his house in the
village of Stepanica near Kijevo. Belic was the head of one of
the three remaining Serbian households in that village.
Jan. 12: In the town of Stimlje near Urosevac, shortly after midnight on
the night of Jan. 11/12, there was an armed attack on the
building in which seven families of police officers reside.
The shots ended up in the bedrooms of some of their apartments.
Miraculously, there were no victims.
Around 8 a.m., in the vicinity of the village Gradac near
Glogovac in Drenica, forest worker Sejdi Muja, an ethnic
Albanian, was shot and killed. He and another Albanian had been
stopped by a masked and armed three-member group of KLA
terrorists, and after checking his ID card established that
Muja was on their list of "traitors". They dragged him out of
the car and shot him, leaving his body by the road. He was a
"traitor" just because he worked in the Serbia Forest Service.
Jan. 13: The KLA issued a statement stating that its headquarters was in
Pristina. It also claimed responsibility for a series of terrorist
actions carried out in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia:
an attack on the Municipal Court in Gostovar and the police
stations in Prilep and Kumanovo. It announced that it would
expand its actions into Montenegro.
Jan. 14: The headquarters of the Socialist Party of Serbia for Djakovica
were stoned overnight, Jan. 13/14. All windows were broken.
These were greetings for the "Serbian New Year" which is marked
on Jan. 14.
Jan. 19: In Srbica all graves at the Serbian Orthodox Cemetary were
desecrated and vandalized. The monuments at the graves were
completely destroyed.
Jan. 22: After a KLA patrol had been stopping, harassing, and threatening
citizens with death in the Srbica municipality the previous night,
there was a confrontation between that patrol and a patrol of
police officers. While chasing the KLA terrorists, who barricaded
themselves in the house of Saban Jasari in the village of
Donji Prekaz near Srbica, police officers killed the terrorist
Hasan Mandzol and lightly wounded two Jasari brothers.
A three-member KLA group kidnapped the taxi driver Metus Skodru,
an ethnic Albanian, and then took his cab, an Audi 90. They told
him he could buy his cab back if he showed up at a designated
place at a designated time, under the threat that he would be
killed if he called the police.
Jan. 23: On the night of Jan. 22/23, on the road Srbica-Klina near the
village of Josanica, Desimir Vasic, a deputy in the Municipal
Assembly of Zvecan was shot and killed.
On the same road, the same night, near the village Lausa
Blagoje Nikolivc from the village of Drsnik near Klina was
severely beaten until he became unconscious.
During the same night, KLA terrorists stopped, harassed, and
threatened with death a group of Serbian women heading to
Monastery Devic.
Jan. 25: On the night of Jan. 24/25, in the town of Malisevo, in the
very center KLA terrorists heavily wounded two police officers.
During the same night, KLA terrorists attacked the house of the
Djuricic family in the village of Grabanica, near Klina in Drenica.
Terrorists hurled a bomb at the house of a police officer in
Urosevac.
Jan. 26: In the vicinity of the village of Turicevac, which is located
between Klina and Srbica, KLA terrorists opened fire using
automatic weapons on a helicopter belonging to Serbia's
Ministry of Internal Affairs.
Jan. 27: Again in the vicinity of Turicevac, an armed terrorist group
stopped Veroslav Vukojcic from Leposavic and his neighbors
Radmila and Zvezdana Vukajlovic. They beat them severely. The
victimis paid the terrorists to let them go -- Vukojvcic paid
500 German marks, and Vukajlovic paid 850 marks.
Jan. 28: A police patrol which was on its way to Decani to confiscate
illegal weapons from the family Tahirsuljaja fell into a
trap and was greeted with heavy gunfire from several houses.
Nevertheless, the officers managed to arrest seven members of
the Tahirsuljaja clan.
That evening, KLA terrorists fired at the house of
Dragoljub Spasic in the village of Sibovac near Obilic.
Feb. 10: A group of KLA terrorists appeared at a fundraising event for
the KLA in New York City. They received funding from over 150
Albanians attending the event. On that occasion, the KLA
terrorists proclaimed that they had killed 50 Serbian police
officers and "corrupt" Albanians in 1997.
Feb. 12: In Gornji Obrinj, in front of the village convenience store,
Mustafa Kurtaj, an ethnic Albanian who worked at the post
office in Glogovac, was shot and killed. He was shot in
broad daylight, in front of twenty onlookers, as a warning
to others. Prior to this, he had been repeatedly warned by
KLA terrorists that they would kill him unless he quit his
job at the state-run post office.
Feb. 15: Nik Abdulahu, an ethnic Albanian employee of the Serbia Electric
Utility, was shot and killed while at work, at the electricity
substation in the village of Staro Cikatovo near Glogovac.
Feb. 18: In the night between Feb. 17/18, KLA terrorists collected
firearms from ethnic Albanians in Drenica, for whom they
suspected that they did not support their cause. Those who did
not turn over their weapons were given a deadline to do so,
"othewise," they were told, "you will be shot".
The police checkpoint near the village Dobre Vode in the
Klina municipality was attacked with automatic weapons.
Feb. 19: While returning from work, an employee of the state security
service of Pristina Nebojsa Cvejic was shot and killed near the
village of Luzani.
In Podujevo, KLA terrorists hurled bombs at a refugee center
housing Serbian civilians who were "ethnically cleansed" from
Croatia.
Feb. 20: On the road Srbica-Klina, near the village of Lausi, KLA
terrorists shot and killed Milorad Ristic, a private
entrepreneur from Djakovica, and heavily wounded truck driver
Zdravko Djuricic from Orahovac.
On the same day, on the same road, near the village of Josanica
KLA terrorists opened fire on another truck, which was being
driven by an ethnic Serb. However, an ethnic Albanian hitchhiker
from the village of Lausi, who was sitting in the passenger seat
and whom the driver had picked up in Klina, was killed by the
KLA terrorists' gunfire.
That evening, on the road Klina-Djakovica, KLA terrorists set up
a roadblock where they beat up police officer Milenko Kandic.
Feb. 22: Ali Raci, an ethnic Albanian working at a Serbian-owned
agriculture company, was shot and killed in the village of
Dobre Vode at the entrance of the agriculture company. He had
refused to give in to the KLA's earlier warnings and blackmail
that he quit his job.
Feb. 26: Using hand grenades and automatic weapons, terrorists attacked
Serbian refugees from Albania housed in the refugee camp Babaloc
(located on the road Decani-Djakovica) for the third time.
Feb. 27: KLA terrorists attacked the houses in Srbica where Serbian
refugees from Croatia are temporarily housed.
At Monastery Devic, KLA terrorists harassed the head nun for
30 minutes. They ordered her to tell the police that they will
all be killed.
A KLA warehouse containing 12 kilograms of explosives with clocks,
several trunks of shells, and over 120 rocket launchers was
discovered in Prizren. Several terrorists were arrested.
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there's no FUCKING way Kosovo will ever be albanian. Dream on assholes.
KOSOVO IS SERBIA....I WILL COME TO LIPLJAN 27.1 TO PROVE THAT KOSOVO IS HEART OF SERBIA...HELOO FROM BELGRADE...
SLOBODAN VELIMIROVIC
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