Wednesday, May 11, 2005

Turkey welcomes Serbia-Montenegro-Albania talks on Kosovo

Bucharest, 11 May: Turkish Foreign Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Abdullah Gul welcomed on Wednesday [11 May] resumption of dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina over the issue of Kosovo.

Speaking at the summit of the Southeast European Countries Cooperation Process (SECCP) in Romanian capital Bucharest, Gul stressed that any decision about final status of Kosovo should be acceptable by all relevant parties.

"Such a decision should assure a fair representation of all ethnic groups both in central and local government units," he said.

Gul kept on saying: "We welcome resumption of dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina over the issue of Kosovo. I believe that extension of dialogue will have a positive impact on efforts to find a solution."

Emphasizing that the region should keep working till peace and stability were ensured and integration with the European-Atlantic institutions were fully completed, Gul highlighted importance of support and assistance of the international community to the region.

"Despite many positive political developments in the region, problems such as organized crime, human smuggling, unregistered economy, unemployment, deficient infrastructure and corruption have still been continuing. We believe that the sides should expend more efforts to deal with them," he said.

Gul indicated that integration of all countries in the region with NATO would constitute a key element in ensuring security in Southeastern Europe.

Stressing that terrorism jeopardized regional stability and peace, Gul underlined importance of a powerful and comprehensive cooperation in fight against terrorism.

"Turkey will continue supporting all efforts to secure peace, stability and prosperity in the region," Gul added.

Source: Anatolia news agency, Ankara, in English 1218 gmt 11 May 05


E. Krasniqi said...

There is no resumption of talks, dialogue between Pristina and Belgrade authorities.

Anonymous said...

This title is misleading! There can be no talks held between S&M and Albania on Kosovo. Albania may support its ethnic kin in Kosovo, but has already declared the solution has to be reached between Kosovars and Serbia.

Anonymous said...

Of course Albania can represent Albanians. Kosovars are Albanians who came to live in Serbian Province of Kosovo.

Anonymous said...

Serbs colonised Kosova. We've always been there and were there even before the Greeks showed up, never forget that. U got no claims whatsoever.

Anonymous said...

Thank goodness God will decide in the end who lives in Kosovo. Obviously by destroying churches and other holy places in Kosovo and persecuting non-Albanians means going against God. Everything achieved by evil means is only temporary. A land belongs to the meek for they shall inherit the earth.

Anonymous said...

And if I told you that God is with Albanians for he sent NATO to "talk" to Serbs, or that he has kept this nation undestroyed for a few milleniums, would you agree?

Everytime these Churches come up its clear that there is nothing else on the face of this planet Serbs can grab on to. Let's face it, those Churches have been there for hundreds of years among those same Albanians and yet they were not destroyed. March happened, and it is an embaressing thing, but hope you noticed that there aren't hundreds of mass graves (like the ones Serbs produced), and there is no Serbian-style-artwork of murders...

God decided already, and the decision is Just, and its that Kosova will be independent, which means safe from barbaric influence of Serbia.

Anonymous said...

What would God say if he read the plans of Sesejl for Albanian Kosovars when he was in the Serb government. If you want to be reminded tell me I can post them here and let God judge if these plans are not diabolic.

Anonymous said...

Please post them, let the English speaking world understand and know the dangers of The Serb.

Anonymous said...

Here is the plan for the anihilation of the Albanians in Kosova.

It is long and thorough. After it, u have the link of a similar plan presented in 1937 in Blegrade. State organized genocide.


Deputy Prime Minister Voislav Seselj Makes It Chillingly Clear

Voislav Seselj, Serb deputy prime minister and leader of the Radical Party of Serbia, outlined this plan for the ethnic cleansing of Kosova in October 1995. It bears a close resemblance to what is happening there today. To ethnic cleansing, forced depopulation and confiscation of land, he adds suggestions for mobilizing Serb parmilitaries, psychological warfare and the elimination of Albanian leaders through bogus scandals, staged traffic accidents and the AIDS virus.

One thousand years ago, the cornerstone of Serb statehood, of its national consciousness and culture, was created in Kosova and Metohija. Ever since, no other legal state has existed in Kosova and Metohija. Of all the peoples living and working in these territories throughout this time, the roots of the Serb people are the deepest and most extensive. One cannot imagine a Serb state without Kosova and Metohija. Therefore, keeping Kosova and Metohija as an integral part of Serbia is as important as keeping the Serbian nation alive.

The migration of Serbs and the abandonment of their ancestral homes in Kosova and Metohija became the destiny of the Serb people. Ottoman rule and the atrocities of Islamized Albanians who settled there subsequently brought about conditions under which life for Serbs was impossible. People had no other choice but run as far away as they could in order save their children; run away without looking back, to abandon homes, property, the cemeteries of their grandfathers; to seek safety in Serbia or elsewhere. The migration of Serbs from Kosova and Metohija occurred between the two world wars, while the settling of Serb volunteers there -- warriors first and foremost -- maintained to some extent the Serb presence here. Regrettably, this only lasted till World War II, when, first the occupying fascists, and then the Communists resumed the driving out of Serbs and settling a great number of emigrants from Albania. During the period of time 1944-45, the Communist regime prevented the expelled Serbs from coming back and repossessing their homes, acknowledging as a fait accompli the remodeling of the ethnic structure of the region. At the same time, the Albanians were rewarded with autonomy in Kosova and Metohija which was to serve them later as a foundation for their secessionist policies. The effects of such an anti-Serb policy resulting in a great number of Serbs leaving Kosova and Metohija. Albanian usurped hundreds of hectares of both state- and Serbs-owned private land, whereas monasteries, cemeteries and other sacred places of the Serbs became subject to systematic devastation. In the late 1980s, in a bid to hold onto power, the Communist regime in Serbia announced that it would pursue a just national policy and set out to solve the Kosova and Metohija issue. Serbs were misled by the emendation of the Serb constitution, by which the decision-making authority was given back to the Parliament. On paper, Serbia became a unified state, while promises of the Serb president paved the way for the return of Serbs to Kosova and Metohija. That was an historic opportunity which the current Serbian regime failed to fulfill. The policy the Belgrade regime has been pursuing vis-a-vis Kosova and Metohija is motivated chiefly by sheer political considerations, failing thus to address the real interests of the Serb people. With the consent and pressure of international community, the regime has quietly allowed the secessionist movement of Albanians to get stronger, create de facto a parastate called the Republic of Kosova and internationalize the Kosova issue.

Once the Yugoslav federation crisis is settled, it becomes very much clear that the Serb issue must be by all means resolved through the unification of all Serb territories into a single state.

Aware of the alarming situation in Kosova and Metohija, which is deteriorating at breakneck speed; bearing in mind the treachery the Serb regime has committed against its fellow nationals in Republika Srpska and the Serb Republic of Krajina, one can easily expect the same thing to happen to Serbs in Kosova and Metohija. Distressed by statements of foreign officials who maintain that the issues of Kosova and Metohija, Raska province (Sandjak) and Vojvodina should be solved within the frameworks of the crisis in Yugoslavia; being aware that the national consciousness and the future of the Serb people is unimaginable without Kosova and Metohija as an unalienable part of the Serb state; convinced that the president of Serbia, Slobodan Milosevic, has created a blueprint for a treachery against sacred Serb land to deliver it to Albanian secessionists, we are hereby stating the following goals of Serb national policy in Kosova and Metohija, and the necessary measures for accomplishing such goals and crushing by all means the secessionist insurrection of Albanians in Kosova and Metohija. In order to thwart the effects of this insurrection, we are committed to see the following issues settled urgently:

Reorganization of the state

To reorganize the state and change the current federation and territorial autonomies because these autonomies have proven to be fatal to the Serb people. The best solution would be to design a single state that would include in it the Serb Republic of Krajina, the Republika Srpska, the Republic of Serbia and Republic of Montenegro.

The Serb state would have one president, a single parliament, a single government, while regions would be mediators between the local administrations and the the central government.

The Serb state should be a national and democratic state of Serbs and citizens and other ethnic groups, to whom all individual, civil and civic rights would be guaranteed.

The abolition of the existing autonomy of Kosova and Metohija -- by which a fatal disparity was created in Serbia and provided for the Albanians a basis to demand secession -- is the core element in accomplishing the Serb national issue.

The Serb people now carrying out a demanding struggle for the unification of all Serb lands must consider as its foremost priority the keeping of all territories within Serb borders. The complete inclusion of Kosova and Metohija into a unique Serb state is an internal matter, and it must be resolved as such and without outside arbitration by the so-called international community. A settlement of the status of Kosova and Metohija as an integral part of the Serb state as well as a settlement of all other issues related to realization of a modern and democratic state of law can only be achieved by creating a new constitution. The constitution can be promulgated by a constitution-making parliament elected in a direct ballot by all the people in the country.

The national policy toward Kosova and Metohija cannot be achieved without having it discussed by the appropriate bodies of parliament and without the consent of the legitimate representatives of the Serb people in Kosova and Metohija.

Taking into account the fact that a considerable number of national minorities live in Serbia, they would, in conformity with international standards, enjoy all individual and collective rights, i.e., the right to using their languages in judicial matters, the right to be educated in their own languages, the right to their religious services, cultural activities and so forth. However, a complementary requisite for enjoying such rights must be their obligation to show loyalty to the state of which they are citizens.

Revision of the citizen registers and citizen rights on the basis of the 1991 census

It is very necessary that the federal parliament urgently adopts the law on citizenship. The law would define the number Albanian immigrants and their predecessors, who have in an illegal way over the period 1941-1987 acquired property and other estates no one could ever achieve in any other country. There are around 400,000 such foreigners in Yugoslavia today, Such a law would prevent them from living any longer in our state. Similar standards should be applied to all citizens of the seceded republics, unless they are of Serb nationality, and to all minorities who refuse to accept citizenship in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Some 400,000 refugees from seceded Yugoslav republics could be settled in their stead, a legitimate act of the regime. Two rules should be applied in eliminating the immigrants: those who have been proven to be extremists will be immediately expelled, while others must possess the proper documents, the most important being the citizenship certificate, something none of them of course has. This 'fatherland certificate' must have on its cover page the Serb coat of arms: the white double-headed eagle of the Nemanjics, and the crest with four Cyrillic Ss. The failure to possess this paper would be the basis for expulsion. The repatriation of Albanians temporarily working in foreign countries must be prevented, especially those who left during the 1990-1993 period (it is estimated that they number some 300,000). Employment should be denied to people of certain vocations which would compell them to leave the country. Albanians are in this respect very adept -- on the one hand because they have supporters in many countries, and on the other it fits their mentality to live in other countries. Such measures would first and foremost affect the educated portion of their population, so that the rest could be easily manipulated and not be able to organize resistance.

Revision of land ownership laws

In regard to revising ownership status a special law should be promulgated by which all Albanian-owned land and other wealth will be given back to Serbs and the Serb Orthodox Church in Kosova and Metohija. The church used to be in possession of large estates and it maintained welfare activities with the local population. By enlarging its land and estate, the monasteries could in an optimal manner perform their religious, cultural and national mission. They could also help the Serb people meet and prevent their further migration.

In the events that took place in the second half of 20th century, it was only the Serb priests who did not move from Kosova. So, owing to their patriotism and their right to inheritance, they deserve large estates. The land that was sold to Albanians or has in one way or another ended up in the hands of Albanians, especially over the period 1966-1987 (during the Communist and Ballist [Albanian National Front] rule), as well as estates acquired by Fascists during World War II, should be given back to their Serb owners or/and their successors. This could be carried out easily because Albanians in most of the cases have not built new houses but have only knocked down those existing ones so that Serbs could not have a place to go if they decided to return. Albanians have done this because they feared that the situation might change and their illegal appropriation of estates could not last forever.

During the socialist [Communist] reign, agricultural cooperatives and collectives were exclusively established on the estates and in the villages of Serbs, thus there is a serious need for reprivatization to give those estates back to their previous owners under the condition that they live on them. If not, the land should be offered to new owners. There is plenty of state-owned land that can be either allocated or sold to Serbs coming from outside Kosova and Metohija. The land must be allocated to private owners, for the state has not handled it properly. In addition, the land of agricultural cooperatives is adequate for settling on it significant numbers of colonists, who, by living there, could be more capable of developing welfare, social, defense and other activities. There is plenty of such land all over Kosova and Metohija. It is very easy to concentrate on such lands Serbs who could maintain close cooperation with other such centers to provide assistance in development. The establishment of chains of such settlements is achievable in the regions of Decan, Prizren and Suhareka, where, by expelling the Albanians, a strong defense barricade against Albania could be secured.

Changing the ethnic structure of the population

The colonization of Kosova and Metohija should be carried out quickly and conclusively. Through political propaganda, colonists could be portrayed as Serbs populating Serb land and it is all the same which part of the country they live in as long as they live in their own land. These Serbs should also be supplied with equipment and long-term loans so they can cultivate the land they are granted which would make them stay there.

Most of the Croats from Janjeva and Letnica [two Kosova regions where some Croats lived and still do], guided by ethno-centrism, left for Croatia without any pressure whatsoever. Their property has been either sold to Albanians or was plundered by Albanians from adjacent regions. Serb refugees from Croatia should be settled in those homes and estates.

Besides confiscating the land from Albanians which they illegally expropriated, all those who have pillaged the wealth and have occupied Serb territories must must pay the consequences pursuant to the Law on Banning the Repatriation of Serbs in Kosova and Metohija.

The Law on Prohibition of Selling Estates should be fully respected and all efforts should be made to have its provisions fully and properly implemented. To this end, the foremost responsibility goes to the current Ministry of Finances (Treasury) of the Republic of Serbia, which has in fact mostly not enforced that law. Ethnic expansion of Albanians onto Serb state- or privately owned land must be foiled by all means possible.

All Albanians who are not citizens -- something can be easily proved with a census -- should be fired from their jobs. All the Albanians who wish to leave will be given passports. Albanians of Yugoslav citizenship living abroad and/or involved in secessionist activities must lose their citizenship.

Taking into account the current ethnic distribution (with only a few rural Serb enclaves and over 700 purely Albanian centers, while the few Serbs in owns have been virtually suppressed by the Albanians, we consider that the colonization should be carried out in an organized fashion, through establishing of new villages, settlements, small towns or new neighborhoods in existing towns). Such places should be of a closed type with an inner form of organization, i.e., medical services, entertainment, cultural activities, etc.

In this way people can be divided along ethnic lines, while the minority Serb population in mixed neighborhoods in the towns would gradually move to the newly established enclaves, an idea which requires both support and motivation. In order to have the Serb enclaves protected, an Albanian population of 5 to 10 per cent should be installed there (a selection of distinguished families and those with authority).

Highways should be constructed (up to 1 kilometer apart -- in a process that can be called "terrain configuration -- to cleanse a wide belt through Albanian enclaves and near other sites like military barracks, polygons, depots, etc. Near such highways the land and space must be allocated to Serb colonists, which would result in thinning the Albanian population of the territories, one element that provides a feeling of security for Albanians. These moves would create a "leopard spot" pattern of Serb enclaves that would grow and eventually become larger than the Albanian enclaves.

Conquering territories in this way is more efficient than "planting" individuals in Albanian communities, for it does not raise ownership issues. The first method provides far more security for colonists, while the second is a more lasting process. The Serb enclaves would chiefly depend on state supplies and a small number of Serb-owned private firms, while Albanian areas would be supported mainly through private firms, which could be allowed to operate. The state could help private firms that don't operate efficiently. Further, electricity and water supplies to the Albanian enclaves can be disrupted to make their lives unbearable.

All this will be aimed not only at having the Albanian population divided but utterly isolated too. But if the Serbs find the neighboring enclaves of Albanians attractive (with privately owned shops, entertainment etc.), these can be eliminated by prompting incidents in those enclaves, such as beatings and violence. The fundamental prerequisite to efficiently control the flow of goods and capital is to prevent corruption in Kosova and Metohija and Serbia proper, for one has to bear in mind that Albanians are very good at cheating and bribing others.

To prevent the flow of large amounts of capital through illegal routes - money should be strictly controlled by a well-organized banking system, frequent interventions of the fiscal police, rigid control of transportation and roads, attention to any kind of major change in the market, customs procedure and trade with dealers from abroad, financing political organizations, etc. All necessary measures should be taken to thwart the functioning of the Albanian private sector through permanent restriction of their activities, which could in turn result in maintaining rigid control over the funds of their political parties. Contacts with private firms and companies in Serbia must be prevented so Albanian capital cannot have a monopoly in Serbia.

Through adequate legislation and efficient taxing policies, large amounts of money could be collected and used in financing programs like colonization .

Paramount attention must be paid to drugs trafficking. If one Albanian is caught in such an activity, that must be used as a pretext to stalk and punish large groups of them. Such cases would discredit important personalities in the eyes of the Western world. This is a particularly sensitive issue for them because Albanians are already considered the main traffickers of drugs in the world.

Rigorous measures should be undertaken against Albanian smugglers -- especially in tobacco.

All this can result in serious social tensions if one bears in mind the fact that most of the Albanian population earns its living from selling things on the streets and by smuggling, practices which inevitably results in increase of criminal/illegal activities. However, we consider that through a strong and efficient police force, it is quite easy to make people seek refuge abroad. All steps should be undertaken so the capital of Albanians be channeled through Macedonia and Albania. The issuing of papers from state authorities (besides the seizure of passports) has to be as complicated as possible, with all those who fail to possess proper papers to be oppressively fined.

Albanians like to stick to their tribal procedures in solving disputes and hate administrative intervention in the walks of life they consider important to them. Such legislation should be adopted which would force Albanians to ask for permission to even possess a cow. To promote such regulations will persuade them to go abroad, and then face serious impediments at the borders when attempting to come back. As for Serb enclaves the procedure should be less complicated, while in the cities where services are common to the whole community, like the Ministry of Interior, citizens of different nationalities should be treated in different ways.

These procedures will undoubtedly result in dissatisfaction in their community which will be a precondition for a broad readiness for involvement in various organizations, including terrorist ones. Therefore, individuals from the state security must be "infiltrated" by agents who could pretend to press for establishing such underground or/and hostile organizations, or even become the leaders of such groupings. Such ruses could be exploited by the state as a pretext to undertake uncompromising actions against all their organizations which would result in inter-ethnic tensions and a further ruptures in their parallel life. To this end, more and more such groups are needed, while the police would now and then destroy one of them, which could then be allowed to consolidate again and look like genuine and "bona fide" organizations. Political parties of Albanians should be created through specific legislation and at the same time scandals should be created to discredit them. This could discredit their leaders in eyes of the domestic and foreign public opinion, a particularly sensitive consideration for Albanians.

Distinguished individuals who play important roles in their political life should be eliminated through scandals or by staging traffic accidents, jealousy killings or infecting them with the AIDS virus when they travel abroad. Their infection would be discovered when crossing borders thus they could be quarantined. Through adequate propaganda in their mass media such events can create such an artificial picture of an intolerable percentage of infected people, which would be used as an excuse to isolate large groups of people. This would help in promoting a picture of Albanians as an infected people.

Information and propaganda

To broadcast special radio and TV programs in the Albanian language which would aim at eroding their patriarchal and tribal mentality by offering the most decadent values of the West, which can be easily adopted by primitive people. The Serb enclaves could be spared from such programs primarily owing to language barriers, as well as through establishing cable television in newly erected buildings and settlements for Serbs.

It is fundamental to establish a powerful and efficient propaganda machinery to feed international public opinion, something which has been already used.

Even an underground (secret) publishing activity must be originated to enable them to defuse the criticism against the Serb regime.

Albanians must be denied all kinds of social assistance, for it has facilitated their high birth rate. This birth rate among the national minorities of the Moslem faith has resulted in a very high population in Kosova and Metohija. Such a thing creates a demographic surplus, therefore emigration of Albanians is indispensable and could be carried out without any pressure by the Serb authorities.

A crucial element of the Serb national program is to have a third and fourth child. Serbia has enough space and economic resources to handle dozens of millions of inhabitants, hence an increased birth rate is important in every respect. In order to have the Serb birth rate increased, which would directly impact on Kosova and Metohija itself, scores of concrete actions must be undertaken, be that stimulative or restrictively, respectively.

Serb mothers who have three, four or more children should be entitled to their retirement earlier. They must be granted children's allowance, regardless their family income. Planning and enlarging of families must be the top priority of all individuals, families and entire society. Serb families with more children must be granted loans for house and private business, they must be granted apartments, they must be given jobs and other facilities and incentives to bring up their children.

It is necessary to open in Kosova and Metohija region military and police schools and academies, additional military institutions and other state institutions such as ministries which would facilitate the settling there of thousands of army officers, policemen, state clerks, together with their families, with the infrastructure needed for normal life. All the Serbs who wish to live in those areas must be given free, fertile land, construction sites, and sites for their private business. All those who locate their economic facilities there and have at least 10 employees, should be provided with abundant opportunities, such as being exempted from taxes for ten years.

Retired officers from the army, policemen and state clerks can have their accommodation/housing problems solved by allocating to them comfortable and maximally big apartments in the region of Kosova and Metohija. The border belt, a minimum of 50 kilometers adjacent to Albania should be used for settling Serbs. This would avert any danger of having the zone jeopardized, while the neighborly relationship could work in compliance with needs and interests of both sides. The border zone near Albania could be exclusively allocated to Serbs, while the rest of land would be the property of the Yugoslav army.


The education system in state schools should stick to elements and values of the Serb, European and world culture and art; the instruction language must be Serbian. Open perspectives and free development in Serbia are very attractive for the minorities. Schools in languages of minorities will be treated as private, while if one wants to have a job he will need a verification proving he has completed courses pursuant to the state curricula. A careful selection and normal inclusion of all positive Serb values and structures will be included in their education in this way. Following the overthrow of the Albanian parastate, the Serb University of Prishtine has made a radical change and it is in a good way to achieve enormous results, which directly determine the fate of Kosova and Metohija and the state itself. This course should be further stabilized and promoted, in harmony with the new needs and curricula. All the efforts should be made that conditions at the Serbian University of Prishtine be more favorable than in Serbia proper.

Efforts should be made to further maintain and promote the current illegal parallel education of Albanians, because in this way they will have all the doors closed for employment and incorporation in the society. All these efforts should be made to have the population dispersed all over the world, including Macedonia and Albania. Such activities should be carried out concomitantly with various forms of pressure and creating feelings of uncertainty. All the tools, though modified to specific circumstances, should be used to prevent Albanian secessionists from having a job.


In order to have the Kosova and Metohija problem solved, the Yugoslav army must be turned into the Serb army. People from the republics that have seceded from the federation must be immediately driven out of the army, in the first place all those holding commanding posts, except those who have distinguished themselves as verified and gallant combatants in defending the freedom of the Serb people. Such an army would be more consolidated and more capable to solve complicated military and war issues, and, furthermore it could be less expensive. The Law on the Army should be so severe that it would oblige every citizen of Yugoslavia to make his contribution in defense of the country, while members of national minorities could contribute with money or labor. These issues must be arranged in details by a specific law. In the vicinity of the existing military bases it is necessary to intensify the settling of Serbs, while non-Serbs must not be allowed to build houses there.

The current situation in this respect is catastrophic, therefore urgent measures are needed to have it changed. Some military facilities of a vital importance should be relocated to Serb enclaves, but at the same time they must maintain full control all over the territory of Kosova and Metohija through visits, maneuvers and other activities of the army. Within the army, it is indispensable to legalize the operation of professional Chetnik guerrilla units, who should be located in localities of strategic importance in Kosova and Metohija.


The police are a very important element of the state, responsible for keeping Kosova and Metohija as the permanent property of the Serb state. However, the police must be better trained and more professional than they are now. The police must have young and educated people, while all its members must complete additional courses. The police academy will play a crucial role in this respect. Police forces in Kosova and Metohija will be exclusively involved in protecting Serb inhabitants, as an endangered people in these areas.

Public Services

The route through which the Serb army withdrew in 1915 has significantly determined the direction of a future highway (Nis, Prishtine, Podgorica, Bar), which would in a solid way connect Serbia with Montenegro and the Adriatic Sea, via Kosova and Metohija. The realization of such a project must be a priority for the public services. Even during the international sanctions and economic crisis it is possible to have a rapid progress in this direction, which would have an epochal impact on the problem of Kosova.


The current situation in Kosova and Metohija can result in unpredictable consequences, especially if outside factors aim at implementing such a scenario. Therefore, particular attention must be paid to preventive actions, first of all by seizing all kinds of weaponry, in with licenses or without them, so to neutralize all paramilitary, para-police and para- territorial defense formations. If we have to fight a war to defend Kosova and Metohija, it should be fought with all possible means and have it finished as soon as possible. No talks or agreements should start with representatives of Albanians until the law on citizenship is adopted and until it is verified the exact number of those who recognize and accept this state as a state of theirs.

To those Albanians who claim to be citizens of Serbia or Yugoslavia, respectively, the state should be more tolerant, and they can be incorporated into state and political bodies if they accept the Serb state and its laws.

A statement by Serb Deputy Prime Minister Voislav Seselj in Velika Serbija, The Greater Serbia Journal, Belgrade, Oct.14, 1995

Here is the plan of 1937 for the erradication of Albanians presented in Belgrade. U can make some interesting analogies between them and how history later developed.

Anonymous said...


Sali Berisha - a former President of Albania - talks ominously about an "Albanian Federation". The younger, allegedly more urbane Pandeli Majko, the current Prime Minister of Albania, raises the idea (?) of a uniform curriculum for all Albanian pupils and students, wherever they may reside. Albanians in Macedonia make it a point to fly Albanian flags conspicuously and of every occasion. This could have well been a plausible scenario had it not been for two facts. First, that there is no such thing as homogeneous "Albanians" and second that Great Albania is without historical precedent.Albanians are comprised of a few ethnic groups of different creeds. There are catholic Albanians - like Mother Theresa - and Muslim Albanians - Like Hashim Thaci. There are Tosks - southern Albanians who speak a (nasal) dialect of Albanian and there are Gegs - northern Albanians (and Kosovars) who speak another dialect which has little in common with Tosk (at least to my ears). Tosks don't like Gegs and Gegs detest Tosks. In a region where tribal and village loyalties predominate these are pertinent and important facts.The Kosovars are considered by their Albanian "brethren" (especially by the Tosks, but also by Albanian Gegs) to be cold, unpleasant, filthy rich cheats. Albanians - Tosks and Gegs alike - are considered by the Kosovars to be primitive, ill mannered bandits. There is no love lost between all these groups. When the crisis brought on by Operation Allied Force started, the local Albanian population charged the refugees amidst them with exorbitant (not to say extortionate) prices for such necessities as a roof over their head, food and cigarettes. When the UN mandate (read: the KLA mandate) was established, the Albanians rushed to export their brand of crime and banditry to Kosovo and to prey on its local population. No Macedonian - however radical - will dare say about the Albanians what my Kosovar contacts say. They non-chalantly and matter of factly attribute to them the most heinous crimes and uncivilized behaviour. Kosovars had - and are still having - an excruciating experience in Albania during this crisis. The lesson (being learned by Kosovars since Albania opened up to them in 1990) will not be easily forgotten or forgiven. Albanians reciprocate by portraying the Kosovars as cynical, inhuman, money making terminators, emotionless wealthy predators.This is not to say that Albanians on both sides of the border do not share the same national dreams and aspirations. Kosovar intellectuals were watching Albanian TV and reading Albanian papers even throughout the Stalinist period of Enver Hoxha, the long time Albanian dictator. Albanian nationalists never ceased regarding Kosovo as an integral part of an Albanian motherland. Albania was created in 1912 (its borders finally settled in 1913) in response to Austro-Hungarian demands. It never encouraged Kosovo to secede. The Albanian King Zog suppressed the activities of Kosovar irredentist movements in his country in between the two world wars.
In 1878, at the end of May and at the beginning of June (according to the old calendar), over 300 delegates gathered at a great session in Prizren from all parts where Albanians lived. It was decided that independent, ethnically clean Albanian state should be founded. The state should encompass all "Albanian territories". It was planned as a unique body composed of four regions (principalities):

The first region should be composed of southern Albania and Epir (Janjina);

The second region should be composed of northern and central Albania (Skadar, Tirana and Elbasa);

The third region should be composed of parts of Macedonia (Skopje, Debar, Gostivar, Prilep, Veles, Bitolj and Ohrid);

The fourth region should be composed of Kosovo with parts of southern Serbia and Macedonia (Pec, Djakovica, Prizren, Novi Pazar, Mitrovica, Sjenica, Pristina, Gnjilane, Presevo and Kumanovo).

This is the essence of the concept of "Great Albania" which means trespass of Slavic and Greek territories where Albanians are national minority. They settled those territories and persecuted local people in most cases due to a special status in the Turkish Empire.
The concept of a greater Albanian state did not appear as an authentic expression of the Albanian national movement. Until the beginning of the Great Eastern Crisis (1875-1878), Albanians, unlike other Balkan nations – Serbs, Greeks, Bulgarians, Rumanians – did not attempt to create a national state through modern political organization. A regional and religious identity was dominant among the Albanians.
The main power of the expansionist Albanian movement came from Muslim Albanians. With the exception of isolated examples of cultural efforts among the Albanians, mostly those in Diaspora (Istanbul, Egypt, South Italy), Albanian Muslims were the iron fist of the Ottoman Empire in its efforts to suppress the Christian movement in South Eastern Europe. With their patriarchal-oriental society of Asian type, they constituted the main obstacle to Europeanization of this part of Europe in the 19th and 20th century. Exceptions to this were an insignificant catholic minority in the north of Albania, mainly in the region of Skadar, and the more numerous orthodox community in the south of Albania, which was strongly influenced by the Greek cultural orbit.
All attempts by Balkan Christians to win over the Albanians to the common struggle against the Ottoman Empire and for the aim of national liberation and modernization of their societies were fruitless. At the beginning of the Great Eastern Crisis Albanians were at the forefront of the Turkish regular, and particularly irregular troops (bashibozuk) and committed numerous atrocities in battles against the Christian rebels. During the crisis the Albanians did not join the liberation movements of the Balkan Christians in any way.
It is completely clear that the birth of the Albanian league in 1878 and its political program were not an expression of Albanian original liberation efforts, which anyhow were late in coming compared to other peoples. The league was an instrument, primarily in Turkish hands, and later in the hands of other powers, for the preservation of the Ottoman Empire. The Albanian central revolutionary committee (Abdul Frasheri, Pashko Vaso, Sami Frasheri, Zija Prishtina, Jani Vreto and others) was founded in April 1878 in Istanbul and its was to organize Albanian popular resistance to the liberation actions in Montenegro, Serbia and Greece.
The Greater Albanian political concept in its original and authentic program was totally imbued with the spirit of pan-Islamism and radical political Islam. Only from time to time did the Albanian political elite try to hide the distinctive Islamic feature of the foundations of their ideology, usually prompted by a desire to secure the support of some Western power. A militant from of Islam prevailed in Old Serbia, primarily in Kosovo and Metohija, as well as in the regions of today’s Western Macedonia, brought by the Albanian population from the mountainous parts of North Albania who forcefully descended into the gentle and fertile parts of this region. The forceful intrusions followed by centuries-long Muslim violence against the local Christians are today insistently presented as alleged repression of Albanians by local Christians.
In the European literature it is well known that the regions of today’s Middle Albania constitute the original centers of Albanian population. A distinguished German Albanologist, Georg Stadtmuller points out that the original regions of Albanian settlement encompass the valley of the river Shkumba, both sides of the river Mat, Kroja and some other neighboring parts4. The history of the Albanians and the Albanian society is far more complex than is usually presented today. This is true not only of the region of today’s Albania but also of the neighboring countries in which Albanians live as national minorities. Their religious heterogeneity and a distinctive tribal identity have always been a permanent source of internal conflict which result in the chronic instability of this country. This “unstable” condition of the young state threatens primarily non-Albanian people in Albania itself, but also in the neighborhood. We must not overlook the fact that in the territory of today’s Albania large Slav settlements have existed for centuries and that Slav toponymisc have been largely preserved up to the present day. In recent time, from the creation of the first Albanian state in 1912, and especially during the rule of the Albanian communist dictator Enver Hoja, a large part of non-Albanian, particularly Slav population, excluding Greeks, were assimilated by the most brutal means of state repression.
The Greater Albania project is directly connected with the consequences of the Turkish conquests in South Eastern Europe, and especially with the wars of European Christian powers against Turkey towards the end of the 17th century. It has remained, in a sense, as a long reaching hand of the Ottoman spirit in Europe, as a vehicle of that kind of life, customs and mentalities which were characteristic for the territory of the South Eastern Europe at the time of Ottoman rule. The Christian population of the European Turkey, primarily of Old Serbia and the northern part of Macedonia, joined the struggle of the European powers after the siege of Vienna en-mass (1683) to oust the Turks from Europe. After the defeat of the Europeans (1690) as a reprisal this population was subjected to massive atrocities and, in essence, the first major ethnic cleansing. Turkish destructive military campaigns allowed the overflow of Albanian people from their original regions into the countries of their neighbors, both Slavs and Greeks. It was not before the 18th century that masses of Albanian stock breeders from the hilly regions of their country started descending into the fertile lands of Kosovo and Metohija populated by orthodox Serbs in overwhelming majority, as well as into the regions of today’s western Macedonia, form Skoplje to Bitolj populated by undoubtedly Serbian and Macedonian Slav population.
Besides the massive and almost regular atrocities which characterized this conquest of Old Serbia, there were also numerous other ways in which the compact Serbian ethnic body was broken up (forced Islamisization, different forms of robbery, plunder, destruction of religious sites, and many other forms of terror). This is testified to by many travel writers, and particularly Roman missionaries and visitors. These processes were convincingly described in, among numerous other Vatican sources, the report of the archbishop of Skoplje Matija Masarek in 1764. The archbishop reports on fresh colonies of Arbanas who had left their hills and settled in the gentle region of Metohija, in the vicinity of Djakovica. These Arbanas, new comers in Serbia, wrote archbishop Masarek, did not obey the orders of Christ’s Apostles, but quickly converted to Islam pushing out the orthodox and catholic population from their villages and taking over their lands (“maledetti Albanesi, I quali per forya si soo impadroniti di quasi tutti li terreni scismatici e cattolici serviani”)
A similar process went on in the Albanian-Greek boundary regions. Albanian migration under the Turks went towards Greek lands, particularly Epir. With the strengthening of the Greek liberation movement Turkey used Muslim Albanians to secure the rule over the largest possible parts of Epir and Thesalia. The Greater Albania ideology explained it thus: “From the banks of the river Bojana up to Janjina lives a unified and homogenous people. From Janjina to the gulf of Ambracia is the terrain which Greek religious and other propaganda denies to the Albanians who prevail there, if not in number, then in strength and power to resist”.
That Kosovo and Metohija, of which Albanian authors often speak as “Albanian land” were irrefutably the central regions of Serbian settlement, is testified to by the fact that the most important monuments of Serbian architecture and Serbian spirituality were erected there. In Kosovo and Metohija alone 1,400 monasteries, churches and other Serbian monuments were built. The most famous among them are the Patriarchy church in Pec, monasteries Banjska, Gracanica, Decani, St. Archangel near Prizren, Bogorodica Ljeviska in Prizren etc. A logical question can be asked: why would Serbs erect their central church, the Patriarchy in Pec, in the region where they were not in majority and which was not the central point of their people’s homeland?
The greatest changes in ethnic structure of the population of this part of Old Serbia occurred from the middle of the 18th up to the middle of the 19th century, and from the Berlin congress in 1878 up to the liberation of these regions from Turkish rule in 1912. They were basically a consequence of the conflict between the Islamic Ottoman-feudal concept on the one hand, and the European Christian concept of society on the other hand. Samuel Huntington is quite right when he defines similar processes today as “conflicts of civilization”. Kosovo and Metohija may be the most convincing example of such a conflict today, bearing in mind that the radical Islamic features of the Albanian secessionist movement are quite skillfully masked by European phraseology and European symbols.
Numerous foreign authors testify to the ethnic, political and religious circumstances in these regions. These are the works of Ami Bue, Joseph Muller, Johan Georg von Han, Ivan Stepanovich Jastrebov, Aleksandar Giljferding, Viktor Berar, Gaston Gravier and others. For example, Joseph Muller reports the data from 1838 about the religious and linguistic structure of the population in Metohija – in Pec, Prizren and Djakovica; in Pec, orthodox and Muslim Serbs were in a majority (92.09%) in relation to the catholic and Muslim Albanians (4.17%). In Prizren the percentage of Serbs, Muslim and Christian, from the total population (24.950) amounted to 73.68, whereas the percentage of Albanians, Muslim and catholic, amounted to 16.63%. Only Djakovica had a clear Albanian majority – the percentage of the Albanians, Muslim and catholic, amounted to 80.76%, whereas the percentage of Serbs, Christian and Muslim, amounted to 18.05%
The facts that Prizren, a town in Old Serbia, and on the outskirts of the Albanian ethnic region was chosen as the place for the session of the Albanian league in 1878 testifies to the extremely expansionist nature of Albanian aims. That is exactly were it was necessary to create a strong obstacle to further strengthening of the Serbian liberation movement in Old Serbia. And it was not a coincidence that the session of the Albanian League was not held in Albania, say in Drac, Valona, Tirana or some other town. From the time of the Great Eastern Crisis (1875-1878) the neighboring regions of Albania such as Kosovo, Metohija, today’s western Slav Macedonia and northern Epir, were Albanians had massively settled, mainly in the 18th and 19th century, started being referred to as “Albanian lands”. So the Albanian league, created on the eve of the Berlin Congress, took it upon itself to prevent the liberation of the “Albanian lands” from the neighboring peoples. The Leagues`s documents reveal the essence of the movement. The sessions were held in a Prizren mosque, and the special feature of the Statute (Kararname) was Islam. Albania and Albanians were not explicitly mentioned in any of the 16 articles of the Statute, but instead they speak in general terms of “nation and motherland”, “country”, “our land”, “Balkan country”, “in the Balkans” and similar. The political subjects of the Union (League) are simply Muslims; the article 7 talks of the need for the Union with “our long-suffering fellow countrymen and members of the same faith in the Balkans”, and the last 16th article qualifies the abandonment of the Union as the abandonment “of Islam”.7 It is also telling that Muslim land owners from Raska, and even Bosnia and Herzegovina were present at this meeting.
Basically the same ideas served as a foundation program for the so called Pec league in 1899 and so called second Prizren league in 1943. After the Turks were ousted from Europe in 1912, and after the formation of an independent Albanian state, the programme`s aims were clearly adapted somewhat to the new political circumstances and new protecting powers. The insistence on a totally pure ethnic Albanian state is typical for the conceptual program of Greater Albania, as is the rejection of any multi-ethnic concept. In accordance with such a program, the organized ethnic cleansing of non-Albanian population from the regions which were proclaimed as “Albanian lands” started right after the Berlin congress. During the period from 1876 to 1912 around 150,000 orthodox Serbs were forced to leave Old Serbia, that is the then Kosovo vilajet.8 We find similar ideas in Ismail Kemal Bey Vlora, the president of the first Albanian interim government. As the government president he demanded that the great powers cleanse “Albanian lend” of Slavs and Greeks.9 He also praised Albanians for having ousted “Christian Slavs”with their guns and violence.

And there is much more I would have to say on this issue but I think this is quite enough for now!!

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