Vienna - Deputy UN Kosovo envoy Albert Rohan charged Belgrade on Wednesday with defending "unrealistic positions" in the current Kosovo status talks.
But the Albanian side should also be more willing to compromise in the talks on the Serbian province of Kosovo which has been under UN administration since 1999, Rohan said in the newspaper Die Presse.
His interview was in in advance of the latest negotiating round in Vienna on Wednesday.
In the negotiations in Vienna up till now, there had in part been considerable agreement on practical issues. But the two sides' concepts were "totally different," said Rohan.
"The Serb side would like a Serb entity in Kosovo composed of majority Serb communities and Serbian Orthodox churches and monastries."
The Kosovo-Albanians, on the contrary, were in favour of measures protecting the Serb community, but only within the course of a normal decentralization process, and of protection for churches and monastries.
Rohan also commented on a letter by Belgrade complaining about the Kosovo negotiations so far to the foreign ministers of the United States, Russia, Britain, Germany, France and Italy.
The letter demanded that the basic question of the status of Kosovo be discussed immediately, and practical issues only afterwards.
Rohan said: "We regard this letter more as a tactical move by Belgrade to divert attention from the fact that faster progress is foundering on lack of willingness to compromise, above all on the Serb side."
He also pointed out that the schedule and issues of the negotiations were the exclusive responsibility of UN chief envoy Martti Ahtisaari.
On Tuesday, Kosovo turned down Serbia's proposal that it remain under United Nations auspices during a 20-year transition period. Pristina said it would not back away from its bid for full independence.
Describing Belgrade's offer as an "unacceptable offer for tutorship," Pristina's deputy premier Lutfi Haziri said that Kosovo "will not make a compromise over independence."
Wednesday, May 31, 2006
EU Launches Project To Help Kosovo's New Justice Ministry
PRISTINA, Kosovo (AP)--The European Union is launching a project to help Kosovo's fledging justice ministry, officials said Wednesday.
The program, worth EUR2 million, will offer the ministry help from foreign and local experts over the next 18 months, an E.U. statement said.
The U.N. mission, which has administered Kosovo since mid-1999, is in the process of transferring authority over judiciary and police to the local authorities as it reduces its presence, and hopes to turn over some other responsibilities to a possible E.U.-led mission once a decision on the province's future is reached.
In a report published Tuesday, New York-based Human Rights Watch criticized the province's criminal justice system as ineffective and warned it was posing a threat to Kosovo's future stability. The watchdog cited authorities' failure to address key problems with legislation, police and the courts.
The U.N. has administered Kosovo since a 1999 NATO bombing campaign halted the Serbian crackdown on independence-seeking ethnic Albanians.
Serbia wants to retain at least formal control over Kosovo in the future while the province's ethnic Albanians insist on gaining independence.
U.N.-mediated talks to resolve the issue are expected to reach a settlement by the year's end. [ 31-05-06 0928GMT ]
The program, worth EUR2 million, will offer the ministry help from foreign and local experts over the next 18 months, an E.U. statement said.
The U.N. mission, which has administered Kosovo since mid-1999, is in the process of transferring authority over judiciary and police to the local authorities as it reduces its presence, and hopes to turn over some other responsibilities to a possible E.U.-led mission once a decision on the province's future is reached.
In a report published Tuesday, New York-based Human Rights Watch criticized the province's criminal justice system as ineffective and warned it was posing a threat to Kosovo's future stability. The watchdog cited authorities' failure to address key problems with legislation, police and the courts.
The U.N. has administered Kosovo since a 1999 NATO bombing campaign halted the Serbian crackdown on independence-seeking ethnic Albanians.
Serbia wants to retain at least formal control over Kosovo in the future while the province's ethnic Albanians insist on gaining independence.
U.N.-mediated talks to resolve the issue are expected to reach a settlement by the year's end. [ 31-05-06 0928GMT ]
Police commissioner denies Kosovo is a black spot for crime
Text of report by Radio-Television Kosovo TV website on 30 May
As long as I have been working with the Kosova [Kosovo] Police Service [KPS], I have never noticed a decision that was made under the influence of politics. On the other hand, politicians must understand that they cannot interfere in the police, because political constellations change in the elections, while the police remain, UNMIK Police Commissioner Kai Vittrup said.
It is very important that neighbouring countries have started to trust Kosova and that Kosova is not a black spot of crime, but a place where the police fight crime seriously, Vittrup added. He said that the KPS needs the advice of international experts in some sectors while in other sectors also executive intervention. Regarding the risk of enclavization of the police service, Vittrup said that the police are looking for professionals and that we do not care about their nationality. Rather than more competencies, we need experienced police officers who will help fight organized crime. In order to be more successful in fighting economic crime, corruption and other forms of crime, the police need greater support from citizens.
As long as I have been working with the Kosova [Kosovo] Police Service [KPS], I have never noticed a decision that was made under the influence of politics. On the other hand, politicians must understand that they cannot interfere in the police, because political constellations change in the elections, while the police remain, UNMIK Police Commissioner Kai Vittrup said.
It is very important that neighbouring countries have started to trust Kosova and that Kosova is not a black spot of crime, but a place where the police fight crime seriously, Vittrup added. He said that the KPS needs the advice of international experts in some sectors while in other sectors also executive intervention. Regarding the risk of enclavization of the police service, Vittrup said that the police are looking for professionals and that we do not care about their nationality. Rather than more competencies, we need experienced police officers who will help fight organized crime. In order to be more successful in fighting economic crime, corruption and other forms of crime, the police need greater support from citizens.
Contact Group urges Standards improvements in Kosovo
Text of report by Radio-Television Kosovo TV website on 30 May
During its last meeting in Paris the Contact Group decided to call on Belgrade to change its negative policy towards the Serb minority in Kosova [Kosovo], to again encourage them to join Kosova institutions, and to return to Pristina the cadastral documents that were removed in 1999.
According to UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] chief Soeren Jessen-Petersen, the Contact Group will ask Belgrade to change its very negative policies towards the Kosova Serbs, which make them choose between Belgrade and Prishtina. Regarding the 13 points [concerning Standards] for Kosova [Kosovo], Petersen said this should not come as a surprise to the Kosova government since they have come from the UNMIK [United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] technical report for the implementation of Standards and have been identified by both the Kosova government and the international institutions in Kosova. This is not a new list, but focuses on a number of key points where additional progress can be made in Standards implementation, UNMIK chief Soeren Jessen-Petersen concluded.
Source: RTK TV website, Pristina, in Albanian 30 May 06
During its last meeting in Paris the Contact Group decided to call on Belgrade to change its negative policy towards the Serb minority in Kosova [Kosovo], to again encourage them to join Kosova institutions, and to return to Pristina the cadastral documents that were removed in 1999.
According to UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] chief Soeren Jessen-Petersen, the Contact Group will ask Belgrade to change its very negative policies towards the Kosova Serbs, which make them choose between Belgrade and Prishtina. Regarding the 13 points [concerning Standards] for Kosova [Kosovo], Petersen said this should not come as a surprise to the Kosova government since they have come from the UNMIK [United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] technical report for the implementation of Standards and have been identified by both the Kosova government and the international institutions in Kosova. This is not a new list, but focuses on a number of key points where additional progress can be made in Standards implementation, UNMIK chief Soeren Jessen-Petersen concluded.
Source: RTK TV website, Pristina, in Albanian 30 May 06
UN braced for Serb exodus from Kosovo - report
BELGRADE, May 31 (Reuters) - The U.N. has contingency plans for an exodus of thousands of Serbs from Kosovo in the event that the majority Albanian province wins independence from Serbia in talks this year.
According to the Belgrade daily Politika, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) is braced for up to 70,000 leaving the province if Serbia loses sovereignty.
Despite Belgrade's strong opposition, Kosovo is widely expected to win independence in U.N.-mediated talks that began in February and could finish within the year.
A UNHCR spokeswoman told Reuters an internal document did exist, in order to "be ready to help a certain number of people who may be affected by a decision". But she declined to divulge details of the plan.
"Extending assistance is a logistical operation and the aim of such plans is for the organisation to be ready to provide protection if it proves to be necessary. It is possible that nothing happens at all," the UNHCR's Vesna Petkovic said.
Politika quoted the plan as saying Kosovo's independence "could provoke further political instability and civil disturbance and result in fresh movements of minorities from Kosovo towards the Serbia and Montenegro interior".
Even if Kosovo gets independence without large-scale violence "it is expected that 57,000 people would change their place of residence, of which around 33,000 would come to Serbia," Politika quoted the contingency plan as saying.
But if Albanians attacked Serbs, as many as 70,000 could seek safety in Serbia, it forecasts.
VERY LITTLE LEFT
On Tuesday, Serbia-Montenegro Foreign Minister Vuk Draskovic warned major Western powers not to force Kosovo's independence on Belgrade, predicting "turbulence" across the Balkans if it was amputated from a sovereign Serbia.
There are around 100,000 Serbs left in Kosovo. An exodus on the scale foreseen would leave only pockets of Serb land.
Outnumbered 20-1 by two million ethnic Albanians, many Serbs say they would simply leave Kosovo, the territory considered Serbia's religious heartland dating back 1,000 years.
NATO bombed Yugoslavia in 1999 to drive out Serb forces and halt the killings and ethnic cleansing employed by Belgrade in a two-year war with Albanian separatist rebels. An estimated 10,000 ethnic Albanians died and 800,000 fled.
As Western alliance forces deployed, about half of the Serb population in turn fled a wave of Albanian revenge attacks.
Those who stayed on have become increasingly marginalised. They fear for the future and point to NATO's failure in March 2004 to prevent Albanian mobs from overrunning Serb enclaves, torching homes and churches. Nineteen people died in the riots.
The United Nations and a 17,000-strong NATO peace force stationed in Kosovo say a repeat is impossible.
Politika said the UN plans three contingencies: independence within current borders, autonomy within Serbia, and independence for Kosovo below the River Ibar, partitioninig the Serb-dominated north.
Major powers have ruled out partitioning Kosovo but there are indications that contingency plans exist for a breakaway attempt by Serbs in the divided city of Mitrovica. (Additional reporting by Beti Bilandzic)
According to the Belgrade daily Politika, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) is braced for up to 70,000 leaving the province if Serbia loses sovereignty.
Despite Belgrade's strong opposition, Kosovo is widely expected to win independence in U.N.-mediated talks that began in February and could finish within the year.
A UNHCR spokeswoman told Reuters an internal document did exist, in order to "be ready to help a certain number of people who may be affected by a decision". But she declined to divulge details of the plan.
"Extending assistance is a logistical operation and the aim of such plans is for the organisation to be ready to provide protection if it proves to be necessary. It is possible that nothing happens at all," the UNHCR's Vesna Petkovic said.
Politika quoted the plan as saying Kosovo's independence "could provoke further political instability and civil disturbance and result in fresh movements of minorities from Kosovo towards the Serbia and Montenegro interior".
Even if Kosovo gets independence without large-scale violence "it is expected that 57,000 people would change their place of residence, of which around 33,000 would come to Serbia," Politika quoted the contingency plan as saying.
But if Albanians attacked Serbs, as many as 70,000 could seek safety in Serbia, it forecasts.
VERY LITTLE LEFT
On Tuesday, Serbia-Montenegro Foreign Minister Vuk Draskovic warned major Western powers not to force Kosovo's independence on Belgrade, predicting "turbulence" across the Balkans if it was amputated from a sovereign Serbia.
There are around 100,000 Serbs left in Kosovo. An exodus on the scale foreseen would leave only pockets of Serb land.
Outnumbered 20-1 by two million ethnic Albanians, many Serbs say they would simply leave Kosovo, the territory considered Serbia's religious heartland dating back 1,000 years.
NATO bombed Yugoslavia in 1999 to drive out Serb forces and halt the killings and ethnic cleansing employed by Belgrade in a two-year war with Albanian separatist rebels. An estimated 10,000 ethnic Albanians died and 800,000 fled.
As Western alliance forces deployed, about half of the Serb population in turn fled a wave of Albanian revenge attacks.
Those who stayed on have become increasingly marginalised. They fear for the future and point to NATO's failure in March 2004 to prevent Albanian mobs from overrunning Serb enclaves, torching homes and churches. Nineteen people died in the riots.
The United Nations and a 17,000-strong NATO peace force stationed in Kosovo say a repeat is impossible.
Politika said the UN plans three contingencies: independence within current borders, autonomy within Serbia, and independence for Kosovo below the River Ibar, partitioninig the Serb-dominated north.
Major powers have ruled out partitioning Kosovo but there are indications that contingency plans exist for a breakaway attempt by Serbs in the divided city of Mitrovica. (Additional reporting by Beti Bilandzic)
Bosnia Serb PM drops talk of independence vote
BANJA LUKA, Bosnia, May 31 (Reuters) - Prime Minister Milorad Dodik on Wednesday dropped the idea of an independence referendum for his Bosnian Serb Republic, saying there was no international backing for its secession. "I am not an adventurer and I am aware that there is no support now for a referendum for the secession of Republika Srpska from Bosnia, nor is there a possibility that it would be recognised," he told reporters.
An independence referendum is promoted by a small group of Serb nationalists unhappy at sharing a state with Muslims and Croats they fought in the 1990s.
Their campaign got a boost when Montenegrins voted on May 21 to end their union with Serbia. Together with a probability that Kosovo Albanians will gain independence from Serbia this year, this has got some Serbs asking why them and not us?
Dodik, considered a moderate who adheres to the Dayton Accords that created Bosnia's two-part state after war ended in 1995, was criticised for making statements recently that seemed to endorse that the Serbs could vote themselves out of Bosnia.
Western envoys rejected the idea warning that major powers would not tolerate any threat to Bosnia's integrity as a state.
"There is no possibility for a referendum of this type in Bosnia and Herzegovina," deputy peace overseer Larry Butler told reporters on Wednesday.
It would violate the country's constitution and Dayton.
The Serb National Movement, a minor organisation made up of dozens of Serbs forced out of Croatia in 1995, said this week it had collected nearly 50,000 signatures of Serbs across the country for a petition to demand an independence referendum.
But since it cannot launch an initiative for a referendum in the parliament, the small Radical Party challenged Dodik to put the issue on the agenda and prove he was serious.
Dodik's political rivals had dismissed his remarks as pre-election rhetoric. But observers warned the idea could get wider support following harsh comments by Muslim parties and organisations who called for the abolition of the Serb Republic, saying it was built on ethnic cleansing and mass murder.
"Sarajevo needs to accept that Republika Srpska was not based on genocide and crime," Dodik said. "It was created in 1992, and these events took place later."
An independence referendum is promoted by a small group of Serb nationalists unhappy at sharing a state with Muslims and Croats they fought in the 1990s.
Their campaign got a boost when Montenegrins voted on May 21 to end their union with Serbia. Together with a probability that Kosovo Albanians will gain independence from Serbia this year, this has got some Serbs asking why them and not us?
Dodik, considered a moderate who adheres to the Dayton Accords that created Bosnia's two-part state after war ended in 1995, was criticised for making statements recently that seemed to endorse that the Serbs could vote themselves out of Bosnia.
Western envoys rejected the idea warning that major powers would not tolerate any threat to Bosnia's integrity as a state.
"There is no possibility for a referendum of this type in Bosnia and Herzegovina," deputy peace overseer Larry Butler told reporters on Wednesday.
It would violate the country's constitution and Dayton.
The Serb National Movement, a minor organisation made up of dozens of Serbs forced out of Croatia in 1995, said this week it had collected nearly 50,000 signatures of Serbs across the country for a petition to demand an independence referendum.
But since it cannot launch an initiative for a referendum in the parliament, the small Radical Party challenged Dodik to put the issue on the agenda and prove he was serious.
Dodik's political rivals had dismissed his remarks as pre-election rhetoric. But observers warned the idea could get wider support following harsh comments by Muslim parties and organisations who called for the abolition of the Serb Republic, saying it was built on ethnic cleansing and mass murder.
"Sarajevo needs to accept that Republika Srpska was not based on genocide and crime," Dodik said. "It was created in 1992, and these events took place later."
Serbs, Albanians argue over money in Kosovo talks
VIENNA, May 31 (Reuters) - Serbs and ethnic Albanians clashed over money on Wednesday at direct talks on the fate of the breakaway province of Kosovo, swapping demands for war reparations and the repayment of loans.
Discussion focused on how to divide state property and debt, the latest in a series of "technical" issues the United Nations wants addressed before tackling the Albanian majority's demand for independence, possibly in July.
Officials from the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and the U.S. Treasury sat in as delegations locked horns over Kosovo's share of Serbia's external debt and a U.N.-run privatisation drive Belgrade says amounts to state plunder.
"The talks were very hard, and not very well prepared by UNOSEK," Serb negotiator Aleksander Simic said, adding to growing Serb criticism of the U.N. mediating team led by chief envoy Martti Ahtisaari.
Ahtisaari opened direct talks between Serbia and the Kosovo Albanians in February, seven years after the U.N. took control of the southern Serbian province with the end of the 1998-99 war in which 10,000 Albanians died.
Serbia says it is repaying 1.2 billion euros ($1.55 billion) of loans for state firms and projects in Kosovo while the firms that benefited are being privatised by the United Nations and Serbia sees none of the proceeds.
Belgrade says this is costing 100,000 euros a day.
Kosovo's 90-percent ethnic Albanian majority has indicated it is ready to take on its share of the debt to the World Bank and Paris and London Clubs, but only in cases where they know how the money was spent.
They do not like the idea of paying for a decade of discrimination culminating in a brutal counter-insurgency war in which whole villages were razed and 800,000 Albanians forced from their homes.
"We need precise data from creditors to define the external debt Kosovo has to take on," Kosovo Albanian negotiator Skender Hyseni told reporters.
The Kosovo Albanians also demanded war reparations from Serbia, ignoring U.N. warnings against raising the issue for fear of bogging down the talks.
"We know if they raise this there will be other intractable issues that Belgrade could then raise," a U.N. official engaged in the talks told Reuters.
Serb negotiators said they had demanded that Ahtisaari's deputy Albert Rohan halt the "illegal" U.N.-led privatisation of hundreds of state firms in Kosovo, a drive U.N. officials say is crucial to reviving the moribund economy and creating jobs.
"He said it wasn't in his mandate," Simic told reporters.
U.N. officials say the series of one-day meetings serve as an opportunity for the two sides to present their platforms before Ahtisaari's team drafts a compromise deal.
Discussion focused on how to divide state property and debt, the latest in a series of "technical" issues the United Nations wants addressed before tackling the Albanian majority's demand for independence, possibly in July.
Officials from the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and the U.S. Treasury sat in as delegations locked horns over Kosovo's share of Serbia's external debt and a U.N.-run privatisation drive Belgrade says amounts to state plunder.
"The talks were very hard, and not very well prepared by UNOSEK," Serb negotiator Aleksander Simic said, adding to growing Serb criticism of the U.N. mediating team led by chief envoy Martti Ahtisaari.
Ahtisaari opened direct talks between Serbia and the Kosovo Albanians in February, seven years after the U.N. took control of the southern Serbian province with the end of the 1998-99 war in which 10,000 Albanians died.
Serbia says it is repaying 1.2 billion euros ($1.55 billion) of loans for state firms and projects in Kosovo while the firms that benefited are being privatised by the United Nations and Serbia sees none of the proceeds.
Belgrade says this is costing 100,000 euros a day.
Kosovo's 90-percent ethnic Albanian majority has indicated it is ready to take on its share of the debt to the World Bank and Paris and London Clubs, but only in cases where they know how the money was spent.
They do not like the idea of paying for a decade of discrimination culminating in a brutal counter-insurgency war in which whole villages were razed and 800,000 Albanians forced from their homes.
"We need precise data from creditors to define the external debt Kosovo has to take on," Kosovo Albanian negotiator Skender Hyseni told reporters.
The Kosovo Albanians also demanded war reparations from Serbia, ignoring U.N. warnings against raising the issue for fear of bogging down the talks.
"We know if they raise this there will be other intractable issues that Belgrade could then raise," a U.N. official engaged in the talks told Reuters.
Serb negotiators said they had demanded that Ahtisaari's deputy Albert Rohan halt the "illegal" U.N.-led privatisation of hundreds of state firms in Kosovo, a drive U.N. officials say is crucial to reviving the moribund economy and creating jobs.
"He said it wasn't in his mandate," Simic told reporters.
U.N. officials say the series of one-day meetings serve as an opportunity for the two sides to present their platforms before Ahtisaari's team drafts a compromise deal.
Serbs, ethnic Albanians fail to define Kosovo's economic status
VIENNA, Austria (AP) - A sixth round of talks between Kosovo's ethnic Albanians and Serb officials on Wednesday failed to produce an agreement on the disputed province's future economic status.
The latest round of U.N.-brokered talks on Kosovo's legal status focused on its debts, liabilities and investments, privatization issues and the future ownership of key industrial assets, said Albert Rohan, a U.N.-appointed mediator.
He described the meeting as fruitful, but added that "whatever the final status of Kosovo might be ... there will be some sort of division in (economic issues)."
Kosovo was placed under U.N. administration in 1999 following NATO air strikes that ended a Serb crackdown on separatist ethnic Albanians.
Stefan Lehne, an EU envoy who also mediated the talks, has said the Kosovo Albanians accepted sharing Kosovo's foreign debts with Serbia "on the basis of identifiable final beneficiary."
The multibillion-dollar international debt was inherited from the former six-republic Yugoslavia.
Both Serbia and Kosovo were integral parts of the former federation, and in the 1970s and 1980s, millions in international loans from the World Bank or the so-called London and Paris Clubs of investor countries, were allocated by former Yugoslav and Serbian governments for the development of Kosovo's industry and infrastructure.
Skender Hyseni, a key Albanian negotiator, said the two sides would now try to determine what amounts would have to be allotted to cover each portion of the debt. "We will accept any reasonable and identifiable debt."
However, ownership issues and privatization remained the key stumbling block.
Serbia still claims ownership of almost all major assets in Kosovo, including power plants, mines and a number of factories.
Many assets have been sold to private owners under the auspices of the Kosovo Trust Agency, a U.N. entity responsible for privatizing mainly inefficient and dilapidated enterprises.
Privatization is a sensitive issue in Kosovo. The process is complex because it is unclear whether Kosovo will become independent or remain part of Serbia, Lehne said.
Serbian negotiator Leon Kojen said the two sides had "little agreement" on the privatization and ownership issue "and as things stand now there's little hope for future agreement."
The Serbian government has bitterly opposed privatization in Kosovo claiming it was undertaken illegally and that lucrative assets were sold at rock-bottom prices.
"Kosovo's property belongs to its government and its people," Hyseni said. He also added that his delegation demanded compensation from Serbia for "victims of violence and injustice" -- a reference to the bloody 1998-99 conflict that left much of the province in ruins.
International mediators, ethnic Albanian and Serbian delegations welcomed the adoption of a protocol on the return of refugees, which was approved by the Kosovo government in Pristina on Wednesday. The document envisions the right of refugees to return to their homes in the province, but it also allows them to go to other places of their choice.
The sixth Vienna meeting followed five rounds of largely futile discussions on reforming Kosovo's local government and on allowing the province's Serb minority to run its affairs in areas where they form a majority. Last week, both sides agreed over the protection of Serbian Orthodox religious sites in the province.
U.N. mediators led by former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari are expected to call in July for direct talks on the province's future.
The latest round of U.N.-brokered talks on Kosovo's legal status focused on its debts, liabilities and investments, privatization issues and the future ownership of key industrial assets, said Albert Rohan, a U.N.-appointed mediator.
He described the meeting as fruitful, but added that "whatever the final status of Kosovo might be ... there will be some sort of division in (economic issues)."
Kosovo was placed under U.N. administration in 1999 following NATO air strikes that ended a Serb crackdown on separatist ethnic Albanians.
Stefan Lehne, an EU envoy who also mediated the talks, has said the Kosovo Albanians accepted sharing Kosovo's foreign debts with Serbia "on the basis of identifiable final beneficiary."
The multibillion-dollar international debt was inherited from the former six-republic Yugoslavia.
Both Serbia and Kosovo were integral parts of the former federation, and in the 1970s and 1980s, millions in international loans from the World Bank or the so-called London and Paris Clubs of investor countries, were allocated by former Yugoslav and Serbian governments for the development of Kosovo's industry and infrastructure.
Skender Hyseni, a key Albanian negotiator, said the two sides would now try to determine what amounts would have to be allotted to cover each portion of the debt. "We will accept any reasonable and identifiable debt."
However, ownership issues and privatization remained the key stumbling block.
Serbia still claims ownership of almost all major assets in Kosovo, including power plants, mines and a number of factories.
Many assets have been sold to private owners under the auspices of the Kosovo Trust Agency, a U.N. entity responsible for privatizing mainly inefficient and dilapidated enterprises.
Privatization is a sensitive issue in Kosovo. The process is complex because it is unclear whether Kosovo will become independent or remain part of Serbia, Lehne said.
Serbian negotiator Leon Kojen said the two sides had "little agreement" on the privatization and ownership issue "and as things stand now there's little hope for future agreement."
The Serbian government has bitterly opposed privatization in Kosovo claiming it was undertaken illegally and that lucrative assets were sold at rock-bottom prices.
"Kosovo's property belongs to its government and its people," Hyseni said. He also added that his delegation demanded compensation from Serbia for "victims of violence and injustice" -- a reference to the bloody 1998-99 conflict that left much of the province in ruins.
International mediators, ethnic Albanian and Serbian delegations welcomed the adoption of a protocol on the return of refugees, which was approved by the Kosovo government in Pristina on Wednesday. The document envisions the right of refugees to return to their homes in the province, but it also allows them to go to other places of their choice.
The sixth Vienna meeting followed five rounds of largely futile discussions on reforming Kosovo's local government and on allowing the province's Serb minority to run its affairs in areas where they form a majority. Last week, both sides agreed over the protection of Serbian Orthodox religious sites in the province.
U.N. mediators led by former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari are expected to call in July for direct talks on the province's future.
Albania voices commitment to Stability Pact, calls for Kosovo's independence
Text of report in English by Albanian news agency ATA
Tirana, 31 May: "Albania is totally committed to the Stability Pact", Deputy Foreign Minister Edit Harxhi said during the proceedings of the Eleven Stability Pact meeting. The meeting, which held its proceedings in Belgrade, was attended by top officials from the region, the European Commission and the donor countries.
According to an announcement on Wednesday [31 May] of the Foreign Ministry, Harxhi in her speech "supported the initiatives taken for putting regional responsibilities in the limelight in the activities of initiatives and regional processes and the need of strengthening the coordinative role of the pact, with intention to avoid duplications and the superposition of the activities of regional multilateral initiatives".
Speaking on Kosova [Kosovo] issue, Harxhi said: "Albania hails the Stability Pact's initiative to include Kosova in its projects as a partner with equal rights in the region and wishes these initiatives proceed even in the future." In regard to Kosova's status, Harxhi stressed that "the independence will not only stabilize the region further, but it will also ensure long-term peace, security and total cooperation in the region".
The participants in the meeting confirmed the European perspective of the region, determining the integration into the EU as the final goal. One of the topics where the meeting focused was the future of Stability Pact responding to new developments in the region. The participants stressed the need for the continuation of the process of taking greater responsibilities from the countries of the region and the gradual passage of the Stability Pact into a mechanism of greater regional profile. The meeting determined the need of focusing regional cooperation on some main fields, such as economic and social development, infrastructure, justice and internal issues, cooperation in the field of security and building up of human capacities.
The regional meeting decided the setting up of the Council of Regional Cooperation, which will assume the responsibilities of the regional meeting and of the pact's working meetings at the beginning of 2008. The meeting acknowledged the considerable progress in the integration of Kosova into regional activities and extended a call for the strengthening of this connection in the future.
Source: ATA news agency, Tirana, in English 1712 gmt 31 May 06
Tirana, 31 May: "Albania is totally committed to the Stability Pact", Deputy Foreign Minister Edit Harxhi said during the proceedings of the Eleven Stability Pact meeting. The meeting, which held its proceedings in Belgrade, was attended by top officials from the region, the European Commission and the donor countries.
According to an announcement on Wednesday [31 May] of the Foreign Ministry, Harxhi in her speech "supported the initiatives taken for putting regional responsibilities in the limelight in the activities of initiatives and regional processes and the need of strengthening the coordinative role of the pact, with intention to avoid duplications and the superposition of the activities of regional multilateral initiatives".
Speaking on Kosova [Kosovo] issue, Harxhi said: "Albania hails the Stability Pact's initiative to include Kosova in its projects as a partner with equal rights in the region and wishes these initiatives proceed even in the future." In regard to Kosova's status, Harxhi stressed that "the independence will not only stabilize the region further, but it will also ensure long-term peace, security and total cooperation in the region".
The participants in the meeting confirmed the European perspective of the region, determining the integration into the EU as the final goal. One of the topics where the meeting focused was the future of Stability Pact responding to new developments in the region. The participants stressed the need for the continuation of the process of taking greater responsibilities from the countries of the region and the gradual passage of the Stability Pact into a mechanism of greater regional profile. The meeting determined the need of focusing regional cooperation on some main fields, such as economic and social development, infrastructure, justice and internal issues, cooperation in the field of security and building up of human capacities.
The regional meeting decided the setting up of the Council of Regional Cooperation, which will assume the responsibilities of the regional meeting and of the pact's working meetings at the beginning of 2008. The meeting acknowledged the considerable progress in the integration of Kosova into regional activities and extended a call for the strengthening of this connection in the future.
Source: ATA news agency, Tirana, in English 1712 gmt 31 May 06
Tuesday, May 30, 2006
UNMIK head expects first Kosovo-Serbia direct status talks to start end July
Text of report by Fatmir Aliu entitled "Jessen-Petersen: July - month of Prishtina-Belgrade meetings" published by the Kosovo Albanian newspaper Koha Ditore on 26 May
Prishtina [Pristina], 25 May: Soeren Jessen-Petersen, chief of the international administration in Kosova [Kosovo], said that it is very likely that the first direct meeting on the Kosova status between the leaders of Prishtina and Belgrade will be held at the end of July. But according to him, in order to reach this point, the central institutions should continue to fulfil the Standards according to this pace.
Jessen-Petersen, who travelled to Paris on Thursday [25 May], where he will meet political directors of Contact Group member states to arrange the positions on the path that awaits Kosova in the coming months, said that the status negotiations will not be held without the presence of the UN special envoy for Kosova, Martti Ahtisaari (UNOSEK).
But initially, according to him, there are some steps that will precede this great event.
"On 20 June, I will report to the [UN] Security Council, and most probably Ahtisaari will have a closed meeting at the Security Council in July, where he will report about what has happened in Vienna so far, but also about developments in Kosova. Based on these reports, he will suggest the path that should be pursued," he said. Jessen-Petersen added that "it is reasonable to expect that after these steps, he will request the first direct meeting on the issue of the status, naturally with UNOSEK, to take place before the end of July".
Although the first report on the technical evaluation of Standards fulfilment, which was published for the first quarter of the year, has a considerable number of positive "marks", Jessen-Petersen said that after 10 days there will be more data that will determine whether or not the status talks will be launched. The chief of the UN Mission in Kosova did not hide his optimism that there will be sufficient progress to include this issue on the agenda.
The Contact Group, in cooperation with the Kosovar institutions, has also come out with a number of objectives, which should be fulfilled in the plan of Standards, as trump cards that would give Kosovars more space for arguments during the talks.
These 13 points, according to the UNMIK [UN Interim Administrative Mission in Kosovo] chief, could be achieved only if there is sufficient political will. He announced that these 13 "requests" will be evaluated in Paris on Friday.
"The Contact Group has also requested another 13 to 14 other goals that should be fulfilled before 20 June or before the end of June. This is something that will be discussed in Paris tomorrow," he said.
At the tomorrow's meeting in Paris, diplomats of the Contact Group, according to earlier announcements, are expected to examine the work of the Kosovar institutions so far in the sensitive areas of Standards, which are mainly related to minorities. This is also expected to be followed by an evaluation of the process in Vienna and the course of the talks on technical issues.
Source: Koha Ditore, Pristina, in Albanian 26 May 06
Prishtina [Pristina], 25 May: Soeren Jessen-Petersen, chief of the international administration in Kosova [Kosovo], said that it is very likely that the first direct meeting on the Kosova status between the leaders of Prishtina and Belgrade will be held at the end of July. But according to him, in order to reach this point, the central institutions should continue to fulfil the Standards according to this pace.
Jessen-Petersen, who travelled to Paris on Thursday [25 May], where he will meet political directors of Contact Group member states to arrange the positions on the path that awaits Kosova in the coming months, said that the status negotiations will not be held without the presence of the UN special envoy for Kosova, Martti Ahtisaari (UNOSEK).
But initially, according to him, there are some steps that will precede this great event.
"On 20 June, I will report to the [UN] Security Council, and most probably Ahtisaari will have a closed meeting at the Security Council in July, where he will report about what has happened in Vienna so far, but also about developments in Kosova. Based on these reports, he will suggest the path that should be pursued," he said. Jessen-Petersen added that "it is reasonable to expect that after these steps, he will request the first direct meeting on the issue of the status, naturally with UNOSEK, to take place before the end of July".
Although the first report on the technical evaluation of Standards fulfilment, which was published for the first quarter of the year, has a considerable number of positive "marks", Jessen-Petersen said that after 10 days there will be more data that will determine whether or not the status talks will be launched. The chief of the UN Mission in Kosova did not hide his optimism that there will be sufficient progress to include this issue on the agenda.
The Contact Group, in cooperation with the Kosovar institutions, has also come out with a number of objectives, which should be fulfilled in the plan of Standards, as trump cards that would give Kosovars more space for arguments during the talks.
These 13 points, according to the UNMIK [UN Interim Administrative Mission in Kosovo] chief, could be achieved only if there is sufficient political will. He announced that these 13 "requests" will be evaluated in Paris on Friday.
"The Contact Group has also requested another 13 to 14 other goals that should be fulfilled before 20 June or before the end of June. This is something that will be discussed in Paris tomorrow," he said.
At the tomorrow's meeting in Paris, diplomats of the Contact Group, according to earlier announcements, are expected to examine the work of the Kosovar institutions so far in the sensitive areas of Standards, which are mainly related to minorities. This is also expected to be followed by an evaluation of the process in Vienna and the course of the talks on technical issues.
Source: Koha Ditore, Pristina, in Albanian 26 May 06
Albania launches international tender to build road segment
TIRANA, Albania (AP) - Albania invited national and international companies on Tuesday to bid on contracts worth up to 6.7 billion leks (US$73 million; euro57.2 million) to build a 30-kilometer (18.6 miles) road to neighboring Kosovo, the Transport Ministry said.
The construction of Kalimash-Morine, 200 kilometers (124 miles) northeast of capital Tirana, will be financed with loans from the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and the European Investment Bank. Construction is expected to begin within the next few months and end in 18 months.
That is part of the 170-kilometer (105 miles) road linking the Albanian port city of Durres with the Morine border crossing point to Kosovo, the ministry said in a statement.
Kosovo is important to Albania because most of the tourists visiting the western Balkan country are ethnic Albanians from Kosovo and Macedonia as well as expatriate Albanians returning from other parts of Europe.
The construction of Kalimash-Morine, 200 kilometers (124 miles) northeast of capital Tirana, will be financed with loans from the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and the European Investment Bank. Construction is expected to begin within the next few months and end in 18 months.
That is part of the 170-kilometer (105 miles) road linking the Albanian port city of Durres with the Morine border crossing point to Kosovo, the ministry said in a statement.
Kosovo is important to Albania because most of the tourists visiting the western Balkan country are ethnic Albanians from Kosovo and Macedonia as well as expatriate Albanians returning from other parts of Europe.
Rights Group Says Kosovo's Justice System Fails Victims
PRISTINA (AP)--Kosovo's criminal justice system is failing the victims of this disputed province and threatens future stability, Human Rights Watch said in a report published Tuesday.
In a 74-page report, Human Rights Watch said that in the nearly seven years since the U.N. took over administering Kosovo, authorities have failed to address problems with the laws, police, and courts.
"Right now, accountability for the past crimes is not on the agenda in Kosovo" Holly Carter, the group's Europe and Central Asia director, said in a statement. "But resolving Kosovo's status without fixing the justice system will poison its future."
The report is a blow to U.N. efforts to establish a stable and democratic society in the ethnically divided province. While Kosovo has a government and fledgling ministries of justice and police, the ultimate responsibility lies with the world body as it steers the province.
Neeraj Singh, the spokesman for the U.N. in Kosovo said the mission welcomed the report's recommendations for improving what he called "the evolving criminal justice system in Kosovo."
The U.N.-mediated talks to determine Kosovo's future status are currently underway in Vienna, Austria and western envoys aim to finish the process by the end of 2006.
The most likely outcome of these talks is some form of independence for Kosovo, on the condition it can protect Serbs and other minorities, in the ethnic Albanian majority province.
The U.N. has administered Kosovo since 1999, after a NATO air war halted a Serb crackdown on separatist ethnic Albanians. About ten thousand people were killed and hundreds of thousands ethnic Albanians were displaced before the war ended.
After the war, it was the Serbs who fell victim to vengeful ethnic Albanians.
The worst violence was in March 2004, when two days of anti-Serb rioting left thousands homeless, at least 600 Serb homes and some 30 churches burned, and about 4,000 people - mainly Serbs - were forced to flee.
An estimated 50,000 ethnic Albanians participated in the rioting and 426 individuals were charged - mostly for minor offenses - with half resulting in final decisions, the report said.
"The inadequate criminal justice response to violence in March 2004 symbolizes one of the greatest problems faced by Kosovo today: rampant impunity for crime, particularly where it has political or ethnic dimension," the report said.
As a result, neither ethnic Albanian majority nor Serbs and other minorities, view the criminal justice system as effective, according to the report.
Singh defended the U.N.-run courts and said the "accountability for war crimes and interethnic crime is firmly on the agenda."
The report urges major powers for the E.U., which plans to take on some executive roles in the fields of justice and police after the U.N. administration leaves at the end of the status talks. [ 30-05-06 1140GMT ]
In a 74-page report, Human Rights Watch said that in the nearly seven years since the U.N. took over administering Kosovo, authorities have failed to address problems with the laws, police, and courts.
"Right now, accountability for the past crimes is not on the agenda in Kosovo" Holly Carter, the group's Europe and Central Asia director, said in a statement. "But resolving Kosovo's status without fixing the justice system will poison its future."
The report is a blow to U.N. efforts to establish a stable and democratic society in the ethnically divided province. While Kosovo has a government and fledgling ministries of justice and police, the ultimate responsibility lies with the world body as it steers the province.
Neeraj Singh, the spokesman for the U.N. in Kosovo said the mission welcomed the report's recommendations for improving what he called "the evolving criminal justice system in Kosovo."
The U.N.-mediated talks to determine Kosovo's future status are currently underway in Vienna, Austria and western envoys aim to finish the process by the end of 2006.
The most likely outcome of these talks is some form of independence for Kosovo, on the condition it can protect Serbs and other minorities, in the ethnic Albanian majority province.
The U.N. has administered Kosovo since 1999, after a NATO air war halted a Serb crackdown on separatist ethnic Albanians. About ten thousand people were killed and hundreds of thousands ethnic Albanians were displaced before the war ended.
After the war, it was the Serbs who fell victim to vengeful ethnic Albanians.
The worst violence was in March 2004, when two days of anti-Serb rioting left thousands homeless, at least 600 Serb homes and some 30 churches burned, and about 4,000 people - mainly Serbs - were forced to flee.
An estimated 50,000 ethnic Albanians participated in the rioting and 426 individuals were charged - mostly for minor offenses - with half resulting in final decisions, the report said.
"The inadequate criminal justice response to violence in March 2004 symbolizes one of the greatest problems faced by Kosovo today: rampant impunity for crime, particularly where it has political or ethnic dimension," the report said.
As a result, neither ethnic Albanian majority nor Serbs and other minorities, view the criminal justice system as effective, according to the report.
Singh defended the U.N.-run courts and said the "accountability for war crimes and interethnic crime is firmly on the agenda."
The report urges major powers for the E.U., which plans to take on some executive roles in the fields of justice and police after the U.N. administration leaves at the end of the status talks. [ 30-05-06 1140GMT ]
Contact Group formulates new demands for Kosovo and Serbia
Text of report by Kosovo Albanian television KohaVision TV on 29 May
[Announcer] The meeting of the Contact Group member countries and UNMIK [United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] chief Soeren Jessen-Petersen in Paris produced several demands for Prishtina [Pristina] and Belgrade. In the meeting, which was held last Friday [26 May], the participants discussed implementation of the Standards [set for Kosovo by the international community] by the Kosova side, as well as Belgrade's obligations towards the Kosova Serbs.
[Reporter Blerta Dalloshi] The Contact Group has asked Kosova institutions to make more progress in the 13 points dealing with Standards the Contact Group has assessed that not enough progress has been made said UNMIK chief Jessen-Petersen in a meeting with Kosova Deputy Prime Minister Lutfi Haziri, informing him in detail of the points discussed. He said the Contact Group did not make any new demands but, after the technical assessment of Standards by UNMIK, it formulated new challenges for Kosova institutions.
[Soeren Jessen-Petersen, in English throughout with Albanian voiceover] So it is really not about new demands but rather the focus on key issues. We believe more progress can be made. We did this together and it does not come as a surprise to us.
[Reporter] Deputy Prime Minister Lutfi Haziri thinks the points listed by the Contact Group where more progress is sought are achievable.
[Lutfi Haziri] So far we have not had any unattainable demands. These have to do with the role of the [Kosovo] Assembly in adopting new laws; the role of the government, institutions and Kosova people in taking necessary action in order to provide further proof that the Kosova institutions are ready to assume responsibility for the full functioning of law and order and respect for ethnic groups that are part of our diversity and part of Kosovar values.
[Reporter] The Contact Group discussed the need to send Belgrade a number of messages concerning their responsibilities.
[Jessen-Petersen] There are specifically three points; Belgrade needs to encourage the Kosova Serbs those who wish to be engaged, and there are many; they have been waiting for this for two years. Second, Belgrade needs to give up the policy under which they ask Serbs to choose between Prishtina and Belgrade. Third, for 15 months we have requested Belgrade to return cadastral registers which are also important for Kosova Serbs. So I believe the Contact Group will make these demands to Belgrade.
[Reporter] Participating in the last meeting of the Contact Group was also the deputy UN special envoy for Kosova status talks, Albert Rohan. The group did not take into consideration Belgrade's request for changes to the agenda of discussions on Kosova's status.
Source: KohaVision TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1700 gmt 29 May 06
[Announcer] The meeting of the Contact Group member countries and UNMIK [United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] chief Soeren Jessen-Petersen in Paris produced several demands for Prishtina [Pristina] and Belgrade. In the meeting, which was held last Friday [26 May], the participants discussed implementation of the Standards [set for Kosovo by the international community] by the Kosova side, as well as Belgrade's obligations towards the Kosova Serbs.
[Reporter Blerta Dalloshi] The Contact Group has asked Kosova institutions to make more progress in the 13 points dealing with Standards the Contact Group has assessed that not enough progress has been made said UNMIK chief Jessen-Petersen in a meeting with Kosova Deputy Prime Minister Lutfi Haziri, informing him in detail of the points discussed. He said the Contact Group did not make any new demands but, after the technical assessment of Standards by UNMIK, it formulated new challenges for Kosova institutions.
[Soeren Jessen-Petersen, in English throughout with Albanian voiceover] So it is really not about new demands but rather the focus on key issues. We believe more progress can be made. We did this together and it does not come as a surprise to us.
[Reporter] Deputy Prime Minister Lutfi Haziri thinks the points listed by the Contact Group where more progress is sought are achievable.
[Lutfi Haziri] So far we have not had any unattainable demands. These have to do with the role of the [Kosovo] Assembly in adopting new laws; the role of the government, institutions and Kosova people in taking necessary action in order to provide further proof that the Kosova institutions are ready to assume responsibility for the full functioning of law and order and respect for ethnic groups that are part of our diversity and part of Kosovar values.
[Reporter] The Contact Group discussed the need to send Belgrade a number of messages concerning their responsibilities.
[Jessen-Petersen] There are specifically three points; Belgrade needs to encourage the Kosova Serbs those who wish to be engaged, and there are many; they have been waiting for this for two years. Second, Belgrade needs to give up the policy under which they ask Serbs to choose between Prishtina and Belgrade. Third, for 15 months we have requested Belgrade to return cadastral registers which are also important for Kosova Serbs. So I believe the Contact Group will make these demands to Belgrade.
[Reporter] Participating in the last meeting of the Contact Group was also the deputy UN special envoy for Kosova status talks, Albert Rohan. The group did not take into consideration Belgrade's request for changes to the agenda of discussions on Kosova's status.
Source: KohaVision TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1700 gmt 29 May 06
A decision on the province's independence may unlock a tide of investment
In the shadow of the Bjeshket e Nemuna, the Damned Mountains of western Kosovo, sits a small factory that slices, fries, spices and bags 100 kg of potato crisps an hour under the domestic brand name of Luko Chips.
Luko, the company, boasts assets of which most small businesses in Kosovo can only dream: free access to western technical expertise, a ready supply of fresh raw materials - four locally-grown varieties of potato - and investments of Euros 110,000 from a charitably-motivated Swiss owner who plans a distribution of shares to workers this year.
Luko's production line, overseen by polyglot managers in white coats, is orderly and clean and the company has succeeded in forming regular partnerships with local suppliers. Well-managed local production does, in fact, exist in Kosovo.
But the scarcity of such examples is a perennial concern for economists, who note that domestic businesses' overwhelming preference for small-scale, import-based trade and services - rather than production and export - contributes to a gaping trade deficit. In 2004, this ballooned to 41 per cent of gross domestic product.
With the province's current account deficit rising to 31.5 per cent of GDP last year, according to a World Bank estimate, a heavy burden of maintaining financial stability still falls to foreign donors, whose sizeable contributions are backed up by remittances from a robust Kosovo Albanian diaspora that sends home some Euros 350m (14 per cent of GDP) annually.
Kosovo's post-war economy has neither grown nor shrunk significantly since 2001, in spite of massive inflows of aid and remittances, plus rapid growth in local commercial and household lending.
Many companies, including Luko with its distinct advantages, struggle to turn a profit. "I cannot pretend this is a favourable environment," says Jan Stiefel, Luko's general-director.
The view from dusty Gurrakoc, where the potato chips factory is located, and the hundreds of other sleepy towns where most of Kosovo's population lives, contrasts sharply with the view given by elected officials in Pristina.
The politically-minded capital is buzzing this year with predictions of imminent independence, seven years after Serbia withdrew its forces from the rebel province. Local politicians routinely promise economic renewal if and when the province's secession becomes final. Independence, they argue, would allow Kosovo to capitalise directly on an ongoing privatisation process that has so far attracted Euros 240m in investment, revenues from which are held in a trust fund outside the province in the absence of sovereignty.
World Bank economists cautiously echo this view, calling Kosovo's unresolved status "the major deterrent to private-sector growth" although bank officials cite "heavy pressure" from the United Nations diplomats in charge of Kosovo not to publicise this opinion.
Soren Jessen-Petersen, special representative at the head of Kosovo's UN-run administration, says economic expectations should not be linked explicitly to the status issue.
"The lack of status is a major obstacle to foreign direct investment," he says, but adds: "The short term will be extremely difficult. You do not just raise the flag one day and the investors arrive the next day."
Whatever Kosovo's political status may be 12 months from now, those investors already on the ground say that everyday barriers are the primary obstacle to economic growth.
Ironically, some of the greatest difficulties are found in areas where Kosovo claims comparative advantages.
For example, UN and World Bank officials describe Kosovo's mineral and energy resources as critically important for its economic future. But the lack of a reliable electricity supply still forces companies to depend on their own power sources.
The potato chips factory in Gurrakoc, in typical fashion, powers everything - from production lines to the head office's fluorescent lights - using a diesel generator. The fuel costs drain a company whose monthly revenues fall just narrowly short of running costs.
Luko has addressed this typical problem in an innovative way. Pushed to cut spending in the face of soaring fuel prices, it last year started recycling sunflower oil by mixing it with diesel to run the generator.
Staffing problems are also rife. Companies report severe difficulties finding skilled workers, although an estimated 35 percent, possibly more, of the province's workforce is unemployed. Companies are flooded with applications, but recruiters complain that most job-seekers lack a standard high school education - a sad legacy of Serbia's blockade against Kosovo's home-grown schools during the 1990s.
Security also remains a problem. Some foreign investors complain privately about threats or intimidation by local rivals.
Even some pro-independence analysts say that the greatest obstacles to Kosovo's economic growth are practical and technical, rather than political.
"Kosovo is not a big economic problem. Believe me, it is easy to manage. You just need rule of law, better infrastructure and improved education for this big, young population," says Muhamet Mustafa, president of Riinvest, a leading economic research group in Pristina.
Citing the case of Estonia, Mr Mustafa notes that Europe's smallest, poorest transition economies were the quickest to emerge as success stories after the Soviet empire's collapse. Whether Kosovo can follow suit in the wake of Yugoslav rule - plus seven years of international guidance - remains to be seen.
Luko, the company, boasts assets of which most small businesses in Kosovo can only dream: free access to western technical expertise, a ready supply of fresh raw materials - four locally-grown varieties of potato - and investments of Euros 110,000 from a charitably-motivated Swiss owner who plans a distribution of shares to workers this year.
Luko's production line, overseen by polyglot managers in white coats, is orderly and clean and the company has succeeded in forming regular partnerships with local suppliers. Well-managed local production does, in fact, exist in Kosovo.
But the scarcity of such examples is a perennial concern for economists, who note that domestic businesses' overwhelming preference for small-scale, import-based trade and services - rather than production and export - contributes to a gaping trade deficit. In 2004, this ballooned to 41 per cent of gross domestic product.
With the province's current account deficit rising to 31.5 per cent of GDP last year, according to a World Bank estimate, a heavy burden of maintaining financial stability still falls to foreign donors, whose sizeable contributions are backed up by remittances from a robust Kosovo Albanian diaspora that sends home some Euros 350m (14 per cent of GDP) annually.
Kosovo's post-war economy has neither grown nor shrunk significantly since 2001, in spite of massive inflows of aid and remittances, plus rapid growth in local commercial and household lending.
Many companies, including Luko with its distinct advantages, struggle to turn a profit. "I cannot pretend this is a favourable environment," says Jan Stiefel, Luko's general-director.
The view from dusty Gurrakoc, where the potato chips factory is located, and the hundreds of other sleepy towns where most of Kosovo's population lives, contrasts sharply with the view given by elected officials in Pristina.
The politically-minded capital is buzzing this year with predictions of imminent independence, seven years after Serbia withdrew its forces from the rebel province. Local politicians routinely promise economic renewal if and when the province's secession becomes final. Independence, they argue, would allow Kosovo to capitalise directly on an ongoing privatisation process that has so far attracted Euros 240m in investment, revenues from which are held in a trust fund outside the province in the absence of sovereignty.
World Bank economists cautiously echo this view, calling Kosovo's unresolved status "the major deterrent to private-sector growth" although bank officials cite "heavy pressure" from the United Nations diplomats in charge of Kosovo not to publicise this opinion.
Soren Jessen-Petersen, special representative at the head of Kosovo's UN-run administration, says economic expectations should not be linked explicitly to the status issue.
"The lack of status is a major obstacle to foreign direct investment," he says, but adds: "The short term will be extremely difficult. You do not just raise the flag one day and the investors arrive the next day."
Whatever Kosovo's political status may be 12 months from now, those investors already on the ground say that everyday barriers are the primary obstacle to economic growth.
Ironically, some of the greatest difficulties are found in areas where Kosovo claims comparative advantages.
For example, UN and World Bank officials describe Kosovo's mineral and energy resources as critically important for its economic future. But the lack of a reliable electricity supply still forces companies to depend on their own power sources.
The potato chips factory in Gurrakoc, in typical fashion, powers everything - from production lines to the head office's fluorescent lights - using a diesel generator. The fuel costs drain a company whose monthly revenues fall just narrowly short of running costs.
Luko has addressed this typical problem in an innovative way. Pushed to cut spending in the face of soaring fuel prices, it last year started recycling sunflower oil by mixing it with diesel to run the generator.
Staffing problems are also rife. Companies report severe difficulties finding skilled workers, although an estimated 35 percent, possibly more, of the province's workforce is unemployed. Companies are flooded with applications, but recruiters complain that most job-seekers lack a standard high school education - a sad legacy of Serbia's blockade against Kosovo's home-grown schools during the 1990s.
Security also remains a problem. Some foreign investors complain privately about threats or intimidation by local rivals.
Even some pro-independence analysts say that the greatest obstacles to Kosovo's economic growth are practical and technical, rather than political.
"Kosovo is not a big economic problem. Believe me, it is easy to manage. You just need rule of law, better infrastructure and improved education for this big, young population," says Muhamet Mustafa, president of Riinvest, a leading economic research group in Pristina.
Citing the case of Estonia, Mr Mustafa notes that Europe's smallest, poorest transition economies were the quickest to emerge as success stories after the Soviet empire's collapse. Whether Kosovo can follow suit in the wake of Yugoslav rule - plus seven years of international guidance - remains to be seen.
Natural riches aplenty
Near the historic Field of Blackbirds, scene of the epic 1389 battle at the heart of Serbia's modern claim to Kosovo, two vast coal pits puncture the hilly ground.
The miners here carry a burden from the more recent past: the former Serb-dominated regime, pressed by international sanctions in the 1990s, scraped out a few hundred tons of lignite each year without investing in maintenance or removing enough topsoil.
The result today is a looming danger of fatal collapses, as the ethnic-Albanian authorities who now operate the 50-year-old mines try to extract the last six or seven years of supply for Kosovo's aged lignite-fired electrical generating stations.
But the remaining work at these mines - like the portable generator sets that chug through the afternoon hours in nearby Pristina and other cities throughout the province - is only a stopgap measure, according to Lorik Haxhiu, mining director at the provisional energy and mining ministry, which manages power supplies under United Nations supervision.
Lignite, or soft brown coal, could give the mostly ethnic-Albanian province, which hopes to gain legal independence from Serbia around the end of this year, a sustainable source of electrical power for the next two centuries or more.
"This is the third richest lignite basin in Europe, after the reserves in Germany and Poland," says Mr Haxhiu, standing over the Mirash pit and pointing northwards, where the same lignite vein stretches for a further five kilometres.
A report by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) earlier this year added impetus to the "lignite initiative" and could help to secure the large-scale private-sector investments needed to transform Kosovo's energy sector from makeshift to state of the art.
Kosovo C, the planned 2,000 MW generating station for which construction is meant to start in 2008, will propel Kosovo into the age of "clean coal" power, produced in line with European Union standards, energy officials say.
The nearly Euros 1bn project, in conjunction with an upgraded Kosovo B plant and a few modest dams to generate hydroelectric power, will cover the new country's energy needs and leave spare capacity for exports around the region.
The station will also generate Euros 150m per year for the state budget and spur growth throughout the economy, says Ethem Ceku, minister of mining and energy.
In the meantime, however, the cash-strapped Kosovo Electricity Company (KEK) is floundering, and officials wonder how to set the ambitious lignite initiative in motion.
Today's funding shortfalls are likely to hold up the construction of Kosovo C. "We can't do it without more money," says Shefqet Avdiu, manager of KEK's power generation division.
Costly emergency repairs have restored less than half of nominal capacity at the existing Kosovo A and B plants, while energy imports from Bulgaria, Serbia and other neighbours are draining around Euros 30m per year from Kosovo's modest budget. This is nearly double the amount allocated, leaving donors to make up the rest, Mr Avdiu said.
In the seven years since Kosovo slipped from Serbian control, international agencies have reportedly pumped more than Euros 1bn into the energy sector without preventing power cuts or weaning towns and industries off portable generators. Electrical failures have become one of the local population's loudest complaints against the UN interim administration.
While Kosovo A should have been retired years ago, plans call for keeping Kosovo B alive at least until 2023, so that the proposed new Sibovc lignite mine will be vital "even to keep up with refurbishments", Mr Haxhiu says.
Opening the new pit - including buying land, resettling villagers, laying down roads and installing new bucket excavators - will cost Euros 237m, part of the ministry's Euros 1.2bn estimate for "immediate investments" prior to starting Kosovo C.
Future development plans all hinge on revenue from KEK bill collections, as would be expected from any normal electricity company. KEK, however, collects on barely 40 per cent of the bills it issues. This is a great improvement on the comparable figure of just over 30 per cent a year ago, but far from enough to address the state-owned power company's debts of more than Euros 200m from the past five years.
In December, the authorities introduced the "ABC" system, tying hours per day of electrical supply to each district's payment record. Despite the logic of "less payment, less service," the result has been collective deprivation for whole communities.
Kosovo's ethnic-Serb enclaves - which still largely refuse to accept KEK, treating it as an arm of the ethnic-Albanian provisional government - all fall into the "C" category for the worst payment record. Many Serbs, however, say that no one has brought them a power bill since 1999.
The authorities have set a target of 90 per cent collection by 2008, before "first fire" at Kosovo C.
Big paying customers such as the recently privatised Ferronikeli nickel works will help to stabilise KEK's revenues, Mr Haxhiu says.
Normal bill collection from the public, meanwhile, would put a brake on thoughtless energy consumption, so that KEK can ramp up the power supply at a steady 5 per cent per year after 2013, when the new plant comes on line, he says. But he adds: "If there's not 90 per cent collection by 2013, we don't know what to do."
The miners here carry a burden from the more recent past: the former Serb-dominated regime, pressed by international sanctions in the 1990s, scraped out a few hundred tons of lignite each year without investing in maintenance or removing enough topsoil.
The result today is a looming danger of fatal collapses, as the ethnic-Albanian authorities who now operate the 50-year-old mines try to extract the last six or seven years of supply for Kosovo's aged lignite-fired electrical generating stations.
But the remaining work at these mines - like the portable generator sets that chug through the afternoon hours in nearby Pristina and other cities throughout the province - is only a stopgap measure, according to Lorik Haxhiu, mining director at the provisional energy and mining ministry, which manages power supplies under United Nations supervision.
Lignite, or soft brown coal, could give the mostly ethnic-Albanian province, which hopes to gain legal independence from Serbia around the end of this year, a sustainable source of electrical power for the next two centuries or more.
"This is the third richest lignite basin in Europe, after the reserves in Germany and Poland," says Mr Haxhiu, standing over the Mirash pit and pointing northwards, where the same lignite vein stretches for a further five kilometres.
A report by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) earlier this year added impetus to the "lignite initiative" and could help to secure the large-scale private-sector investments needed to transform Kosovo's energy sector from makeshift to state of the art.
Kosovo C, the planned 2,000 MW generating station for which construction is meant to start in 2008, will propel Kosovo into the age of "clean coal" power, produced in line with European Union standards, energy officials say.
The nearly Euros 1bn project, in conjunction with an upgraded Kosovo B plant and a few modest dams to generate hydroelectric power, will cover the new country's energy needs and leave spare capacity for exports around the region.
The station will also generate Euros 150m per year for the state budget and spur growth throughout the economy, says Ethem Ceku, minister of mining and energy.
In the meantime, however, the cash-strapped Kosovo Electricity Company (KEK) is floundering, and officials wonder how to set the ambitious lignite initiative in motion.
Today's funding shortfalls are likely to hold up the construction of Kosovo C. "We can't do it without more money," says Shefqet Avdiu, manager of KEK's power generation division.
Costly emergency repairs have restored less than half of nominal capacity at the existing Kosovo A and B plants, while energy imports from Bulgaria, Serbia and other neighbours are draining around Euros 30m per year from Kosovo's modest budget. This is nearly double the amount allocated, leaving donors to make up the rest, Mr Avdiu said.
In the seven years since Kosovo slipped from Serbian control, international agencies have reportedly pumped more than Euros 1bn into the energy sector without preventing power cuts or weaning towns and industries off portable generators. Electrical failures have become one of the local population's loudest complaints against the UN interim administration.
While Kosovo A should have been retired years ago, plans call for keeping Kosovo B alive at least until 2023, so that the proposed new Sibovc lignite mine will be vital "even to keep up with refurbishments", Mr Haxhiu says.
Opening the new pit - including buying land, resettling villagers, laying down roads and installing new bucket excavators - will cost Euros 237m, part of the ministry's Euros 1.2bn estimate for "immediate investments" prior to starting Kosovo C.
Future development plans all hinge on revenue from KEK bill collections, as would be expected from any normal electricity company. KEK, however, collects on barely 40 per cent of the bills it issues. This is a great improvement on the comparable figure of just over 30 per cent a year ago, but far from enough to address the state-owned power company's debts of more than Euros 200m from the past five years.
In December, the authorities introduced the "ABC" system, tying hours per day of electrical supply to each district's payment record. Despite the logic of "less payment, less service," the result has been collective deprivation for whole communities.
Kosovo's ethnic-Serb enclaves - which still largely refuse to accept KEK, treating it as an arm of the ethnic-Albanian provisional government - all fall into the "C" category for the worst payment record. Many Serbs, however, say that no one has brought them a power bill since 1999.
The authorities have set a target of 90 per cent collection by 2008, before "first fire" at Kosovo C.
Big paying customers such as the recently privatised Ferronikeli nickel works will help to stabilise KEK's revenues, Mr Haxhiu says.
Normal bill collection from the public, meanwhile, would put a brake on thoughtless energy consumption, so that KEK can ramp up the power supply at a steady 5 per cent per year after 2013, when the new plant comes on line, he says. But he adds: "If there's not 90 per cent collection by 2013, we don't know what to do."
Minimum standards of safety remain elusive - HUMAN RIGHTS: The threat of ethnic violence is never far away, says Eric Jansson.- The Financil Times
Few Serbs can forget the jumpy young man who scaled the Church of St Andrew in Podujevo two years ago.
Thousands of times, television screens across Serbia - including the beleaguered Serb enclaves in breakaway Kosovo - have replayed the videotape. It shows the man climbing to the burning church's rooftop and attacking a metal cross - tugging, twisting it until it crashes down, to the delight of a crowd of ethnic Albanians in the churchyard below.
The unidentified man generated an iconic image of the pogrom that swept through Kosovo in March 2004. The three-day orgy of violence pitted tens of thousands of rioters against minority communities, Serbian Orthodox churches and their United Nations and Nato protectors.
The damage toll catalogued afterwards in a report from Kofi Annan, UN Secretary-General, listed 19 people killed, 954 injured, and 730 houses and 36 religious sites destroyed, some containing priceless examples of ancient Byzantine Christian art.
"The March riots" remain a vital reference point for diplomats and Nato military commanders gauging the probability of a sudden return to violence.
Since then, Kosovo's secessionist leaders have struggled to persuade others of their commitment to the safety and human rights of minorities in Kosovo amid discussions about possible independent statehood.
"There will be no repeat of March 2004. The citizens are aware how much damage an event like that can cause," says Fatmir Sejdiu, president since March this year.
But many observers warn that serious violence may erupt again if Kosovo's provisional authorities do not achieve full independence from Serbia this year.
The president denies this, but he warns: "The international community has to be careful. We do not want to stimulate politics that could generate conflict. It is not good to test the citizens' patience."
When the UN and Nato intervened in the province, they pledged to create a safe, multi-ethnic space before determining Kosovo's political status. It is no longer clear that this goal can be achieved. The UN initiated Kosovo's status negotiations in late 2005 although an overwhelming majority of Serbs in the province still say their basic right to safety is trampled routinely.
A steady trickle of violent incidents against Serb communities keeps the intimidation factor high. This month alone brought several shootings and the stoning of a busload of 60 Serbs travelling to market. On May 6 gunmen ambushed a Serbian Orthodox priest, his wife and two children travelling in their family car. They narrowly escaped.
Extremists also struck Podujevo, vandalising a second church and setting back reconstruction efforts funded by the Council of Europe.
Sava Janjic, an influential monk who is the Serbian Orthodox Church's diplomatic contact point in Kosovo, calls this "persecution".
He says: "The Church is its people, and our faithful people, clergy and monks have been living for years without basic freedoms and dignity. In most of Kosovo we still cannot move without military or police escort, and we are exposed to everyday verbal abuses and harassments."
Slavisa Petkovic, the only Serb minister in the provisional government, claims that open persecution ended in late 2004, when he took office, and that threats to minority communities are on the wane. "There has been a substantial relaxation of relations between most Serbs and Albanians living in Kosovo," he says.
Yet Mr Petkovic's own parents are among the many Serb refugees who choose not to return. More than 223,000 Serbs and other minority individuals have left the province since the war. Fewer than 15,000 have moved back, according to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees.
Contradicting both UN officials and Kosovo's elected leaders, Hilmi Jashari, the province's top human rights lawyer, says that little progress is being made. "I would not say that the human rights environment has changed dramatically from 2004 until today. In fact, from 2000 until now I have not seen a dramatic change," he says.
As acting chief of Kosovo's human rights office, a public institution founded by the UN mission but independent from it, Mr Jashari says he recently reopened his file on the March riots in response to complaints that they were "never properly investigated" by local or international authorities.
A Human Rights Watch report released today sides with the complainants, leding weight to claims that neither basic safety nor legal protection can yet be taken for granted.
Thousands of times, television screens across Serbia - including the beleaguered Serb enclaves in breakaway Kosovo - have replayed the videotape. It shows the man climbing to the burning church's rooftop and attacking a metal cross - tugging, twisting it until it crashes down, to the delight of a crowd of ethnic Albanians in the churchyard below.
The unidentified man generated an iconic image of the pogrom that swept through Kosovo in March 2004. The three-day orgy of violence pitted tens of thousands of rioters against minority communities, Serbian Orthodox churches and their United Nations and Nato protectors.
The damage toll catalogued afterwards in a report from Kofi Annan, UN Secretary-General, listed 19 people killed, 954 injured, and 730 houses and 36 religious sites destroyed, some containing priceless examples of ancient Byzantine Christian art.
"The March riots" remain a vital reference point for diplomats and Nato military commanders gauging the probability of a sudden return to violence.
Since then, Kosovo's secessionist leaders have struggled to persuade others of their commitment to the safety and human rights of minorities in Kosovo amid discussions about possible independent statehood.
"There will be no repeat of March 2004. The citizens are aware how much damage an event like that can cause," says Fatmir Sejdiu, president since March this year.
But many observers warn that serious violence may erupt again if Kosovo's provisional authorities do not achieve full independence from Serbia this year.
The president denies this, but he warns: "The international community has to be careful. We do not want to stimulate politics that could generate conflict. It is not good to test the citizens' patience."
When the UN and Nato intervened in the province, they pledged to create a safe, multi-ethnic space before determining Kosovo's political status. It is no longer clear that this goal can be achieved. The UN initiated Kosovo's status negotiations in late 2005 although an overwhelming majority of Serbs in the province still say their basic right to safety is trampled routinely.
A steady trickle of violent incidents against Serb communities keeps the intimidation factor high. This month alone brought several shootings and the stoning of a busload of 60 Serbs travelling to market. On May 6 gunmen ambushed a Serbian Orthodox priest, his wife and two children travelling in their family car. They narrowly escaped.
Extremists also struck Podujevo, vandalising a second church and setting back reconstruction efforts funded by the Council of Europe.
Sava Janjic, an influential monk who is the Serbian Orthodox Church's diplomatic contact point in Kosovo, calls this "persecution".
He says: "The Church is its people, and our faithful people, clergy and monks have been living for years without basic freedoms and dignity. In most of Kosovo we still cannot move without military or police escort, and we are exposed to everyday verbal abuses and harassments."
Slavisa Petkovic, the only Serb minister in the provisional government, claims that open persecution ended in late 2004, when he took office, and that threats to minority communities are on the wane. "There has been a substantial relaxation of relations between most Serbs and Albanians living in Kosovo," he says.
Yet Mr Petkovic's own parents are among the many Serb refugees who choose not to return. More than 223,000 Serbs and other minority individuals have left the province since the war. Fewer than 15,000 have moved back, according to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees.
Contradicting both UN officials and Kosovo's elected leaders, Hilmi Jashari, the province's top human rights lawyer, says that little progress is being made. "I would not say that the human rights environment has changed dramatically from 2004 until today. In fact, from 2000 until now I have not seen a dramatic change," he says.
As acting chief of Kosovo's human rights office, a public institution founded by the UN mission but independent from it, Mr Jashari says he recently reopened his file on the March riots in response to complaints that they were "never properly investigated" by local or international authorities.
A Human Rights Watch report released today sides with the complainants, leding weight to claims that neither basic safety nor legal protection can yet be taken for granted.
Confident leader-in-waiting - POLITICS: The new prime minister promises tolerance and political maturity with independence, says Eric Jansson.
The popular independence movement that dominates democratic politics in Kosovo claims few greater heroes than Agim Ceku, prime minister of the breakaway province, elected two months ago.
Slim and youthful, the shaven-headed Mr Ceku, 44, exudes an effortless authority born of long experience as a military commander.
After fighting Serb troops as a high-ranking officer in the Croatian army in 1991, the Kosovo Albanian veteran went on to become chief of staff for the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA).
Politics may be a softer game, but Mr Ceku now faces another decisive battle as leader of the Kosovo government that could this year gain formal independence for the province - or squander the apparent goodwill of the leading western powers.
Sitting in his oak-panelled office, the former commander points to a wall where an oil-painted canvas shows him hard at work in the aftermath of the Kosovo's 1998-99 war. Mr Ceku is depicted in rebel fatigues, sleeves rolled up, flush with victory over Slobodan Milosevic's Serb forces, plotting Kosovo's way forward in the company of Nato generals and United Nations envoys.
"At that time, I thought independence would come in two or three years," he says.
It is now seven years and counting for Mr Ceku, whose patience is being further tried this year as Pristina and Belgrade tiptoe through their first tentative efforts at postwar dialogue.
The prime minister's power remains strictly limited by the foreign diplomats who retain final decision-making authority over Kosovo's future status. His government claims only limited powers as one of several "provisional institutions of self-government" established under United Nations supervision four years ago.
Mr Ceku claims that the UN Security Council has already quietly made up its mind about Kosovo's future political status. "Everyone knows what the decision is going to be," he says, flashing a confident smile that leaves no doubt he means independence.
Soren Jessen-Petersen, head of the UN mission in Kosovo, insists that "nothing has been determined" about the details of the province's future status.
The Kosovo government's counterparts in Belgrade also disagree vociferously that independence is a foregone conclusion. The Serbian government remains fundamentally opposed to the province's secession, continuing negotiations notwithstanding.
In Belgrade, where the KLA is remembered as a "terrorist" army, Mr Ceku is still wanted on a warrant accusing him of war crimes, in Croatia and in Kosovo.
Vojislav Kostunica, the prime minister in Belgrade, holds Mr Ceku personally responsible for vicious anti-Serb violence that occurred both during the 1998-1999 war and afterward.
The Serbian government calls his rise to political leadership, even if welcomed by the UN, "completely unacceptable" and "a mockery of the values that democratic society is founded on".
Mr Ceku declines to comment, saying only that he cares more about the views in Washington and Brussels, where he claims powerful friends. He has been twice arrested on Belgrade's warrant - in Slovenia in 2003 and in Hungary in 2004 - and twice freed after hasty diplomatic interventions.
Ironically, Belgrade's campaign against Mr Ceku could help the Kosovo Albanians' drive for full and unconditional independence. Few in the international community see intractability and accusation as winning tactics.
For his part, Mr Ceku is wrong-footing Belgrade, toeing the international line whenever possible and openly courting Serb public opinion. To the shock of the ethnic Albanian deputies who filled the legislature in March for his inaugural address, he delivered a conciliatory speech in fluent Serbo-Croat, calling for reconciliation with the province's ethnic minorities.
"In a democratic Kosovo, you Serbs, like Kosovo's other citizens, will have a future, because it belongs to everyone, and together we will create a society guaranteeing freedom, equality, economic progress for everyone regardless of their ethnicity," he pledged.
Most Serbs disbelieve him instinctively. Conciliatory gestures have come from Pristina's leaders before, including some of Mr Ceku's predecessors who, when an anti-Serb pogrom swept through Kosovo in March 2004, hesitated before condemning the outrageous violence.
But the government's approach is accompanied, promisingly, by small signs that Kosovo's ethnically riven society has begun to normalise. Among Mr Ceku's colleagues is one Serb, Slavisa Petkovic, the minister in charge of refugee returns. He and other Serb politicians have begun openly questioning the longstanding policy, backed by Belgrade, of boycotting the elections and parliamentary sessions.
Western diplomats praise Kosovo's infant democracy for its weathering political upheavals. The death this year of Ibrahim Rugova, Kosovo's longtime president and a pacifist icon widely regarded as "the father of Kosovo independence", passed without incident, followed by parliament's election of Mr Rugova's successor, Fatmir Sejdiu. Similarly Kosovo in late 2004 peacefully received the resignation and extradition of a prime minister, KLA veteran Ramush Haradinaj, when international prosecutors indicted him for alleged war crimes.
Mr Petersen hails the ethnic Albanian majority for its "calm and dignity" in the face of such challenges.
But whether it would respond in such a way if forced to accept any future status for Kosovo other than full independence is the province's million dollar question.
Slim and youthful, the shaven-headed Mr Ceku, 44, exudes an effortless authority born of long experience as a military commander.
After fighting Serb troops as a high-ranking officer in the Croatian army in 1991, the Kosovo Albanian veteran went on to become chief of staff for the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA).
Politics may be a softer game, but Mr Ceku now faces another decisive battle as leader of the Kosovo government that could this year gain formal independence for the province - or squander the apparent goodwill of the leading western powers.
Sitting in his oak-panelled office, the former commander points to a wall where an oil-painted canvas shows him hard at work in the aftermath of the Kosovo's 1998-99 war. Mr Ceku is depicted in rebel fatigues, sleeves rolled up, flush with victory over Slobodan Milosevic's Serb forces, plotting Kosovo's way forward in the company of Nato generals and United Nations envoys.
"At that time, I thought independence would come in two or three years," he says.
It is now seven years and counting for Mr Ceku, whose patience is being further tried this year as Pristina and Belgrade tiptoe through their first tentative efforts at postwar dialogue.
The prime minister's power remains strictly limited by the foreign diplomats who retain final decision-making authority over Kosovo's future status. His government claims only limited powers as one of several "provisional institutions of self-government" established under United Nations supervision four years ago.
Mr Ceku claims that the UN Security Council has already quietly made up its mind about Kosovo's future political status. "Everyone knows what the decision is going to be," he says, flashing a confident smile that leaves no doubt he means independence.
Soren Jessen-Petersen, head of the UN mission in Kosovo, insists that "nothing has been determined" about the details of the province's future status.
The Kosovo government's counterparts in Belgrade also disagree vociferously that independence is a foregone conclusion. The Serbian government remains fundamentally opposed to the province's secession, continuing negotiations notwithstanding.
In Belgrade, where the KLA is remembered as a "terrorist" army, Mr Ceku is still wanted on a warrant accusing him of war crimes, in Croatia and in Kosovo.
Vojislav Kostunica, the prime minister in Belgrade, holds Mr Ceku personally responsible for vicious anti-Serb violence that occurred both during the 1998-1999 war and afterward.
The Serbian government calls his rise to political leadership, even if welcomed by the UN, "completely unacceptable" and "a mockery of the values that democratic society is founded on".
Mr Ceku declines to comment, saying only that he cares more about the views in Washington and Brussels, where he claims powerful friends. He has been twice arrested on Belgrade's warrant - in Slovenia in 2003 and in Hungary in 2004 - and twice freed after hasty diplomatic interventions.
Ironically, Belgrade's campaign against Mr Ceku could help the Kosovo Albanians' drive for full and unconditional independence. Few in the international community see intractability and accusation as winning tactics.
For his part, Mr Ceku is wrong-footing Belgrade, toeing the international line whenever possible and openly courting Serb public opinion. To the shock of the ethnic Albanian deputies who filled the legislature in March for his inaugural address, he delivered a conciliatory speech in fluent Serbo-Croat, calling for reconciliation with the province's ethnic minorities.
"In a democratic Kosovo, you Serbs, like Kosovo's other citizens, will have a future, because it belongs to everyone, and together we will create a society guaranteeing freedom, equality, economic progress for everyone regardless of their ethnicity," he pledged.
Most Serbs disbelieve him instinctively. Conciliatory gestures have come from Pristina's leaders before, including some of Mr Ceku's predecessors who, when an anti-Serb pogrom swept through Kosovo in March 2004, hesitated before condemning the outrageous violence.
But the government's approach is accompanied, promisingly, by small signs that Kosovo's ethnically riven society has begun to normalise. Among Mr Ceku's colleagues is one Serb, Slavisa Petkovic, the minister in charge of refugee returns. He and other Serb politicians have begun openly questioning the longstanding policy, backed by Belgrade, of boycotting the elections and parliamentary sessions.
Western diplomats praise Kosovo's infant democracy for its weathering political upheavals. The death this year of Ibrahim Rugova, Kosovo's longtime president and a pacifist icon widely regarded as "the father of Kosovo independence", passed without incident, followed by parliament's election of Mr Rugova's successor, Fatmir Sejdiu. Similarly Kosovo in late 2004 peacefully received the resignation and extradition of a prime minister, KLA veteran Ramush Haradinaj, when international prosecutors indicted him for alleged war crimes.
Mr Petersen hails the ethnic Albanian majority for its "calm and dignity" in the face of such challenges.
But whether it would respond in such a way if forced to accept any future status for Kosovo other than full independence is the province's million dollar question.
Interest starts to stir PRIVATISATION: Foreign investors are gambling on regeneration, says Eric Jansson. - The Financial Times Special Report
Ferronikeli until recently lay broken and mostly abandoned. The battered mining and smelting complex in central Kosovo was a prime example of how disinvestment and war can bring heavy industry to its knees.
Quartered in offices with broken windows, a postwar executive board continued to meet but found little business to conduct.
Kosovo's international administration took this and other "socially owned" companies - defined under Yugoslav law as the collective property of workers - under trusteeship. In this post-Yugoslav arrangement, Ferronikeli's managers were compelled to seek permission for even minor transactions, such as the sale of scrap metal from the factory yard.
Now, suddenly, the grim situation is about to change. Kosovo's privatisation authorities this month finalised the sale of Ferronikeli to Zurich-based International Mineral Resources (IMR)/Alferon, part of Eurasian Natural Resources, one of the world's largest mining and metals groups. Foreign investors are ready to seek profits in the renewal of Kosovo's industrial base.
The deal - with a sales price of Euros 30.5m linked to a Euros 20m investment commitment - is Kosovo's largest privatisation. The sale comes shortly ahead of other big sales, including the Rahovec winery and vineyards, Peja Brewery and IMK pipe factory.
IMR/Alferon promises to reactivate at least 1,000 jobs while stimulating new business in a host of sectors linked to mining and metals. The earlier sale of another metals complex, the Llamkos galvanised steel plant, already shows this can work. The Llamkos sale yielded just Euros 4.2m initially but has since brought Euros 28m in capital investments to Kosovo, according to the Kosovo Trust Agency (KTA), the body in charge of privatisation.
The Ferronikeli sale places the KTA "firmly on track" to meet its target of selling "90 per cent of the value" of companies slated for privatisation by the end of 2006, says Joachim Ruecker, KTA chairman.
When Mr Ruecker, the German heading up economic reconstruction for the UN mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), set this sales target last year, it appeared unrealistic. Kosovo's internationally managed privatisation process, launched in 2002 but stalled almost from its inception, had barely begun to move by early 2005. But since Mr Ruecker took over, it has accelerated rapidly, so far bringing total sales to Euros 240m.
The privatisation chief says an executive decision made by UNMIK, granting the KTA the right of eminent domain in the province, has allowed the agency to press forward with sales. Previously, a host of practical and legal complications, often on ownership, caused delays.
The delays proved costly, depriving Kosovo's traditional industrial base of new investment over several years and contributing to a widespread perception among investors that the province has little to offer.
For example, Claudio Viezzoli, western Balkans director at the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), says the bank initially saw few opportunities, although it was among the first investors to arrive, 15 days after the war ended.
"We had the impression that all the large companies were either being dismantled or cannibalised, which in part is what did happen," he says.
UNMIK's decision to grant eminent domain to the KTA, however, opens the way for large projects, such as a potential Euros 50m investment Mr Viezzoli says the EBRD is now considering at Pristina Airport - ownership of which is contested by Serbia's military.
Yet UNMIK's "clever mechanism", as Mr Viezzoli calls it, only sidesteps the fundamental question dogging privatisation in the province. The very ownership of Kosovo itself - and with it the companies registered there - remains the subject of bitter dispute between leaders in Pristina and Belgrade.
Kosovo Albanian elected officials, all secessionists, sit on the KTA board where they are outnumbered by international officials. They say "the internationals" are selling off companies too slowly and too cheaply.
Bujar Dugolli, minister of trade and industry, acknowledges the Ferronikeli sale as a success. But he argues that Mr Ruecker and his UN colleagues should do more, transferring privatisation controls to Kosovo's democratically elected leaders and releasing privatisation revenues from UNMIK-controlled escrow accounts. Mr Dugolli proposes "unblocking the privatisation fund and loaning part of it to commercial banks" to stimulate economic growth.
As long as the UN seeks a mediated settlement, and as long as Serbian negotiators assert Belgrade's rights over companies in Kosovo, Mr Dugolli can probably expect to wait.
Quartered in offices with broken windows, a postwar executive board continued to meet but found little business to conduct.
Kosovo's international administration took this and other "socially owned" companies - defined under Yugoslav law as the collective property of workers - under trusteeship. In this post-Yugoslav arrangement, Ferronikeli's managers were compelled to seek permission for even minor transactions, such as the sale of scrap metal from the factory yard.
Now, suddenly, the grim situation is about to change. Kosovo's privatisation authorities this month finalised the sale of Ferronikeli to Zurich-based International Mineral Resources (IMR)/Alferon, part of Eurasian Natural Resources, one of the world's largest mining and metals groups. Foreign investors are ready to seek profits in the renewal of Kosovo's industrial base.
The deal - with a sales price of Euros 30.5m linked to a Euros 20m investment commitment - is Kosovo's largest privatisation. The sale comes shortly ahead of other big sales, including the Rahovec winery and vineyards, Peja Brewery and IMK pipe factory.
IMR/Alferon promises to reactivate at least 1,000 jobs while stimulating new business in a host of sectors linked to mining and metals. The earlier sale of another metals complex, the Llamkos galvanised steel plant, already shows this can work. The Llamkos sale yielded just Euros 4.2m initially but has since brought Euros 28m in capital investments to Kosovo, according to the Kosovo Trust Agency (KTA), the body in charge of privatisation.
The Ferronikeli sale places the KTA "firmly on track" to meet its target of selling "90 per cent of the value" of companies slated for privatisation by the end of 2006, says Joachim Ruecker, KTA chairman.
When Mr Ruecker, the German heading up economic reconstruction for the UN mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), set this sales target last year, it appeared unrealistic. Kosovo's internationally managed privatisation process, launched in 2002 but stalled almost from its inception, had barely begun to move by early 2005. But since Mr Ruecker took over, it has accelerated rapidly, so far bringing total sales to Euros 240m.
The privatisation chief says an executive decision made by UNMIK, granting the KTA the right of eminent domain in the province, has allowed the agency to press forward with sales. Previously, a host of practical and legal complications, often on ownership, caused delays.
The delays proved costly, depriving Kosovo's traditional industrial base of new investment over several years and contributing to a widespread perception among investors that the province has little to offer.
For example, Claudio Viezzoli, western Balkans director at the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), says the bank initially saw few opportunities, although it was among the first investors to arrive, 15 days after the war ended.
"We had the impression that all the large companies were either being dismantled or cannibalised, which in part is what did happen," he says.
UNMIK's decision to grant eminent domain to the KTA, however, opens the way for large projects, such as a potential Euros 50m investment Mr Viezzoli says the EBRD is now considering at Pristina Airport - ownership of which is contested by Serbia's military.
Yet UNMIK's "clever mechanism", as Mr Viezzoli calls it, only sidesteps the fundamental question dogging privatisation in the province. The very ownership of Kosovo itself - and with it the companies registered there - remains the subject of bitter dispute between leaders in Pristina and Belgrade.
Kosovo Albanian elected officials, all secessionists, sit on the KTA board where they are outnumbered by international officials. They say "the internationals" are selling off companies too slowly and too cheaply.
Bujar Dugolli, minister of trade and industry, acknowledges the Ferronikeli sale as a success. But he argues that Mr Ruecker and his UN colleagues should do more, transferring privatisation controls to Kosovo's democratically elected leaders and releasing privatisation revenues from UNMIK-controlled escrow accounts. Mr Dugolli proposes "unblocking the privatisation fund and loaning part of it to commercial banks" to stimulate economic growth.
As long as the UN seeks a mediated settlement, and as long as Serbian negotiators assert Belgrade's rights over companies in Kosovo, Mr Dugolli can probably expect to wait.
Underfunded capital scores high on potholes and restaurants. - The Financial Times Special Report
Opposition newspapers slam him for the "Izmet Beqiri holes" that pock the downtown road surfaces of Kosovo's capital city, Pristina. Mr Beqiri, mayor for the past three years, retorts that he is too strapped for cash to take care of basic maintenance, let alone pave the other 80 per cent of the municipality's roads. "Simply fixing the streetlights, which were all smashed up before, has been an achievement," he says.
His annual budget for capital investment is only Euros 9m. The municipality of Tirana, capital of neighbouring Albania, reportedly raises nearly four times that amount each year between fund transfers and tax revenues, although the population there is less than double Pristina's.
Tirana's reforming mayor, flamboyant artist and ex-culture minister Edi Rama, has won international acclaim for brightening up drab ex-communist urban facades. Mr Beqiri says he admires those achievements and longs for the same freedom to address similar social and environmental problems.
But here, the municipal organs are intertwined, financially and administratively, with the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), the executive arm of the UN protectorate in the mainly ethnic-Albanian province that broke away from Serbian control seven years ago.
Powerful financing options increasingly used by other south-east European cities, such as municipal bonds, are unavailable as long as Kosovo lacks the permanent, predictable status of a sovereign country.
Additionally, the unassuming Mr Beqiri - a loyalist of the ruling Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) who formerly managed public swimming pools - shows some reluctance to tamper with his home city, where he has lived for 40 of his 41 years. "Pristina is beautifulin its own way," he says.
His top priority as mayor, he says, is to impose some order on haphazard growth. The municipal authorities recently adopted a General Urban Plan, the first of its kind in Pristina, outlining a comprehensive vision for the next 16 years, including three concentric ring roads to ease traffic flow around seven main districts.
In the past, only a few upscale pockets showed evidence of planning. One of these is Pejton City, the central commercial and diplomatic quarter named for the racy 1960s hit US television series "Peyton Place".
Josip Broz Tito, second world war partisan leader and Yugoslavia's president for life, had a flair for the theatrical, but he also understood how to balance conflicting interests. Residents still sometimes cite street names from the Tito period - a mix of Serb, Albanian and communist war heroes and literary figures - in place of the recently posted names from Kosovo's ethnic Albanian liberation struggle. Serb-nationalist signage put up under Slobodan Milosevic, Serbia's ruler in the 1990s, never took hold, whereas two of the latest street names - Mother Teresa Street and Bill Clinton Boulevard - are accepted.
Just as Constantinople became "Stamboul" and hence Istanbul, some locals say that Kosovo's capital started out as Prima Justiniana, an episcopal centre founded by Byzantine emperor Justinian I in the sixth century. But nothing comes easy for Pristina: neighbouring Macedonia's capital, Skopje, and a nearby southern Serbian city, Leskovac, both lay claim to the same origin.
Later Byzantine documents refer to Pristina only as a "village." Aside from Roman artefacts in the museum and some prehistoric house foundations uncovered on the outskirts, the city's heritage is most evident in the two Ottoman mosques dating to the 1400s in the "old town," which otherwise contains late nineteenth and early twentieth century landmarks.
Nearer the city centre, the buildings tell of Kosovo's more recent history. Next to the university library stands a large, unfinished Orthodox church, an attempt by Serbs under Mr Milosevic's leadership to assert their dominance.
Although most of the Serbs fled in 1999, Kosovo must now prove its readiness for independence as a tolerant, multi-ethnic society, say United Nations mediators in the ongoing status negotiations with Serbia. Patches of fresh white paint on the church's otherwise unpainted dome show where the authorities covered anti-Serb slogans.
While the independence war made the local society ethnically uniform, ethnic Albanian refugees from around the war-torn province packed into the capital, whose population swelled from around 250,000 to nearly 500,000, according to Mr Beqiri. At the same time, the internationals - aid workers, consultants and UN administrators - brought a new, multicultural element that the mayor says has become one of Pristina's greatest assets.
The striking youthfulness of the locals - around 70 per cent are under 30 years of age - could one day be a demographic time bomb, but for now it livens up the streets and provides strong human resources.
English is almost universally spoken in the servicessector, and expatriate westerners express surprise at the range of good restaurants around town. "It's not so bad, although there's no classical music," says a western European banker who flies home to his family about every three weeks. Another expatriate, a hard-bitten UN administrator, grudgingly calls Pristina "better than Sierra Leone".
On the downside for the mayor, the high-spending international presence is a magnet for continued rural-urban migration, even though "Pristina is not exempt from any of Kosovo's problems, including high unemployment".
As with any centre of post-conflict reconstruction, economists worry about what will happen to Pristina's flourishing small and medium-sized enterprises when the internationals eventually leave. Officials at the International Monetary Fund, however, say a local middle class has started to blossom, making much of the local services sector self-sustaining.
His annual budget for capital investment is only Euros 9m. The municipality of Tirana, capital of neighbouring Albania, reportedly raises nearly four times that amount each year between fund transfers and tax revenues, although the population there is less than double Pristina's.
Tirana's reforming mayor, flamboyant artist and ex-culture minister Edi Rama, has won international acclaim for brightening up drab ex-communist urban facades. Mr Beqiri says he admires those achievements and longs for the same freedom to address similar social and environmental problems.
But here, the municipal organs are intertwined, financially and administratively, with the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), the executive arm of the UN protectorate in the mainly ethnic-Albanian province that broke away from Serbian control seven years ago.
Powerful financing options increasingly used by other south-east European cities, such as municipal bonds, are unavailable as long as Kosovo lacks the permanent, predictable status of a sovereign country.
Additionally, the unassuming Mr Beqiri - a loyalist of the ruling Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) who formerly managed public swimming pools - shows some reluctance to tamper with his home city, where he has lived for 40 of his 41 years. "Pristina is beautifulin its own way," he says.
His top priority as mayor, he says, is to impose some order on haphazard growth. The municipal authorities recently adopted a General Urban Plan, the first of its kind in Pristina, outlining a comprehensive vision for the next 16 years, including three concentric ring roads to ease traffic flow around seven main districts.
In the past, only a few upscale pockets showed evidence of planning. One of these is Pejton City, the central commercial and diplomatic quarter named for the racy 1960s hit US television series "Peyton Place".
Josip Broz Tito, second world war partisan leader and Yugoslavia's president for life, had a flair for the theatrical, but he also understood how to balance conflicting interests. Residents still sometimes cite street names from the Tito period - a mix of Serb, Albanian and communist war heroes and literary figures - in place of the recently posted names from Kosovo's ethnic Albanian liberation struggle. Serb-nationalist signage put up under Slobodan Milosevic, Serbia's ruler in the 1990s, never took hold, whereas two of the latest street names - Mother Teresa Street and Bill Clinton Boulevard - are accepted.
Just as Constantinople became "Stamboul" and hence Istanbul, some locals say that Kosovo's capital started out as Prima Justiniana, an episcopal centre founded by Byzantine emperor Justinian I in the sixth century. But nothing comes easy for Pristina: neighbouring Macedonia's capital, Skopje, and a nearby southern Serbian city, Leskovac, both lay claim to the same origin.
Later Byzantine documents refer to Pristina only as a "village." Aside from Roman artefacts in the museum and some prehistoric house foundations uncovered on the outskirts, the city's heritage is most evident in the two Ottoman mosques dating to the 1400s in the "old town," which otherwise contains late nineteenth and early twentieth century landmarks.
Nearer the city centre, the buildings tell of Kosovo's more recent history. Next to the university library stands a large, unfinished Orthodox church, an attempt by Serbs under Mr Milosevic's leadership to assert their dominance.
Although most of the Serbs fled in 1999, Kosovo must now prove its readiness for independence as a tolerant, multi-ethnic society, say United Nations mediators in the ongoing status negotiations with Serbia. Patches of fresh white paint on the church's otherwise unpainted dome show where the authorities covered anti-Serb slogans.
While the independence war made the local society ethnically uniform, ethnic Albanian refugees from around the war-torn province packed into the capital, whose population swelled from around 250,000 to nearly 500,000, according to Mr Beqiri. At the same time, the internationals - aid workers, consultants and UN administrators - brought a new, multicultural element that the mayor says has become one of Pristina's greatest assets.
The striking youthfulness of the locals - around 70 per cent are under 30 years of age - could one day be a demographic time bomb, but for now it livens up the streets and provides strong human resources.
English is almost universally spoken in the servicessector, and expatriate westerners express surprise at the range of good restaurants around town. "It's not so bad, although there's no classical music," says a western European banker who flies home to his family about every three weeks. Another expatriate, a hard-bitten UN administrator, grudgingly calls Pristina "better than Sierra Leone".
On the downside for the mayor, the high-spending international presence is a magnet for continued rural-urban migration, even though "Pristina is not exempt from any of Kosovo's problems, including high unemployment".
As with any centre of post-conflict reconstruction, economists worry about what will happen to Pristina's flourishing small and medium-sized enterprises when the internationals eventually leave. Officials at the International Monetary Fund, however, say a local middle class has started to blossom, making much of the local services sector self-sustaining.
Last fight will shape the future Talks on the disputed province's status could end a stalemate, write Eric Jansson and Neil MacDonald.
International administrators have racked up an impressive list of achievements during their seven years on the ground in Kosovo, the mainly ethnic-Albanian province severed from Serbia through international military intervention in 1999.
Helped by foreign donations totalling Euros 2.14bn and further pledges worth Euros 610m, the United Nations administration established after the Yugoslav Serb regime pulled out has already left an indelible signature on this most unsettled corner of the western Balkans.
The UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) has maintained law and order and, arguably, helped an enduring peace start to take root.
International administrators have designed and helped build a democratically elected provisional government, parliament and presidency, which will operate under direct UN supervision until further notice. UNMIK also advertises its success overseeing the installation of "the framework of a functional market economy".
In this landlocked province of fertile plains and snow-capped mountains - roughly one-third the size of the Netherlands - scarcely a town or village is untouched by the international reconstruction effort. Kosovo's 2m people have seen 1,400 km of roads and some 50,000 war-ruined houses rebuilt, as well as schools, hospitals and religious buildings.
Nato - which intervened with a 78-day bombing campaign to expel Serb military and police forces from the province - has taken on an equally daunting job. After Belgrade's capitulation in June 1999, multinational forces under Nato command brought basic security to the ethnic Albanians who account for an estimated 90 per cent of Kosovo's population, many of whom suffered bitterly at the hands of Serb authorities before and during the war.
The alliance has also protected Kosovo's acutely endangered Serb minority - with the exception of some fatal lapses.
Despite the basic peace and security, however, the international intervention in Kosovo cannot yet be called a success.
Kofi Annan, UN Secretary-General, in January expressed "serious concern" that Kosovo was backtracking in efforts to achieve the UN's stated goal - creating a "sustainable multi-ethnic, democratic society in which members of all communities can live in dignity and security."
Conditions could deteriorate further unless Kosovo is allowed out of the limbo it entered directly after the war. "The sooner we bring this holding operation to an end the better for all the people of Kosovo," says Soren Jessen-Petersen, the Dane who heads the UN mission as Mr Annan's special representative.
The way to end this holding operation is to resolve Kosovo's status - but that has not been achieved by the war, UN Security Council Resolution 1244 which established UNMIK, or the past seven years.
However, if current bilateral status talks in Vienna are to be taken seriously, a year from now Kosovo will be either a newly independent state or an autonomous territory remaining within Serbia's internationally recognised border.
The trouble is that Resolution 1244 offered fig leaves to both Nato and Serbia. For Nato, "victory" meant the expulsion of Serb forces; for Belgrade, then dominated by the authoritarian regime of Slobodan Milosevic, the Yugoslav president, "victory" meant preserving territorial integrity. The resolution offered both.
Seeking a new way forward, the UN initiated painstaking "status negotiations" between Serbia and the Kosovo Albanian leadership at the end of 2005.
But Belgrade's position is unambiguous. "This huge intention of the Kosovo Albanians to create an independent state is a grave contradiction of international law," says Alexander Simic, a high-level Serbian adviser on the talks. "You cannot create an artificial nation."
Neither side has made any concession on ultimate sovereignty. Belgrade has shown less discomfort over Montenegro's close-run referendum on May 21 to become independent - killing the last vestige of what used to be the
six-republic Yugoslav federation - than it does over the prospect of accepting a fait accompli in Kosovo.
But the Serb nation has a long history in Kosovo, which is, after all, still internationally recognised as part of Serbia's territory. Kosovo, unlike Montenegro, boasts no history of independent statehood, even if some Kosovan leaders call the 1987-99 period a "Serb occupation".
On this issue, moreover, Belgrade can summon allies on the UN Security Council. Vladimir Putin, Russia's president, has warned against setting a precedent for secession by minor provinces. Beijing, mindful of Nato's bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade in 1999, might also side with Serbia.
On the other hand, while UN officials insist that nothing about Kosovo's status is pre-arranged, diplomats from Washington and London have signalled that independence is likely around the end of this year.
Secessionist leaders from Pristina, Kosovo's capital, remain engaged in the stilted dialogue with Belgrade. A set of "ground rules" for the UN-mediated negotiations will help direct the outcome. These are: no partition; no return to direct Serb rule as before 1999; no creation of a "Greater Albania"; and any status decision being acceptable to the majority of Kosovo's people.
Most citizens in Kosovo demand independence. "The Serbs should look at the realities and see that independence is the only option supported by the majority. It is not negotiable," says Fatmir Sejdiu, Kosovo president and leader of the province's negotiating team.
No sooner did the UN call for status negotiations than graffiti appeared throughout the province. "No negotiations! Self-determination!" says the writing on walls everywhere, scrawled by youth activists whose political identity was formed in the 1990s under the late Mr Milosevic's oppressive rule.
Hashim Thaci, Kosovo Liberation Army militant and now leader of the parliamentary opposition, says: "We already created the reality of an independent Kosovo in June 1999. The only thing we are negotiating are modalities to implement the will of the people."
But independence - whether achieved through negotiation or by the imposition of an international deal against Serbia's will - would leave Kosovo with an uphill battle from the start.
Uppermost in many Western policymakers' minds is the province's capacity to export instability and crime - a factor that Boris Tadic, Serbia's president, argues would be more controllable within the framework of a larger state. Mr Sejdiu pledges an "absolute commitment to prevent Kosovo becoming a door or a springboard" for terrorism and crime. Nato forces and possibly European Union police are almost certain to stay on after any status settlement, just to make sure.
For most citizens, safety and money are the top issues. The province's economy remains in the doldrums, with 37 per cent of the population living on less than Euros 1.42 per day and 15 per cent lacking money to buy adequate food, according to the World Bank. The real rate of unemployment is unknown; most analysts put it above 30 per cent.
Adding to existing economic challenges, Kosovo could inherit a heavy burden of old debt from Serbia, which has continued servicing all its share of ex-Yugoslav obligations to international creditors.
Joachim Ruecker, the German diplomat in charge of privatisation, says foreign investment will ease Kosovo's way. "There is momentum here. There are very serious investors coming even before status. There is no reason to wait," he says.
Foreign investment has picked up lately. But Kosovo remains a place for the brave, and those who enter will still need nerves of steel.
Helped by foreign donations totalling Euros 2.14bn and further pledges worth Euros 610m, the United Nations administration established after the Yugoslav Serb regime pulled out has already left an indelible signature on this most unsettled corner of the western Balkans.
The UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) has maintained law and order and, arguably, helped an enduring peace start to take root.
International administrators have designed and helped build a democratically elected provisional government, parliament and presidency, which will operate under direct UN supervision until further notice. UNMIK also advertises its success overseeing the installation of "the framework of a functional market economy".
In this landlocked province of fertile plains and snow-capped mountains - roughly one-third the size of the Netherlands - scarcely a town or village is untouched by the international reconstruction effort. Kosovo's 2m people have seen 1,400 km of roads and some 50,000 war-ruined houses rebuilt, as well as schools, hospitals and religious buildings.
Nato - which intervened with a 78-day bombing campaign to expel Serb military and police forces from the province - has taken on an equally daunting job. After Belgrade's capitulation in June 1999, multinational forces under Nato command brought basic security to the ethnic Albanians who account for an estimated 90 per cent of Kosovo's population, many of whom suffered bitterly at the hands of Serb authorities before and during the war.
The alliance has also protected Kosovo's acutely endangered Serb minority - with the exception of some fatal lapses.
Despite the basic peace and security, however, the international intervention in Kosovo cannot yet be called a success.
Kofi Annan, UN Secretary-General, in January expressed "serious concern" that Kosovo was backtracking in efforts to achieve the UN's stated goal - creating a "sustainable multi-ethnic, democratic society in which members of all communities can live in dignity and security."
Conditions could deteriorate further unless Kosovo is allowed out of the limbo it entered directly after the war. "The sooner we bring this holding operation to an end the better for all the people of Kosovo," says Soren Jessen-Petersen, the Dane who heads the UN mission as Mr Annan's special representative.
The way to end this holding operation is to resolve Kosovo's status - but that has not been achieved by the war, UN Security Council Resolution 1244 which established UNMIK, or the past seven years.
However, if current bilateral status talks in Vienna are to be taken seriously, a year from now Kosovo will be either a newly independent state or an autonomous territory remaining within Serbia's internationally recognised border.
The trouble is that Resolution 1244 offered fig leaves to both Nato and Serbia. For Nato, "victory" meant the expulsion of Serb forces; for Belgrade, then dominated by the authoritarian regime of Slobodan Milosevic, the Yugoslav president, "victory" meant preserving territorial integrity. The resolution offered both.
Seeking a new way forward, the UN initiated painstaking "status negotiations" between Serbia and the Kosovo Albanian leadership at the end of 2005.
But Belgrade's position is unambiguous. "This huge intention of the Kosovo Albanians to create an independent state is a grave contradiction of international law," says Alexander Simic, a high-level Serbian adviser on the talks. "You cannot create an artificial nation."
Neither side has made any concession on ultimate sovereignty. Belgrade has shown less discomfort over Montenegro's close-run referendum on May 21 to become independent - killing the last vestige of what used to be the
six-republic Yugoslav federation - than it does over the prospect of accepting a fait accompli in Kosovo.
But the Serb nation has a long history in Kosovo, which is, after all, still internationally recognised as part of Serbia's territory. Kosovo, unlike Montenegro, boasts no history of independent statehood, even if some Kosovan leaders call the 1987-99 period a "Serb occupation".
On this issue, moreover, Belgrade can summon allies on the UN Security Council. Vladimir Putin, Russia's president, has warned against setting a precedent for secession by minor provinces. Beijing, mindful of Nato's bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade in 1999, might also side with Serbia.
On the other hand, while UN officials insist that nothing about Kosovo's status is pre-arranged, diplomats from Washington and London have signalled that independence is likely around the end of this year.
Secessionist leaders from Pristina, Kosovo's capital, remain engaged in the stilted dialogue with Belgrade. A set of "ground rules" for the UN-mediated negotiations will help direct the outcome. These are: no partition; no return to direct Serb rule as before 1999; no creation of a "Greater Albania"; and any status decision being acceptable to the majority of Kosovo's people.
Most citizens in Kosovo demand independence. "The Serbs should look at the realities and see that independence is the only option supported by the majority. It is not negotiable," says Fatmir Sejdiu, Kosovo president and leader of the province's negotiating team.
No sooner did the UN call for status negotiations than graffiti appeared throughout the province. "No negotiations! Self-determination!" says the writing on walls everywhere, scrawled by youth activists whose political identity was formed in the 1990s under the late Mr Milosevic's oppressive rule.
Hashim Thaci, Kosovo Liberation Army militant and now leader of the parliamentary opposition, says: "We already created the reality of an independent Kosovo in June 1999. The only thing we are negotiating are modalities to implement the will of the people."
But independence - whether achieved through negotiation or by the imposition of an international deal against Serbia's will - would leave Kosovo with an uphill battle from the start.
Uppermost in many Western policymakers' minds is the province's capacity to export instability and crime - a factor that Boris Tadic, Serbia's president, argues would be more controllable within the framework of a larger state. Mr Sejdiu pledges an "absolute commitment to prevent Kosovo becoming a door or a springboard" for terrorism and crime. Nato forces and possibly European Union police are almost certain to stay on after any status settlement, just to make sure.
For most citizens, safety and money are the top issues. The province's economy remains in the doldrums, with 37 per cent of the population living on less than Euros 1.42 per day and 15 per cent lacking money to buy adequate food, according to the World Bank. The real rate of unemployment is unknown; most analysts put it above 30 per cent.
Adding to existing economic challenges, Kosovo could inherit a heavy burden of old debt from Serbia, which has continued servicing all its share of ex-Yugoslav obligations to international creditors.
Joachim Ruecker, the German diplomat in charge of privatisation, says foreign investment will ease Kosovo's way. "There is momentum here. There are very serious investors coming even before status. There is no reason to wait," he says.
Foreign investment has picked up lately. But Kosovo remains a place for the brave, and those who enter will still need nerves of steel.
Monday, May 29, 2006
Kosovo and Memorial Day By Wesley Clark
Dear Friend,
Last week, I returned to Kosovo for the first time since I retired from military service.
For me, this trip was very personal. In 1999, I commanded the NATO forces that stopped the genocide against ethnic Albanians by Slobodan Milosevic and his Serbian forces. Now Kosovo is on the road to independence, a nation that respects the rights of all its citizens. It was so moving to return to Kosovo and meet thousands of people who had been liberated from Serbian oppression, hearing their stories and learning about their experiences. You can see some of the photos from my recent trip here.
This was an example of how we CAN do it right: diplomacy first, strong leadership, working with others, and using force only as a last resort. We had a plan for what to do after the operation before we began air strikes.
During the Kosovo War, we were fortunate not to lose a single American soldier in combat -- but in most military operations we aren't so lucky. We owe the men and women of our armed forces our deepest gratitude for their willingness to serve in harm's way, whether it's protecting Americans during natural disasters here at home or defending our country and defending freedom abroad.
Today across America, we take time to remember those who have given their lives defending the cause of freedom throughout our nation's history. This year, as our soldiers are serving with honor in Iraq, in Afghanistan, in the Balkans, and around the world, I hope you will join me in observing Memorial Day, whether it's attending an event in your local community or simply taking a personal moment to remember the men and women who have made the ultimate sacrifice for our country and to honor their families.
As this Memorial Day passes, I urge our leaders and all Americans to fully honor our troops and respect their sacrifice. That means ensuring our men and women in uniform are properly equipped, trained, and organized.
That means providing our troops and veterans the medical care they deserve, and providing Reservists and National Guard members health insurance for themselves and their families through TRICARE, the military's health care system, just as the active force does.
That means eliminating the "widow's tax," which penalizes the survivors of those killed in combat by reducing the benefits to which they are entitled.
Finally, as we embark upon our fourth year in Iraq and as the Bush Administration continues its heated rhetoric toward Iran, we owe it to all of our brave service men and women, their families, and to all Americans, to recommit to the principle that military force should only be used as the very, very last resort. Only when all diplomatic, economic, and political options have been exhausted should we send our military forces into battle.
After all, the greatest way to honor our men and women in uniform is to require their sacrifice the least.
Gert and I send you our very best wishes for a safe and happy Memorial Day.
Sincerely,
Last week, I returned to Kosovo for the first time since I retired from military service.
For me, this trip was very personal. In 1999, I commanded the NATO forces that stopped the genocide against ethnic Albanians by Slobodan Milosevic and his Serbian forces. Now Kosovo is on the road to independence, a nation that respects the rights of all its citizens. It was so moving to return to Kosovo and meet thousands of people who had been liberated from Serbian oppression, hearing their stories and learning about their experiences. You can see some of the photos from my recent trip here.
This was an example of how we CAN do it right: diplomacy first, strong leadership, working with others, and using force only as a last resort. We had a plan for what to do after the operation before we began air strikes.
During the Kosovo War, we were fortunate not to lose a single American soldier in combat -- but in most military operations we aren't so lucky. We owe the men and women of our armed forces our deepest gratitude for their willingness to serve in harm's way, whether it's protecting Americans during natural disasters here at home or defending our country and defending freedom abroad.
Today across America, we take time to remember those who have given their lives defending the cause of freedom throughout our nation's history. This year, as our soldiers are serving with honor in Iraq, in Afghanistan, in the Balkans, and around the world, I hope you will join me in observing Memorial Day, whether it's attending an event in your local community or simply taking a personal moment to remember the men and women who have made the ultimate sacrifice for our country and to honor their families.
As this Memorial Day passes, I urge our leaders and all Americans to fully honor our troops and respect their sacrifice. That means ensuring our men and women in uniform are properly equipped, trained, and organized.
That means providing our troops and veterans the medical care they deserve, and providing Reservists and National Guard members health insurance for themselves and their families through TRICARE, the military's health care system, just as the active force does.
That means eliminating the "widow's tax," which penalizes the survivors of those killed in combat by reducing the benefits to which they are entitled.
Finally, as we embark upon our fourth year in Iraq and as the Bush Administration continues its heated rhetoric toward Iran, we owe it to all of our brave service men and women, their families, and to all Americans, to recommit to the principle that military force should only be used as the very, very last resort. Only when all diplomatic, economic, and political options have been exhausted should we send our military forces into battle.
After all, the greatest way to honor our men and women in uniform is to require their sacrifice the least.
Gert and I send you our very best wishes for a safe and happy Memorial Day.
Sincerely,
Sunday, May 28, 2006
Montenegro to be independent next week: president
PODGORICA, Serbia-Montenegro, May 28, 2006 (AFP) -
Montenegro is likely to become an independent country next week, the president of the tiny Balkan state said in an interview with AFP.
"I think it's expected next week Montenegro will declare independence," said the president of the former Yugoslav republic, Filip Vujanovic.
The head of the Republic Referendum Commission, Frantisek Lipka, had "come out with the official results and in the next week he will also give the same results, and Montenegro will be independent," he insisted.
Since the historic referendum on Montenegro's independence from a federation with Serbia was staged a week ago, Lipka, a Slovak diplomat, has twice announced preliminary results showing voters opted to break up the union.
According to the latest set given on Tuesday, a narrow majority of 55.5 percent of Montenegrins chose to create the world's newest mini-state, barely clearing a 55-percent threshold agreed with the European Union.
The May 21 vote consigned to history Serbia-Montenegro, the last shred of the former communist federation of Yugoslavia after Bosnia, Croatia, Macedonia and Slovenia left during the brutal 1990s Balkan wars.
Speaking to AFP after meeting his Serbian counterpart Boris Tadic on Saturday, Vujanovic said they had agreed to divide control of the military between them and share some diplomatic missions once independence is declared.
"I don't think that there are any difficult issues to resolve. I think that all issues we have are of a technical nature," said the Montenegrin president.
"We stated today that once Montenegro declares independence, the Supreme Defence Council and its competencies will be given to the president of Serbia and the president of Montenegro," he said in reference to the union's top military body.
Turning to the topic of diplomatic missions, Vujanovic said the issue was already in the process of being resolved, with Serbia and Montenegro likely to base their of model of sharing embassies on other regions.
"Serbia will of course have most diplomatic missions," said the pro-independence Montenegrin president.
"We'll have some discussions with Serbia, that for those places where Montenegro is not represented, that the diplomatic mission of Serbia could represent it.
"That is something that we have already seen in Baltic states and other regions with similar structures" including Malta and Cyprus, he added.
Vujanovic said the greatest threat to the talks on dissolving the union was a difference of opinions in the Serbian capital Belgrade.
"I think the hardest position is that of Prime Minister (Vojislav) Kostunica and his Democratic Party of Serbia," he said.
But he added: "I think that the discussions with them will start and that they will recognise our independence.
"And I expect that we will... resolve any issues."
Despite the international community's strong praise for the conduct of the referendum, Kostunica -- a moderate nationalist who openly supported preserving the union -- has only offered it his conditional approval.
The confirmation of the results has been delayed by allegations of referendum irregularities by a Belgrade-backed Montenegrin opposition.
The vote was made possible under the 2003 constitution which bound Serbia and Montenegro in a federation and contained an escape clause allowing either side to vote on independence after three years.
Its independence comes at a delicate time for Serbia, currently engaged in tough negotiations with separatist ethnic Albanian leaders in the southern province of Kosovo.
Montenegro is likely to become an independent country next week, the president of the tiny Balkan state said in an interview with AFP.
"I think it's expected next week Montenegro will declare independence," said the president of the former Yugoslav republic, Filip Vujanovic.
The head of the Republic Referendum Commission, Frantisek Lipka, had "come out with the official results and in the next week he will also give the same results, and Montenegro will be independent," he insisted.
Since the historic referendum on Montenegro's independence from a federation with Serbia was staged a week ago, Lipka, a Slovak diplomat, has twice announced preliminary results showing voters opted to break up the union.
According to the latest set given on Tuesday, a narrow majority of 55.5 percent of Montenegrins chose to create the world's newest mini-state, barely clearing a 55-percent threshold agreed with the European Union.
The May 21 vote consigned to history Serbia-Montenegro, the last shred of the former communist federation of Yugoslavia after Bosnia, Croatia, Macedonia and Slovenia left during the brutal 1990s Balkan wars.
Speaking to AFP after meeting his Serbian counterpart Boris Tadic on Saturday, Vujanovic said they had agreed to divide control of the military between them and share some diplomatic missions once independence is declared.
"I don't think that there are any difficult issues to resolve. I think that all issues we have are of a technical nature," said the Montenegrin president.
"We stated today that once Montenegro declares independence, the Supreme Defence Council and its competencies will be given to the president of Serbia and the president of Montenegro," he said in reference to the union's top military body.
Turning to the topic of diplomatic missions, Vujanovic said the issue was already in the process of being resolved, with Serbia and Montenegro likely to base their of model of sharing embassies on other regions.
"Serbia will of course have most diplomatic missions," said the pro-independence Montenegrin president.
"We'll have some discussions with Serbia, that for those places where Montenegro is not represented, that the diplomatic mission of Serbia could represent it.
"That is something that we have already seen in Baltic states and other regions with similar structures" including Malta and Cyprus, he added.
Vujanovic said the greatest threat to the talks on dissolving the union was a difference of opinions in the Serbian capital Belgrade.
"I think the hardest position is that of Prime Minister (Vojislav) Kostunica and his Democratic Party of Serbia," he said.
But he added: "I think that the discussions with them will start and that they will recognise our independence.
"And I expect that we will... resolve any issues."
Despite the international community's strong praise for the conduct of the referendum, Kostunica -- a moderate nationalist who openly supported preserving the union -- has only offered it his conditional approval.
The confirmation of the results has been delayed by allegations of referendum irregularities by a Belgrade-backed Montenegrin opposition.
The vote was made possible under the 2003 constitution which bound Serbia and Montenegro in a federation and contained an escape clause allowing either side to vote on independence after three years.
Its independence comes at a delicate time for Serbia, currently engaged in tough negotiations with separatist ethnic Albanian leaders in the southern province of Kosovo.
Friday, May 26, 2006
Kosovo's premier says that province's independence is inevitable
TIRANA, Albania (AP) - Kosovo's Prime Minister Agim Ceku said on Friday at the start of a two-day visit to neighboring Albania that the province's independence was inevitable.
"Montenegro's independence was an inevitable process and Kosovo's independence also is a very natural and inevitable process," Ceku told a news conference after meeting with Albanian Prime Minister Sali Berisha.
Last weekend Montenegro decided in a referendum to separate from Serbia-Montenegro, which was the last union between republics of the former Yugoslavia after that federation collapsed in a series of wars in the 1990s.
Ceku said that Belgrade should understand that the "Balkans configuration has changed," adding that Albania also shared the same stand on Kosovo's future status -- full independence.
"The only solution that would guarantee peace and stability in Kosovo and the region is the one that comes out from the right of self-determination of the Kosovo people, that is, respecting the Kosovo citizens' will, which is repeated continuously, for independence," said Berisha.
U.N.-sponsored talks to determine Kosovo's future are under way in Austria. Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority wants independence, while Serbs want it to remain part of Serbia.
"Montenegro's independence was an inevitable process and Kosovo's independence also is a very natural and inevitable process," Ceku told a news conference after meeting with Albanian Prime Minister Sali Berisha.
Last weekend Montenegro decided in a referendum to separate from Serbia-Montenegro, which was the last union between republics of the former Yugoslavia after that federation collapsed in a series of wars in the 1990s.
Ceku said that Belgrade should understand that the "Balkans configuration has changed," adding that Albania also shared the same stand on Kosovo's future status -- full independence.
"The only solution that would guarantee peace and stability in Kosovo and the region is the one that comes out from the right of self-determination of the Kosovo people, that is, respecting the Kosovo citizens' will, which is repeated continuously, for independence," said Berisha.
U.N.-sponsored talks to determine Kosovo's future are under way in Austria. Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority wants independence, while Serbs want it to remain part of Serbia.
Kosovo to be independent in months - former NATO commander
Excerpt from report by Kosovo Albanian television KohaVision TV on 25 May
[Announcer] Kosova [Kosovo] will be an independent country in several months and it will respect the rights of its citizens regardless of their ethnic background, said former NATO Commander Gen Wesley Clark after meeting Kosova President Fatmir Sejdiu. Clark met also the negotiation team.
[Reporter] Former NATO Commander Gen Wesley Clark reiterated his conviction that Kosova will soon become independent. After meeting President Fatmir Sejdiu and the negotiating team, Gen Clark said Kosova would be a nation welcomed by other countries.
[Gen Wesley Clark in English with Albanian voiceover] I am confident this question can be resolved, perhaps in several months Kosova will be an independent country and will respect the rights of all its citizens, regardless of their ethnic background and I think this is a future nation that is bright with promise. It will be part of the community of nations and its citizens will have the opportunity to accomplish their dreams.
[Reporter] Fatmir Sejdiu thanked Gen Clark far all his contribution for the Kosova people and for his readiness to support them until they reach full independence [Passage omitted, repetition of words]
Wesley Clark met also Kosova Speaker Kole Berisha. In his speech held before Kosova Assembly, Clark said in an independent Kosova the economy would develop, new jobs would be created, and everyone would have a safe future. He said Standards [set for Kosovo by international community] for Kosova are not an international pressure; they are in the service of Kosovar welfare. The chief of NATO air strikes for the liberation of Kosova urged minorities to respect the will of the majority and recognize their commitment towards them. [Passage omitted]
Source: KohaVision TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1700 gmt 25 May 06
[Announcer] Kosova [Kosovo] will be an independent country in several months and it will respect the rights of its citizens regardless of their ethnic background, said former NATO Commander Gen Wesley Clark after meeting Kosova President Fatmir Sejdiu. Clark met also the negotiation team.
[Reporter] Former NATO Commander Gen Wesley Clark reiterated his conviction that Kosova will soon become independent. After meeting President Fatmir Sejdiu and the negotiating team, Gen Clark said Kosova would be a nation welcomed by other countries.
[Gen Wesley Clark in English with Albanian voiceover] I am confident this question can be resolved, perhaps in several months Kosova will be an independent country and will respect the rights of all its citizens, regardless of their ethnic background and I think this is a future nation that is bright with promise. It will be part of the community of nations and its citizens will have the opportunity to accomplish their dreams.
[Reporter] Fatmir Sejdiu thanked Gen Clark far all his contribution for the Kosova people and for his readiness to support them until they reach full independence [Passage omitted, repetition of words]
Wesley Clark met also Kosova Speaker Kole Berisha. In his speech held before Kosova Assembly, Clark said in an independent Kosova the economy would develop, new jobs would be created, and everyone would have a safe future. He said Standards [set for Kosovo by international community] for Kosova are not an international pressure; they are in the service of Kosovar welfare. The chief of NATO air strikes for the liberation of Kosova urged minorities to respect the will of the majority and recognize their commitment towards them. [Passage omitted]
Source: KohaVision TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1700 gmt 25 May 06
Kosovo officials reject Russian offer to build gas-fired power station
Text of report in English by independent internet news agency KosovaLive
Prishtina [Pristina], 26 May: The construction of new power plants on the basis of natural gas is not only in contradiction with the energetic strategy of Kosova [Kosovo], but it is also harmful since it would devalue the great reserves of coal.
The largest Russian gas company, Gazprom, expressed its interest to invest in Kosova in the construction of new power generating capacities using Russian natural gas.
Lorik Haxhiu, an adviser to the minister of energy and mining, told KosovaLive today that there were many companies who expressed their interest in the energetic sector.
"The construction of a power plant is not included in the energetic strategy approved by the parliament," said Haxhiu, adding that this is a difficult process as well, since Kosova has no sources of gas.
The deputy head of the KEK [Kosovo Energy Corporation] Pranvera Dobruna-Kryeziu, told the media that it is not in the interest of Kosova to build a power plant which would use natural gas.
KEK Managing Director John Ashley has discussed with different investors on the possibility of constructing the new power plant - Kosova C.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 26 May 06
Prishtina [Pristina], 26 May: The construction of new power plants on the basis of natural gas is not only in contradiction with the energetic strategy of Kosova [Kosovo], but it is also harmful since it would devalue the great reserves of coal.
The largest Russian gas company, Gazprom, expressed its interest to invest in Kosova in the construction of new power generating capacities using Russian natural gas.
Lorik Haxhiu, an adviser to the minister of energy and mining, told KosovaLive today that there were many companies who expressed their interest in the energetic sector.
"The construction of a power plant is not included in the energetic strategy approved by the parliament," said Haxhiu, adding that this is a difficult process as well, since Kosova has no sources of gas.
The deputy head of the KEK [Kosovo Energy Corporation] Pranvera Dobruna-Kryeziu, told the media that it is not in the interest of Kosova to build a power plant which would use natural gas.
KEK Managing Director John Ashley has discussed with different investors on the possibility of constructing the new power plant - Kosova C.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 26 May 06
Kosovo official: Document on minorities meets "most advanced standards"
Text of report in English by independent internet news agency KosovaLive
Prishtina [Pristina], 26 May: The deputy head of the Consultative Council for Communities, Ylber Hysa, said today that the document on minorities contains the most advanced standards for their rights, and as such it will help improving the lives of all communities.
Hysa made these comments after the meeting of the Consultative Council for Communities, which was focused on preparations for the Thessaloniki meeting.
"The document was introduced and the last inputs are expected to be added before the Thessaloniki meeting, which will be attended by relevant institutions involved on minority and human rights issues, including the Council of Europe," Hysa said.
He said that Vienna will be directly involved in the process, so that the document then can be included in the final document for the status.
"We agreed that representatives of each community and three representatives of the Serb community in Kosova [Kosovo] should be involved and contribute directly with their views in drafting the document, so that we reach a final document which shall be tabled in talks on status non-related issues," Hysa explained.
However, according to Hysa, the Serb party has not expressed any readiness to be part of the process, "but even without the Serb party, we will continue the work with the consent of Vienna".
"It is a voluminous document that includes the most advanced standards for community rights, including the right on representation, language rights and rights at the municipal level. It also addresses many other things that the minorities raised," Hysa said.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 26 May 06
Prishtina [Pristina], 26 May: The deputy head of the Consultative Council for Communities, Ylber Hysa, said today that the document on minorities contains the most advanced standards for their rights, and as such it will help improving the lives of all communities.
Hysa made these comments after the meeting of the Consultative Council for Communities, which was focused on preparations for the Thessaloniki meeting.
"The document was introduced and the last inputs are expected to be added before the Thessaloniki meeting, which will be attended by relevant institutions involved on minority and human rights issues, including the Council of Europe," Hysa said.
He said that Vienna will be directly involved in the process, so that the document then can be included in the final document for the status.
"We agreed that representatives of each community and three representatives of the Serb community in Kosova [Kosovo] should be involved and contribute directly with their views in drafting the document, so that we reach a final document which shall be tabled in talks on status non-related issues," Hysa explained.
However, according to Hysa, the Serb party has not expressed any readiness to be part of the process, "but even without the Serb party, we will continue the work with the consent of Vienna".
"It is a voluminous document that includes the most advanced standards for community rights, including the right on representation, language rights and rights at the municipal level. It also addresses many other things that the minorities raised," Hysa said.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 26 May 06
The Balkans: Enter Montenegro
A new Balkan country
160;
FOR a country that has just voted to become independent it is surprising how many people are fretting. On May 21st Montenegrins voted to divorce from Serbia. Immediately after the first results were announced, the sky over Podgorica, the tiny capital, was lit up with fireworks. Jubilant crowds came out onto the streets. With their girlfriends perched precariously on car roofs, young men drove around town in victory laps. The next morning, Montenegrin television repeatedly showed Milo Djukanovic, the prime minister, celebrating with champagne.
And yet, as the festivities died down, a distinct note of complaint started to be heard--and not just from those who had voted to keep the union with Serbia. Serbia and Montenegro have been linked in the same state since 1918. Montenegro's secession is one of the last acts of the dissolution of the old Yugoslavia that began 15 years ago. It is not the very last. Within a year, Kosovo, the mostly ethnic-Albanian province that is technically part of Serbia (which Montenegro was not) will also probably gain its independence.
Several things were striking about the referendum. First was the absence of conflict or violent incidents, in a highly divided society. According to the official results, 55.5% voted for statehood, and 44.5% voted to keep the union. That is a solid margin by any standard. Pro-union leaders say that Mr Djukanovic's supporters cheated, and that they will not recognise the result. But although they will lodge formal complaints, independence now seems a fait accompli.
The European Union had insisted that, for recognition, more than 55% had to vote in favour. This figure was reached, but only just. Montenegro has only 672,000 people, so it took only a little over 2,000 to tip the result. Unionists say that the government somehow found a way of financing the return of thousands of Montenegrins from abroad who were in favour of independence. Some of this was sour grapes. Serbian railways gave free tickets to mostly anti-independence Montenegrins living in Serbia to go home to vote.
Despite its size Montenegro has significant economic potential, especially in tourism. Now, however, some hard realities are beginning to sink in. Many people who supported independence loathe the 44-year-old Mr Djukanovic, who has been in power for 17 years. They believe that too many people around him have got suspiciously rich over the past decade.
Mr Djukanovic's position is hardly under threat. Igor Milosevic, a political analyst, says simply that "Milo will be king now." An election will be held this autumn. The main opposition parties have lost their prime reason for existence, which was to preserve the union. Predrag Bulatovic, leader of the largest pro-union block, may now resign; if he does, the opposition will lose one of the few people able to turn the party into a normal post-independence, social-democratic party. In June a new party will emerge, led by Nebojsa Medojevic, an economist. He hopes to gather support on the basis that he is for independence but against Mr Djukanovic, whom he accuses of creating "a Colombia on the Adriatic, a paradise for tycoons."
Mr Medojevic surely exaggerates. And Mr Djukanovic is a phenomenally clever politician, with an unerring instinct for survival. In the early 1990s he was a Serbian nationalist. Today he is hailed by many as the man who delivered independence from Serbia. But now he needs to do something else: deliver the fruits of independence to ordinary people.
Many of Montenegro's economic indicators are good, but most people do not see the results. Average salaries are a mere euro250 ($300) a month, and unemployment is running at 18%. A good many Montenegrins were not all that worried about independence; they just wanted the issue resolved so that the government could start delivering something for ordinary people. There is a lot of work to be done in Europe's newest state, and it needs to be done fast if it is to join the EU any time soon.
SOURCE: The Economist
160;
FOR a country that has just voted to become independent it is surprising how many people are fretting. On May 21st Montenegrins voted to divorce from Serbia. Immediately after the first results were announced, the sky over Podgorica, the tiny capital, was lit up with fireworks. Jubilant crowds came out onto the streets. With their girlfriends perched precariously on car roofs, young men drove around town in victory laps. The next morning, Montenegrin television repeatedly showed Milo Djukanovic, the prime minister, celebrating with champagne.
And yet, as the festivities died down, a distinct note of complaint started to be heard--and not just from those who had voted to keep the union with Serbia. Serbia and Montenegro have been linked in the same state since 1918. Montenegro's secession is one of the last acts of the dissolution of the old Yugoslavia that began 15 years ago. It is not the very last. Within a year, Kosovo, the mostly ethnic-Albanian province that is technically part of Serbia (which Montenegro was not) will also probably gain its independence.
Several things were striking about the referendum. First was the absence of conflict or violent incidents, in a highly divided society. According to the official results, 55.5% voted for statehood, and 44.5% voted to keep the union. That is a solid margin by any standard. Pro-union leaders say that Mr Djukanovic's supporters cheated, and that they will not recognise the result. But although they will lodge formal complaints, independence now seems a fait accompli.
The European Union had insisted that, for recognition, more than 55% had to vote in favour. This figure was reached, but only just. Montenegro has only 672,000 people, so it took only a little over 2,000 to tip the result. Unionists say that the government somehow found a way of financing the return of thousands of Montenegrins from abroad who were in favour of independence. Some of this was sour grapes. Serbian railways gave free tickets to mostly anti-independence Montenegrins living in Serbia to go home to vote.
Despite its size Montenegro has significant economic potential, especially in tourism. Now, however, some hard realities are beginning to sink in. Many people who supported independence loathe the 44-year-old Mr Djukanovic, who has been in power for 17 years. They believe that too many people around him have got suspiciously rich over the past decade.
Mr Djukanovic's position is hardly under threat. Igor Milosevic, a political analyst, says simply that "Milo will be king now." An election will be held this autumn. The main opposition parties have lost their prime reason for existence, which was to preserve the union. Predrag Bulatovic, leader of the largest pro-union block, may now resign; if he does, the opposition will lose one of the few people able to turn the party into a normal post-independence, social-democratic party. In June a new party will emerge, led by Nebojsa Medojevic, an economist. He hopes to gather support on the basis that he is for independence but against Mr Djukanovic, whom he accuses of creating "a Colombia on the Adriatic, a paradise for tycoons."
Mr Medojevic surely exaggerates. And Mr Djukanovic is a phenomenally clever politician, with an unerring instinct for survival. In the early 1990s he was a Serbian nationalist. Today he is hailed by many as the man who delivered independence from Serbia. But now he needs to do something else: deliver the fruits of independence to ordinary people.
Many of Montenegro's economic indicators are good, but most people do not see the results. Average salaries are a mere euro250 ($300) a month, and unemployment is running at 18%. A good many Montenegrins were not all that worried about independence; they just wanted the issue resolved so that the government could start delivering something for ordinary people. There is a lot of work to be done in Europe's newest state, and it needs to be done fast if it is to join the EU any time soon.
SOURCE: The Economist
Thursday, May 25, 2006
EU GEN Kosovo Iraq Clark
PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro (AP) - Retired U.S. Army Gen. Wesley Clark called Thursday for transition of authority in Iraq during the course of this year and said that the United States should soon begin the process of withdrawing the U.S. soldiers.
Clark, a four-star general who served as the supreme commander of NATO in 1997-2000 and unsuccessfully sought the Democratic presidential nomination in 2004, said the fledging Iraqi government must take charge and be given the means to address the security in the country.
"It's necessary ... to make this year a year of transition in Iraq," Clark told The Associated Press in an interview during his visit to Kosovo. "The Iraqi government must take charge."
He said that ministers of interior, defense and national security should be appointed, but also said that a lot of help is needed from the international community to strengthen the Iraqi government in meeting the needs of the people.
"And then we should begin the process of withdrawing the U.S. soldiers and other coalition soldiers from Iraq," said Clark.
"I do think that there should be no permanent bases there. I think that the United States should soon begin its process of redeployment," he said, adding that he believed there will be "some withdrawals very soon given where we are."
Clark, who was the commanding general in NATO's war in Kosovo in 1999 which halted Serb forces' crackdown on independence-seeking ethnic Albanians, said the issues in Iraq were not military issues, but were associated with economic development and the ability to form a strong government.
Clark is on a three-day visit to Kosovo at the invitation of the province's Prime Minister, Agim Ceku. He is considered a hero by the province's ethnic Albanians who want the province to become independent, but reviled by many Serbs for his role during the bombing campaign.
The U.N. is currently conducting talks aimed at steering ethnic Albanians and Serbian officials toward settling the final status of the province, a home to some 2 million.
Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority wants independence, while Serbs want it to remain part of Serbia.
"I do believe that Kosovo will become an independent state," Clark said, sitting in a the building housing the province's government. The building has been renovated after being heavily damaged during the NATO bombing in 1999.
"I think an independent Kosovo will add to the stability of the region," he said. "It will terminate these long-lasting questions about the status of Kosovo and it will enable people both in Serbia and in Kosovo to focus on really important issues."
Clark, a four-star general who served as the supreme commander of NATO in 1997-2000 and unsuccessfully sought the Democratic presidential nomination in 2004, said the fledging Iraqi government must take charge and be given the means to address the security in the country.
"It's necessary ... to make this year a year of transition in Iraq," Clark told The Associated Press in an interview during his visit to Kosovo. "The Iraqi government must take charge."
He said that ministers of interior, defense and national security should be appointed, but also said that a lot of help is needed from the international community to strengthen the Iraqi government in meeting the needs of the people.
"And then we should begin the process of withdrawing the U.S. soldiers and other coalition soldiers from Iraq," said Clark.
"I do think that there should be no permanent bases there. I think that the United States should soon begin its process of redeployment," he said, adding that he believed there will be "some withdrawals very soon given where we are."
Clark, who was the commanding general in NATO's war in Kosovo in 1999 which halted Serb forces' crackdown on independence-seeking ethnic Albanians, said the issues in Iraq were not military issues, but were associated with economic development and the ability to form a strong government.
Clark is on a three-day visit to Kosovo at the invitation of the province's Prime Minister, Agim Ceku. He is considered a hero by the province's ethnic Albanians who want the province to become independent, but reviled by many Serbs for his role during the bombing campaign.
The U.N. is currently conducting talks aimed at steering ethnic Albanians and Serbian officials toward settling the final status of the province, a home to some 2 million.
Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority wants independence, while Serbs want it to remain part of Serbia.
"I do believe that Kosovo will become an independent state," Clark said, sitting in a the building housing the province's government. The building has been renovated after being heavily damaged during the NATO bombing in 1999.
"I think an independent Kosovo will add to the stability of the region," he said. "It will terminate these long-lasting questions about the status of Kosovo and it will enable people both in Serbia and in Kosovo to focus on really important issues."
Kosovo to be independent in months: ex-NATO general
PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro, May 25, 2006 (AFP) -
The former US general who commanded NATO's 1999 air war against Serbia on Thursday predicted its southern province of Kosovo would become independent within months.
Wesley Clark told Kosovo Albanian leaders in Pristina he had confidence in their "strong, positive and visionary proposals" to find a solution for Kosovo, which has been run by the United Nations and NATO since 1999.
"I am confident that this issue will be solved very soon, and probably in few months, Kosovo will become independent and will respect the rights of all citizens," said Clark.
"I believe that Kosovo will be welcomed into the family of the nations and that there will be many opportunities for the citizens of this country to prosper, raise big families and make their dreams come true."
Clark, who is on a three-day visit to the disputed province, met Kosovo's President Fatmir Sejdiu and Prime Minister Agim Ceku, who said Clark was a great friend of Kosovo, who stood by it in its most difficult times.
"He is and will always be honored by the people of Kosovo," he said.
Clark commanded the 1999 NATO air strikes that drove Serbian forces loyal to former Yugoslav leader Slobodan Milosevic out of Kosovo because of their brutal crackdown on ethnic Albanian separatists.
The former US general who commanded NATO's 1999 air war against Serbia on Thursday predicted its southern province of Kosovo would become independent within months.
Wesley Clark told Kosovo Albanian leaders in Pristina he had confidence in their "strong, positive and visionary proposals" to find a solution for Kosovo, which has been run by the United Nations and NATO since 1999.
"I am confident that this issue will be solved very soon, and probably in few months, Kosovo will become independent and will respect the rights of all citizens," said Clark.
"I believe that Kosovo will be welcomed into the family of the nations and that there will be many opportunities for the citizens of this country to prosper, raise big families and make their dreams come true."
Clark, who is on a three-day visit to the disputed province, met Kosovo's President Fatmir Sejdiu and Prime Minister Agim Ceku, who said Clark was a great friend of Kosovo, who stood by it in its most difficult times.
"He is and will always be honored by the people of Kosovo," he said.
Clark commanded the 1999 NATO air strikes that drove Serbian forces loyal to former Yugoslav leader Slobodan Milosevic out of Kosovo because of their brutal crackdown on ethnic Albanian separatists.
INTERVIEW-U.S. urges Serbia to seize opportunities
BELGRADE, May 25 (Reuters) - Serbia should quickly establish a constructive new relationship with Montenegro following the smaller state's referendum vote to end their union, the U.S. ambassador to Serbia and Montenegro said on Thursday.
"There are moments in history and time when opportunities can be seized and right now this is one," Michael Polt said.
"But the real engagement has not yet begun. I hope and I trust it begins -- and certainly we will be pushing very hard for that -- very quickly after final results are announced."
Montenegro's mainly ethnic Serb opposition, which campaigned against independence in the referendum on Sunday, is seeking a re-run of the ballot in dozens of polling stations. Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica has said he "will accept" the pro-independence vote, but only when final results are in.
Polt told Reuters in a telephone interview there was some concern about possible foot-dragging by Serbia on Montenegro, but "I trust that cooler heads and wiser heads will prevail".
He said Washington appreciated Serbia's problems. Talks on its European Union membership hopes are frozen over failure to deliver war crimes fugitive Ratko Mladic, and Albanian-dominated Kosovo province is driving for independence this year.
These challenges could be seen as "opportunities to be grasped very tightly" for the improvement of the Serbian people, Polt said. But he had "great concern they will not be seized".
NO CLEAR GOALS
Some Western countries are reluctant to put further pressure on Belgrade, worried about the government's fragility and the strength of the ultranationalist Radical Party.
"I don't lose a moment's sleep about the non-reformers," Polt said. His main concern was the lack of articulation "of where this government wants to take this country".
In U.N.-mediated talks on Kosovo, Kostunica's team so far seemed fixated on its determination to block independence.
"We are concerned that not enough attention is being given to the Serbian existence in Kosovo," he said. "What about real people? Belgrade keeps saying they care about what happens to the Serbs in Kosovo ... we need to get on with that and stop getting hung up over what it's going to be called."
Kostunica's government, a minority coalition relying on the unofficial backing in parliament of the Socialist Party of the late strongman Slobodan Milosevic, was failing to deal effectively with these major issues, the ambassador said.
A key coalition partner, the liberal G17 Plus party, has warned it will walk out on Kostunica and trigger a snap election if the EU talks are not resumed by the end of September -- implying that Bosnian Serb wartime commander Mladic will have to be in detention at the Hague war crimes tribunal by that date.
Polt seemed unimpressed by the party's four-month ultimatum.
He said he was disappointed at lack of credit given to deputy Prime Minister Miroljub Labus, who resigned on principle this month after the EU suspended talks saying he could not endorse policies that undermined his main objective for Serbia.
As for G17's deadline for delivery of Mladic, indicted for genocide in 1995, he said:
"I have torn up and thrown away my calendar. I take no deadline seriously ... Any discussion of future dates at this point is basically laughable."
"There are moments in history and time when opportunities can be seized and right now this is one," Michael Polt said.
"But the real engagement has not yet begun. I hope and I trust it begins -- and certainly we will be pushing very hard for that -- very quickly after final results are announced."
Montenegro's mainly ethnic Serb opposition, which campaigned against independence in the referendum on Sunday, is seeking a re-run of the ballot in dozens of polling stations. Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica has said he "will accept" the pro-independence vote, but only when final results are in.
Polt told Reuters in a telephone interview there was some concern about possible foot-dragging by Serbia on Montenegro, but "I trust that cooler heads and wiser heads will prevail".
He said Washington appreciated Serbia's problems. Talks on its European Union membership hopes are frozen over failure to deliver war crimes fugitive Ratko Mladic, and Albanian-dominated Kosovo province is driving for independence this year.
These challenges could be seen as "opportunities to be grasped very tightly" for the improvement of the Serbian people, Polt said. But he had "great concern they will not be seized".
NO CLEAR GOALS
Some Western countries are reluctant to put further pressure on Belgrade, worried about the government's fragility and the strength of the ultranationalist Radical Party.
"I don't lose a moment's sleep about the non-reformers," Polt said. His main concern was the lack of articulation "of where this government wants to take this country".
In U.N.-mediated talks on Kosovo, Kostunica's team so far seemed fixated on its determination to block independence.
"We are concerned that not enough attention is being given to the Serbian existence in Kosovo," he said. "What about real people? Belgrade keeps saying they care about what happens to the Serbs in Kosovo ... we need to get on with that and stop getting hung up over what it's going to be called."
Kostunica's government, a minority coalition relying on the unofficial backing in parliament of the Socialist Party of the late strongman Slobodan Milosevic, was failing to deal effectively with these major issues, the ambassador said.
A key coalition partner, the liberal G17 Plus party, has warned it will walk out on Kostunica and trigger a snap election if the EU talks are not resumed by the end of September -- implying that Bosnian Serb wartime commander Mladic will have to be in detention at the Hague war crimes tribunal by that date.
Polt seemed unimpressed by the party's four-month ultimatum.
He said he was disappointed at lack of credit given to deputy Prime Minister Miroljub Labus, who resigned on principle this month after the EU suspended talks saying he could not endorse policies that undermined his main objective for Serbia.
As for G17's deadline for delivery of Mladic, indicted for genocide in 1995, he said:
"I have torn up and thrown away my calendar. I take no deadline seriously ... Any discussion of future dates at this point is basically laughable."
Bosnian Serb premier says Kosovo also needs independence referendum
Text of report by Bosnia-Hercegovina Federation News Agency FENA
Banja Luka, 25 May: [Bosnian] Serb Republic Prime Minister Milorad Dodik believes that it would probably be good if Kosovo also held a referendum, which would provide a basis for reaching a decision on the status of the province.
Commenting Kosovo Premier Agim Ceku's statement that following the referendum in Montenegro it has become totally obvious that Kosovo too would become independent by the end of the year, Dodik told reporters in Banja Luka that according to the UN Charter the right to self-determination was the universal right of every nation, and that people should be given the right to declare themselves on the matter.
"I like this form of democratic expression of the will of the people to decide on such matters, and it would perhaps only be a formal question to hold a referendum on Kosovo on the status it wants, so this could provide a basis for reaching a decision," Dodik believes.
Source: Federation News Agency, Sarajevo, in Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian 1512 gmt 25 May 06
Banja Luka, 25 May: [Bosnian] Serb Republic Prime Minister Milorad Dodik believes that it would probably be good if Kosovo also held a referendum, which would provide a basis for reaching a decision on the status of the province.
Commenting Kosovo Premier Agim Ceku's statement that following the referendum in Montenegro it has become totally obvious that Kosovo too would become independent by the end of the year, Dodik told reporters in Banja Luka that according to the UN Charter the right to self-determination was the universal right of every nation, and that people should be given the right to declare themselves on the matter.
"I like this form of democratic expression of the will of the people to decide on such matters, and it would perhaps only be a formal question to hold a referendum on Kosovo on the status it wants, so this could provide a basis for reaching a decision," Dodik believes.
Source: Federation News Agency, Sarajevo, in Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian 1512 gmt 25 May 06
Serbs unhappy with mediator's efforts on Kosovo
By Matt Robinson1 hour, 31 minutes ago
Serbia has told the major powers guiding policy on Kosovo it is unhappy with the efforts of U.N. chief mediator Martti Ahtisaari to negotiate a deal on its southern breakaway province, diplomats say.
"Serbia has expressed dissatisfaction with the way it's going and with the people running it," a senior Western official in Kosovo told Reuters on Thursday.
Kosovo daily Zeri reported on Thursday that Belgrade had written to the Contact Group of major powers asking them to sideline Ahtisaari's U.N. team in Vienna and chair direct talks that would be held in the Macedonian lakeside town of Ohrid.
"It's half true," the western official said of the story, confirming the Contact Group -- the United States, Britain, Russia, Italy, Germany and France -- had received a letter expressing serious concern with Ahtisaari, former Finnish president.
Serbia is already reeling from the loss of the tiny Adriatic republic of Montenegro which voted in a referendum on Sunday to end a 90-year-union, one of the last acts in the break-up of the former Yugoslavia.
Diplomats expect Kosovo to be granted independence.
The western official in Kosovo said Belgrade's aim was to "delay the inevitable, be it by changing direction, venue,
facilitators."
Legally part of Serbia, Kosovo has been run by the United Nations since 1999, when NATO bombs drove out Serb forces accused of ethnic cleansing in a two-year war with ethnic Albanian separatist guerrillas.
Serbs consider it their religious heartland, but 90 percent of the people are ethnic Albanians demanding independence.
U.S. ambassador to Belgrade Michael Polt declined to comment on the report but told Reuters that Washington had "full confidence" in Ahtisaari's approach.
"We are firmly committed that that's the way it must stay," he said. "Our encouragement to our Serb friends is: work with Ahtisaari to find practical solutions to practical problems and don't get hung up on procedural issues or over your categorical status positions."
"IF ONLY"
Diplomats want to secure the rights and security of the remaining 100,000 Serbs, a ghettoized minority, before independence. They say Serb leaders are aware of the direction Kosovo is heading but are ill-prepared to face it.
Appointed by the U.N. Security Council, Ahtisaari opened direct talks between Serbia and the Kosovo Albanians in February. They are currently tackling Serb rights, local government reform and protection for Kosovo's rich Serb Orthodox religious heritage. Talks on actual status could begin in July.
Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica met Ahtisaari in Belgrade on Monday and said he wanted to hold face-to-face talks on status.
Ahtisaari's team is undecided whether to hold direct talks on status, or shuttle between capitals. Belgrade fears the latter mode would limit its room for maneuver.
U.N. officials accuse Serbia of being uncooperative, making unrealistic demands and blocking efforts to integrate the Serbs.
The Contact Group is "disappointed" with the level of engagement by Belgrade, the western official said.
"If only they could engage in reasonable dialogue. A little more enlightened self-interest would go along way."
The Contact Group says it wants a deal this year. It says the solution must be acceptable to the majority of the people, nearly all of whom who reject a return to Serb rule.
Foreign diplomats are concerned at a possible nationalist backlash in Serbia with possible snap elections looming. But they see little option other than to amputate Kosovo and place it under European Union and NATO supervision for years to come.
(Additional reporting by Douglas Hamilton)
Serbia has told the major powers guiding policy on Kosovo it is unhappy with the efforts of U.N. chief mediator Martti Ahtisaari to negotiate a deal on its southern breakaway province, diplomats say.
"Serbia has expressed dissatisfaction with the way it's going and with the people running it," a senior Western official in Kosovo told Reuters on Thursday.
Kosovo daily Zeri reported on Thursday that Belgrade had written to the Contact Group of major powers asking them to sideline Ahtisaari's U.N. team in Vienna and chair direct talks that would be held in the Macedonian lakeside town of Ohrid.
"It's half true," the western official said of the story, confirming the Contact Group -- the United States, Britain, Russia, Italy, Germany and France -- had received a letter expressing serious concern with Ahtisaari, former Finnish president.
Serbia is already reeling from the loss of the tiny Adriatic republic of Montenegro which voted in a referendum on Sunday to end a 90-year-union, one of the last acts in the break-up of the former Yugoslavia.
Diplomats expect Kosovo to be granted independence.
The western official in Kosovo said Belgrade's aim was to "delay the inevitable, be it by changing direction, venue,
facilitators."
Legally part of Serbia, Kosovo has been run by the United Nations since 1999, when NATO bombs drove out Serb forces accused of ethnic cleansing in a two-year war with ethnic Albanian separatist guerrillas.
Serbs consider it their religious heartland, but 90 percent of the people are ethnic Albanians demanding independence.
U.S. ambassador to Belgrade Michael Polt declined to comment on the report but told Reuters that Washington had "full confidence" in Ahtisaari's approach.
"We are firmly committed that that's the way it must stay," he said. "Our encouragement to our Serb friends is: work with Ahtisaari to find practical solutions to practical problems and don't get hung up on procedural issues or over your categorical status positions."
"IF ONLY"
Diplomats want to secure the rights and security of the remaining 100,000 Serbs, a ghettoized minority, before independence. They say Serb leaders are aware of the direction Kosovo is heading but are ill-prepared to face it.
Appointed by the U.N. Security Council, Ahtisaari opened direct talks between Serbia and the Kosovo Albanians in February. They are currently tackling Serb rights, local government reform and protection for Kosovo's rich Serb Orthodox religious heritage. Talks on actual status could begin in July.
Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica met Ahtisaari in Belgrade on Monday and said he wanted to hold face-to-face talks on status.
Ahtisaari's team is undecided whether to hold direct talks on status, or shuttle between capitals. Belgrade fears the latter mode would limit its room for maneuver.
U.N. officials accuse Serbia of being uncooperative, making unrealistic demands and blocking efforts to integrate the Serbs.
The Contact Group is "disappointed" with the level of engagement by Belgrade, the western official said.
"If only they could engage in reasonable dialogue. A little more enlightened self-interest would go along way."
The Contact Group says it wants a deal this year. It says the solution must be acceptable to the majority of the people, nearly all of whom who reject a return to Serb rule.
Foreign diplomats are concerned at a possible nationalist backlash in Serbia with possible snap elections looming. But they see little option other than to amputate Kosovo and place it under European Union and NATO supervision for years to come.
(Additional reporting by Douglas Hamilton)
Wednesday, May 24, 2006
U.N. says ethnically motivated crime in Kosovo going down
PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro (AP) - The United Nations mission in Kosovo said Wednesday that ethnically motivated crime is going down in this disputed province.
Soren Jessen-Petersen, the U.N.'s top official in Kosovo, "called on all concerned to refrain from propagating misinformation on the security situation in Kosovo, particularly with respect to the Kosovo Serb community," according to a U.N. statement.
"I have noted with concern periodic statements from certain quarters that risk creating a climate of fear and insecurity among the Kosovo Serbs," Jessen-Petersen said, most likely referring to Belgrade officials.
The United Nations has been trying to bring Kosovo's bitterly divided communities -- ethnic Albanians and Serbs -- closer since it took over the province's administration in 1999.
Crime statistics for the first quarter of 2006 reveal a marked decline in potentially ethnically motivated crimes, the U.N. said. There were 19 such incidents from January to March, compared to 72 during the first three months of 2005, the statement said.
This year's incidents included 12 involving Kosovo Serb victims, six involving ethnic Albanians and one involving a Kosovo Croatian victim, it said.
"Whereas we always deplore any attack on any citizen, statements of misleading nature are not helpful and are in fact contrary to the interests of the Kosovo Serbs," Jessen-Petersen said.
"This kind of misinformation not only erodes their confidence level, but has a cascading negative impact on interethnic relations."
Although nearly seven years have passed since the end of the war, the ethnic groups remain divided, with Kosovo Serbs mainly living in isolated enclaves fearing attacks by ethnic Albanians.
Talks to determine Kosovo's future are underway in Austria. Western envoys hope that some form of solution will be found by the end of 2006, which should primarily ensure the well-being of minorities, particularly Serbs.
Soren Jessen-Petersen, the U.N.'s top official in Kosovo, "called on all concerned to refrain from propagating misinformation on the security situation in Kosovo, particularly with respect to the Kosovo Serb community," according to a U.N. statement.
"I have noted with concern periodic statements from certain quarters that risk creating a climate of fear and insecurity among the Kosovo Serbs," Jessen-Petersen said, most likely referring to Belgrade officials.
The United Nations has been trying to bring Kosovo's bitterly divided communities -- ethnic Albanians and Serbs -- closer since it took over the province's administration in 1999.
Crime statistics for the first quarter of 2006 reveal a marked decline in potentially ethnically motivated crimes, the U.N. said. There were 19 such incidents from January to March, compared to 72 during the first three months of 2005, the statement said.
This year's incidents included 12 involving Kosovo Serb victims, six involving ethnic Albanians and one involving a Kosovo Croatian victim, it said.
"Whereas we always deplore any attack on any citizen, statements of misleading nature are not helpful and are in fact contrary to the interests of the Kosovo Serbs," Jessen-Petersen said.
"This kind of misinformation not only erodes their confidence level, but has a cascading negative impact on interethnic relations."
Although nearly seven years have passed since the end of the war, the ethnic groups remain divided, with Kosovo Serbs mainly living in isolated enclaves fearing attacks by ethnic Albanians.
Talks to determine Kosovo's future are underway in Austria. Western envoys hope that some form of solution will be found by the end of 2006, which should primarily ensure the well-being of minorities, particularly Serbs.
Inflation Nation - The Wall Street Journal
On Sunday, voters in Montenegro turned out in record numbers and gave a collective "thumbs down" to their republic's loose union with Serbia. Although the final curtain has not yet been drawn on this Balkan drama, when it is, what remains of the former Yugoslavia will disappear, and, after 88 years, Montenegro will once again be independent.
Montenegro's drive for independence is as much a story about money as it is about Balkan politics. Unfortunately, the money side of the story has tumbled down what George Orwell called a "memory hole."
So what's the story? From 1971 through 1991, Yugoslavia's annualized inflation rate was 76%. Only Zaire and Brazil topped that dreadful performance. But things got worse -- much worse. In early 1991, the federal government of Prime Minister Ante Markovic discovered that, late in 1990, the Serbian parliament, which was controlled by Slobodan Milosevic, had secretly ordered the Serbian National Bank (a regional central bank) to issue $1.4 billion in credits to Slobo's friends. That illegal plunder equaled more than half of all the new money the National Bank of Yugoslavia had planned to create in 1991. Besides lining the pockets of a good many Serbian communists, it sabotaged the Markovic government's teetering plans for economic reform. It also fanned the flames of nationalism in Yugoslavia and hardened the resolve of the leaders in Croatia and Slovenia to break away from the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
Without the Croats and Slovenes to fleece, Milosevic turned on his "own" people. Starting in 1992 and lasting 24 months, what was left of Yugoslavia endured the second-highest and second-longest hyperinflation in world history, peaking in January 1994 when prices increased by 313,000,000% in one month. In all, there were 14 maxi-devaluations during the hyperinflation, with each of the final three exceeding 99.9%, completely wiping out the dinar's value in November '93, December '93 and January '94.
Only Hungary, in 1946, recorded a higher rate, and only the Soviet Union suffered hyperinflation longer, for 26 months in the early 1920s. Even Weimar Germany's much-recounted hyperinflation of 1922-23 was far less virulent than the repeated decimation of the Yugoslav dinar. For a sense of its impact on the local population, imagine the value of your bank accounts in dollars and then move the decimal point 22 places to the left. Then try to buy something.
Yugoslavia's monetary orgy finally came to an end when the Topcider mint ran out of capacity. The hyperinflation was transforming 500-billion-dinar bills into small change before the ink had dried. But Milosevic's monetary mischief was nothing new. The old Serbian kings were notorious coin-clippers. As long ago as the early 14th century, King Milutin minted imitation Venetian silver coins at Novo Brdo and Prizren, located in what is now Kosovo. These fakes contained only seven-eighths as much silver as the real things. Venice banned the fakes, and, in his "Divine Comedy," Dante denounced "the King of Rascia" as a counterfeiter.
In 1999, President Milo Djukanovic (now prime minister) decided he wanted Montenegro independent and out from under Serbia's political yoke. I counseled that he play the currency card. Over the decades, the Yugoslav dinar had been completely discredited. For most Yugoslavs, the mighty deutsche mark was the unofficial coin of the realm. That was the reality. In addition, I repeated the great Austrian economist Ludwig von Mises's argument that sound money "was devised as an instrument for the protection of civil liberties against despotic inroads on the part of governments. Ideologically it belongs in the same class with political constitutions and bills of rights."
Mr. Djukanovic knew that the deutsche mark was his trump card, one that would pave the way for reestablishing Montenegro's sovereignty. On Nov. 2, 1999, he boldly announced that Montenegro was dumping the Yugoslav dinar and officially adopting the deutsche mark as its national currency (the DM was subsequently replaced by the euro in January 2002). There were no International Monetary Fund bureaucrats to contend with (at the time, Yugoslavia had no formal relations with the IMF and Montenegro was part of the rump Yugoslavia). Civil servants from Washington had not yet located Podgorica, and the NGO invasions weren't even a glimmer in any planner's eye. Furthermore, the so-called experts in Brussels hadn't yet issued their bizarre 2000 edict on the euro, which stated that "it should be made clear that any unilateral adoption of the single currency by means of `euroisation' would run counter to the underlying economic reasoning of [the European Monetary Union]." Mr. Djukanovic had room to maneuver and coolly play his card. By doing so, the die was cast for Sunday's election.
---
Mr. Hanke, a professor of applied economics at Johns Hopkins, served as an economic adviser to the president and state counselor of the Republic of Montenegro from 1999-2003.
Montenegro's drive for independence is as much a story about money as it is about Balkan politics. Unfortunately, the money side of the story has tumbled down what George Orwell called a "memory hole."
So what's the story? From 1971 through 1991, Yugoslavia's annualized inflation rate was 76%. Only Zaire and Brazil topped that dreadful performance. But things got worse -- much worse. In early 1991, the federal government of Prime Minister Ante Markovic discovered that, late in 1990, the Serbian parliament, which was controlled by Slobodan Milosevic, had secretly ordered the Serbian National Bank (a regional central bank) to issue $1.4 billion in credits to Slobo's friends. That illegal plunder equaled more than half of all the new money the National Bank of Yugoslavia had planned to create in 1991. Besides lining the pockets of a good many Serbian communists, it sabotaged the Markovic government's teetering plans for economic reform. It also fanned the flames of nationalism in Yugoslavia and hardened the resolve of the leaders in Croatia and Slovenia to break away from the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
Without the Croats and Slovenes to fleece, Milosevic turned on his "own" people. Starting in 1992 and lasting 24 months, what was left of Yugoslavia endured the second-highest and second-longest hyperinflation in world history, peaking in January 1994 when prices increased by 313,000,000% in one month. In all, there were 14 maxi-devaluations during the hyperinflation, with each of the final three exceeding 99.9%, completely wiping out the dinar's value in November '93, December '93 and January '94.
Only Hungary, in 1946, recorded a higher rate, and only the Soviet Union suffered hyperinflation longer, for 26 months in the early 1920s. Even Weimar Germany's much-recounted hyperinflation of 1922-23 was far less virulent than the repeated decimation of the Yugoslav dinar. For a sense of its impact on the local population, imagine the value of your bank accounts in dollars and then move the decimal point 22 places to the left. Then try to buy something.
Yugoslavia's monetary orgy finally came to an end when the Topcider mint ran out of capacity. The hyperinflation was transforming 500-billion-dinar bills into small change before the ink had dried. But Milosevic's monetary mischief was nothing new. The old Serbian kings were notorious coin-clippers. As long ago as the early 14th century, King Milutin minted imitation Venetian silver coins at Novo Brdo and Prizren, located in what is now Kosovo. These fakes contained only seven-eighths as much silver as the real things. Venice banned the fakes, and, in his "Divine Comedy," Dante denounced "the King of Rascia" as a counterfeiter.
In 1999, President Milo Djukanovic (now prime minister) decided he wanted Montenegro independent and out from under Serbia's political yoke. I counseled that he play the currency card. Over the decades, the Yugoslav dinar had been completely discredited. For most Yugoslavs, the mighty deutsche mark was the unofficial coin of the realm. That was the reality. In addition, I repeated the great Austrian economist Ludwig von Mises's argument that sound money "was devised as an instrument for the protection of civil liberties against despotic inroads on the part of governments. Ideologically it belongs in the same class with political constitutions and bills of rights."
Mr. Djukanovic knew that the deutsche mark was his trump card, one that would pave the way for reestablishing Montenegro's sovereignty. On Nov. 2, 1999, he boldly announced that Montenegro was dumping the Yugoslav dinar and officially adopting the deutsche mark as its national currency (the DM was subsequently replaced by the euro in January 2002). There were no International Monetary Fund bureaucrats to contend with (at the time, Yugoslavia had no formal relations with the IMF and Montenegro was part of the rump Yugoslavia). Civil servants from Washington had not yet located Podgorica, and the NGO invasions weren't even a glimmer in any planner's eye. Furthermore, the so-called experts in Brussels hadn't yet issued their bizarre 2000 edict on the euro, which stated that "it should be made clear that any unilateral adoption of the single currency by means of `euroisation' would run counter to the underlying economic reasoning of [the European Monetary Union]." Mr. Djukanovic had room to maneuver and coolly play his card. By doing so, the die was cast for Sunday's election.
---
Mr. Hanke, a professor of applied economics at Johns Hopkins, served as an economic adviser to the president and state counselor of the Republic of Montenegro from 1999-2003.
Former NATO commander, retired Gen. Wesley Clark to visit Kosovo
PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro (AP) - Retired U.S. Army Gen. Wesley Clark will arrive Wednesday for a three-day visit to Kosovo, officials said.
Clark was the supreme allied commander of NATO from 1997-2000 and was the commanding general in NATO's war in the Serbian province in 1999 which halted Serb forces' crackdown on independence-seeking ethnic Albanians.
He will visit Kosovo at the invitation of Kosovo's Prime Minister Agim Ceku, said Ulpiana Lama, the prime minister's spokeswoman.
Clark, who made an unsuccessful bid for the Democratic nomination in the U.S. presidential elections, is considered a hero by the province's ethnic Albanians who want the province to become independent. He was reviled by many Serbs for his role during the bombing campaign.
Ahead of his visit, billboards were placed around the province's capital, Pristina, and local authorities in the western town of Djakovica named a road after him.
The U.N. is currently conducting talks aimed at steering ethnic Albanians and Serbian officials toward settling the final status of the province.
Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority wants independence, while Serbs want it to remain part of Serbia.
Clark was the supreme allied commander of NATO from 1997-2000 and was the commanding general in NATO's war in the Serbian province in 1999 which halted Serb forces' crackdown on independence-seeking ethnic Albanians.
He will visit Kosovo at the invitation of Kosovo's Prime Minister Agim Ceku, said Ulpiana Lama, the prime minister's spokeswoman.
Clark, who made an unsuccessful bid for the Democratic nomination in the U.S. presidential elections, is considered a hero by the province's ethnic Albanians who want the province to become independent. He was reviled by many Serbs for his role during the bombing campaign.
Ahead of his visit, billboards were placed around the province's capital, Pristina, and local authorities in the western town of Djakovica named a road after him.
The U.N. is currently conducting talks aimed at steering ethnic Albanians and Serbian officials toward settling the final status of the province.
Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority wants independence, while Serbs want it to remain part of Serbia.
Serb policeman detained in case of slaying of American-Albanian fighters
BELGRADE, Serbia-Montenegro (AP) - A member of an elite Serbian police unit has been detained in the murder of three American-Albanian brothers during the 1999 war in Kosovo, a spokeswoman for the war crimes prosecutors said Wednesday.
The suspect, arrested Tuesday, was remanded into custody for 48 hours pending investigation into charges of war crimes, prosecution spokeswoman Jasna Jankovic told The Associated Press.
Belgrade media have identified the detained officer as Aleksandar Nikolic, from the northern Serbian city of Novi Sad. He is suspected of taking part in the transfer of the bodies of the slain brothers from the southern town of Prokuplje, close to the Kosovo boundary, to the mass grave at Petrovo Selo, eastern Serbia.
Jankovic would not confirm the suspect's identity or give details of his alleged crimes.
The gruesome slaying of Illy, Mehmet and Agron Bytyqi -- three U.S. citizens of Kosovo origin -- made headlines here and in the United States, but investigation into the killings became possible only after the 2000 ouster of Serbia's late strongman Slobodan Milosevic.
Serbian authorities have since become embroiled in a drawn-out investigation, making slow progress in the case. In March, two other suspects in the case were detained.
The Bytyqis left their home and pizza business in New York to join the ethnic Albanian uprising for secession of the Kosovo province from Serbia. They joined the so-called Atlantic Brigade -- a unit of about 400 Albanian-Americans fighting on the side of Kosovo rebels.
Sometime during the war, the brothers are believed to have strayed outside of Kosovo's unmarked boundary into Serbia proper, where they were captured and executed. Their bodies were found in 2001, in a mass grave with over 70 bodies of other Kosovo Albanians. Their remains were later identified by an FBI forensic team.
The suspect, arrested Tuesday, was remanded into custody for 48 hours pending investigation into charges of war crimes, prosecution spokeswoman Jasna Jankovic told The Associated Press.
Belgrade media have identified the detained officer as Aleksandar Nikolic, from the northern Serbian city of Novi Sad. He is suspected of taking part in the transfer of the bodies of the slain brothers from the southern town of Prokuplje, close to the Kosovo boundary, to the mass grave at Petrovo Selo, eastern Serbia.
Jankovic would not confirm the suspect's identity or give details of his alleged crimes.
The gruesome slaying of Illy, Mehmet and Agron Bytyqi -- three U.S. citizens of Kosovo origin -- made headlines here and in the United States, but investigation into the killings became possible only after the 2000 ouster of Serbia's late strongman Slobodan Milosevic.
Serbian authorities have since become embroiled in a drawn-out investigation, making slow progress in the case. In March, two other suspects in the case were detained.
The Bytyqis left their home and pizza business in New York to join the ethnic Albanian uprising for secession of the Kosovo province from Serbia. They joined the so-called Atlantic Brigade -- a unit of about 400 Albanian-Americans fighting on the side of Kosovo rebels.
Sometime during the war, the brothers are believed to have strayed outside of Kosovo's unmarked boundary into Serbia proper, where they were captured and executed. Their bodies were found in 2001, in a mass grave with over 70 bodies of other Kosovo Albanians. Their remains were later identified by an FBI forensic team.
UNMIK chief notes decline in ethnically motivated offences in Kosovo
Text of report in English by independent internet news agency KosovaLive
Prishtina [Pristina], 24 May: The head of UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo], Soeren Jessen-Petersen, today called on all concerned to refrain from propagating misinformation on the security situation in Kosova [Kosovo], particularly with respect to the Kosova Serb community.
"I have noted with concern periodic statements from certain quarters that risk creating a climate of fear and insecurity among the Kosovo Serbs," the SRSG [Special Representative of the Secretary General] is quoted as saying in a press release issued by the UNMIK Information Office.
He said, "All too often ethnic motives are alleged for crimes merely because the victims happen to be from the Kosova Serb community. Whereas we always deplore any attack on any citizen, statements of misleading nature are not helpful and are in fact contrary to the interests of the Kosovo Serbs. This kind of misinformation not only erodes their confidence level, but has a cascading negative impact on interethnic relations."
Crime statistics for the first quarter of this year (January-March 2006) reveal a marked decline in potentially ethnically motivated crimes, that is, cases where the possibility of an ethnic motive has not yet been ruled out. As compared to 72 incidents recorded during January to March 2005, there were only 19 such incidents during the same period this year. Of these incidents, 12 involved Kosova Serb, six Kosova Albanians, and one Kosova Croatian victims. Among the Kosova Serb victims, one was a case of attempted murder, two assaults, three intimidations and six cases of criminal damage.
The UNMIK Police recently analysed 1,408 Kosova Serb convoys that were escorted by the Kosova Police Service [ShPK] during January to early May this year. It was found that there had been six incidents of stone throwing at these convoys and police had made five arrests in those cases.
In December 2005, on the directions of the SRSG, the police launched Operation Stringent Security, focusing on vulnerable communities and localities. This operation has since involved 85,502 vehicle check points, 94,315 foot/vehicle patrols and 18,758 police visits to graveyards. 1,269 arrest warrants have been executed, 1,735 persons arrested for various crimes, and 476 weapons seized. This high intensity police operation has, among other things, substantially contributed to reducing crime levels particularly with respect to the minority communities.
In view of continuing perception of insecurity among the Kosova Serbs, the SRSG has asked the police commissioner to further enhance international police deployment in minority areas to support the ShPK efforts to prevent any incident and to help increase community confidence.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 24 May 06
Prishtina [Pristina], 24 May: The head of UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo], Soeren Jessen-Petersen, today called on all concerned to refrain from propagating misinformation on the security situation in Kosova [Kosovo], particularly with respect to the Kosova Serb community.
"I have noted with concern periodic statements from certain quarters that risk creating a climate of fear and insecurity among the Kosovo Serbs," the SRSG [Special Representative of the Secretary General] is quoted as saying in a press release issued by the UNMIK Information Office.
He said, "All too often ethnic motives are alleged for crimes merely because the victims happen to be from the Kosova Serb community. Whereas we always deplore any attack on any citizen, statements of misleading nature are not helpful and are in fact contrary to the interests of the Kosovo Serbs. This kind of misinformation not only erodes their confidence level, but has a cascading negative impact on interethnic relations."
Crime statistics for the first quarter of this year (January-March 2006) reveal a marked decline in potentially ethnically motivated crimes, that is, cases where the possibility of an ethnic motive has not yet been ruled out. As compared to 72 incidents recorded during January to March 2005, there were only 19 such incidents during the same period this year. Of these incidents, 12 involved Kosova Serb, six Kosova Albanians, and one Kosova Croatian victims. Among the Kosova Serb victims, one was a case of attempted murder, two assaults, three intimidations and six cases of criminal damage.
The UNMIK Police recently analysed 1,408 Kosova Serb convoys that were escorted by the Kosova Police Service [ShPK] during January to early May this year. It was found that there had been six incidents of stone throwing at these convoys and police had made five arrests in those cases.
In December 2005, on the directions of the SRSG, the police launched Operation Stringent Security, focusing on vulnerable communities and localities. This operation has since involved 85,502 vehicle check points, 94,315 foot/vehicle patrols and 18,758 police visits to graveyards. 1,269 arrest warrants have been executed, 1,735 persons arrested for various crimes, and 476 weapons seized. This high intensity police operation has, among other things, substantially contributed to reducing crime levels particularly with respect to the minority communities.
In view of continuing perception of insecurity among the Kosova Serbs, the SRSG has asked the police commissioner to further enhance international police deployment in minority areas to support the ShPK efforts to prevent any incident and to help increase community confidence.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 24 May 06
US wants issue of Kosovo's political and legal status to be settled by year-end
Bucharest, May 24 /Rompres/ - The US wants a solution for the final statute of the Kosovo province to be identified by the end of 2006, Ambassador Frank Wisner, Jr, Washington's special representative in the UN Commission on neogtiations for the Kosovo status chaired by Martti Ahtisaari.
The American official on Wednesday met Romanian Foreign Affairs Minister Mihai-Razvan Ungureanu, with whom he approached the issue of the Belgrade-Pristina negotiations and the future impact of the solution regarding Kosovo's status on regional stability.
"We want this remainder of the conflict in former Yugoslavia to stay behind in the past for us to focus as quickly as possible on the future. This future implies that all countries of former Yugoslavia, Kosovo and Serbia included, should become members of the Western and European family," said the American official.
He mentioned that the US is aware the fact that the solution identified following negotiations will affect not only the life of Kosovo's population, but of the entire region as well. Frank Wisner, Jr, said that Washington attached a high value to Romania's opinions regarding the Balkan region.
In his turn, Minister Mihai-Razvan Ungureanu underscored that Romania believed in the full involvement of the EU and of the international community in identifying a solution for Kosovo, but said that the voice of the South-East European states also needed to be listened to.
"The role of South-East European states is extremely important, but so far it was insufficiently capitalised on in talks about the status of the province. Romania's sensitivity to the situation in Kosovo and Serbia, and in the Balkans in general, can be a solid argument for a helpful Romanian political presence," said Foreign Minister Mihai-Razvan Ungureanu.
He reiterated Romania's concern over how fundamental human rights, civil freedoms, the right to ethnic and cultural difference, the right to participate in administrative and political activities were defended in Kosovo.
Mihai-Razvan Ungureanu reminded that, in the last month, the Romanian diplomacy had undertaken several rounds of consultations about the situation in Kosovo, starting with President Traian Basescu's visit to Belgrade and ending with the meeting last week in Strasbourg between the Romanian Foreign Minister and former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari, special representative of the UN Secretary-General for the status of Kosovo and moderator of the negotiations between Pristina and Belgrade.
The American official on Wednesday met Romanian Foreign Affairs Minister Mihai-Razvan Ungureanu, with whom he approached the issue of the Belgrade-Pristina negotiations and the future impact of the solution regarding Kosovo's status on regional stability.
"We want this remainder of the conflict in former Yugoslavia to stay behind in the past for us to focus as quickly as possible on the future. This future implies that all countries of former Yugoslavia, Kosovo and Serbia included, should become members of the Western and European family," said the American official.
He mentioned that the US is aware the fact that the solution identified following negotiations will affect not only the life of Kosovo's population, but of the entire region as well. Frank Wisner, Jr, said that Washington attached a high value to Romania's opinions regarding the Balkan region.
In his turn, Minister Mihai-Razvan Ungureanu underscored that Romania believed in the full involvement of the EU and of the international community in identifying a solution for Kosovo, but said that the voice of the South-East European states also needed to be listened to.
"The role of South-East European states is extremely important, but so far it was insufficiently capitalised on in talks about the status of the province. Romania's sensitivity to the situation in Kosovo and Serbia, and in the Balkans in general, can be a solid argument for a helpful Romanian political presence," said Foreign Minister Mihai-Razvan Ungureanu.
He reiterated Romania's concern over how fundamental human rights, civil freedoms, the right to ethnic and cultural difference, the right to participate in administrative and political activities were defended in Kosovo.
Mihai-Razvan Ungureanu reminded that, in the last month, the Romanian diplomacy had undertaken several rounds of consultations about the situation in Kosovo, starting with President Traian Basescu's visit to Belgrade and ending with the meeting last week in Strasbourg between the Romanian Foreign Minister and former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari, special representative of the UN Secretary-General for the status of Kosovo and moderator of the negotiations between Pristina and Belgrade.
Montenegro anti-independence politician warns of 'negative consequences' unless alleged irregularities addressed
PODGORICA, Serbia-Montenegro (AP) - Montenegro's leading politician opposed to the republic's separation from Serbia on Wednesday claimed that a recent independence referendum was flawed and warned of "negative consequences" unless alleged irregularities are addressed.
"We suspect irregularities in the voting procedure" at a number of polling stations, said Predrag Bulatovic, and claimed that the rival side of pro-independence Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic was not allowing pro-union supporters to review "suspicious" voters' lists.
Bulatovic claimed that some 5,000 independence supporters -- who reside outside Montenegro and therefore are not eligible voters -- were "illegally included in the voters' lists" and took part in the Sunday ballot, giving Djukanovic's camp the critical edge.
A preliminary tally showed that in the tiny republic of 620,000 people, 55.5 percent of ballots cast were in favor of independence. That was just half a percentage point -- or 2,090 votes -- over the 55-percent threshold needed to validate secession under rules set by the European Union.
"I fear that these (alleged irregularities) can have negative consequences on further developments" in Montenegro, said Bulatovic's appeal to EU envoy Miroslav Lajcak, who oversaw the referendum. Bulatovic did not specify what he thought the consequences might be.
He asked Lajcak to help pro-Serbia groups have access to the disputed lists. Bulatovic also described the situation as "urgent" because Wednesday evening was the deadline for filing complaints with Montenegro's election authorities.
The EU, the U.S. and international observers have described the vote as transparent, free and fair.
Lajcak has already dismissed some of the previous claims by the anti-independence groups, saying he was "disappointed with their ... talk of stolen votes."
Bulatovic, however, pressed anew with his allegations and offered specific numbers.
He said that, after comparing data with Serbia's authorities, "we found that 2,671 persons with active residence" in Serbia" appear also on voters' list in Montenegro. Another 800 were "illegally added" to the electorate although living in neighboring Kosovo province, as well as 1,600 from neighboring Bosnia.
Djukanovic, who has spearheaded the independence drive, has urged his opponents to give up attempts to overturn Montenegro's split from Serbia. His Democratic Party of Socialists dismissed Bulatovic's claims as an "attempt to try to find an excuse for defeat."
Serbia-Montenegro was the last union between republics of the former Yugoslav federation after it collapsed in a series of bloody wars in the 1990s.
"We suspect irregularities in the voting procedure" at a number of polling stations, said Predrag Bulatovic, and claimed that the rival side of pro-independence Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic was not allowing pro-union supporters to review "suspicious" voters' lists.
Bulatovic claimed that some 5,000 independence supporters -- who reside outside Montenegro and therefore are not eligible voters -- were "illegally included in the voters' lists" and took part in the Sunday ballot, giving Djukanovic's camp the critical edge.
A preliminary tally showed that in the tiny republic of 620,000 people, 55.5 percent of ballots cast were in favor of independence. That was just half a percentage point -- or 2,090 votes -- over the 55-percent threshold needed to validate secession under rules set by the European Union.
"I fear that these (alleged irregularities) can have negative consequences on further developments" in Montenegro, said Bulatovic's appeal to EU envoy Miroslav Lajcak, who oversaw the referendum. Bulatovic did not specify what he thought the consequences might be.
He asked Lajcak to help pro-Serbia groups have access to the disputed lists. Bulatovic also described the situation as "urgent" because Wednesday evening was the deadline for filing complaints with Montenegro's election authorities.
The EU, the U.S. and international observers have described the vote as transparent, free and fair.
Lajcak has already dismissed some of the previous claims by the anti-independence groups, saying he was "disappointed with their ... talk of stolen votes."
Bulatovic, however, pressed anew with his allegations and offered specific numbers.
He said that, after comparing data with Serbia's authorities, "we found that 2,671 persons with active residence" in Serbia" appear also on voters' list in Montenegro. Another 800 were "illegally added" to the electorate although living in neighboring Kosovo province, as well as 1,600 from neighboring Bosnia.
Djukanovic, who has spearheaded the independence drive, has urged his opponents to give up attempts to overturn Montenegro's split from Serbia. His Democratic Party of Socialists dismissed Bulatovic's claims as an "attempt to try to find an excuse for defeat."
Serbia-Montenegro was the last union between republics of the former Yugoslav federation after it collapsed in a series of bloody wars in the 1990s.
Kosovo delegation offers "privileges" to Serbian church at Vienna talks
Text of report by Kosovo Albanian Kosovapress news agency website
Vienna, 23 May: The talks on cultural and religious heritage have been going better than at previous meetings, said Ylber Hysa, the head of the Kosova [Kosovo] delegation to Vienna.
Speaking after the first session of the fifth round of talks on cultural and religious heritage today in Vienna, Hysa attributed this fact to the good will on the part of the Kosova delegation, for which he expected a positive appraisal from the international community and the Serbian Orthodox Church [SPC].
Hysa said that the Kosova delegation had been open to proposals about a series of privileges for the SPC.
"We said clearly that we do not want to talk about the name and internal organization of the church. We accept its name, canonical organization, and are willing to guarantee the physical security of important religious and cultural sites in Kosova," he said.
Hysa accused Belgrade of not being open on this issue. He went on to say that the privileges that the Kosova delegation offered included the recognition of the name and organization of the SPC, as well as other benefits.
To a question as to the Prishtina delegation's position on Belgrade's request for the formation of special protected zones around monasteries and other sites in Kosova, the head of the Kosova delegation said that what had been presented to his delegation was not about special zones, but about special-special zones.
The Kosova delegation, according to him, has acknowledged that there are several important sites in Kosova and has offered the formation of protection areas around them with an acceptable radius.
Today's meeting is expected to finish at any moment. Shortly after that, [UN Deputy Special Envoy of the Secretary General for the future status process for Kosovo] Albert Rohan is expected to hold a press conference.
Source: Kosovapress news agency website, Pristina, in Albanian 23 May 06
Vienna, 23 May: The talks on cultural and religious heritage have been going better than at previous meetings, said Ylber Hysa, the head of the Kosova [Kosovo] delegation to Vienna.
Speaking after the first session of the fifth round of talks on cultural and religious heritage today in Vienna, Hysa attributed this fact to the good will on the part of the Kosova delegation, for which he expected a positive appraisal from the international community and the Serbian Orthodox Church [SPC].
Hysa said that the Kosova delegation had been open to proposals about a series of privileges for the SPC.
"We said clearly that we do not want to talk about the name and internal organization of the church. We accept its name, canonical organization, and are willing to guarantee the physical security of important religious and cultural sites in Kosova," he said.
Hysa accused Belgrade of not being open on this issue. He went on to say that the privileges that the Kosova delegation offered included the recognition of the name and organization of the SPC, as well as other benefits.
To a question as to the Prishtina delegation's position on Belgrade's request for the formation of special protected zones around monasteries and other sites in Kosova, the head of the Kosova delegation said that what had been presented to his delegation was not about special zones, but about special-special zones.
The Kosova delegation, according to him, has acknowledged that there are several important sites in Kosova and has offered the formation of protection areas around them with an acceptable radius.
Today's meeting is expected to finish at any moment. Shortly after that, [UN Deputy Special Envoy of the Secretary General for the future status process for Kosovo] Albert Rohan is expected to hold a press conference.
Source: Kosovapress news agency website, Pristina, in Albanian 23 May 06
Officials: NATO aircraft crashes in Kosovo, two pilots survive
PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro (AP) - A small NATO military airplane crashed in Kosovo late Wednesday and the two pilots onboard survived, officials said.
The small military aircraft crashed in the village of Mazgit, some 8 kilometers (5 miles) north of the province's capital, Pristina, and nearby Kosovo's main airport, said Col. Pio Sabetta, a spokesman for the NATO-led peacekeeping force, known as KFOR.
The pilots were not seriously injured, Sabetta said.
A police official, speaking on condition of anonymity, identified the plane as a U.S. military aircraft. An airport official said the aircraft was a small Cessna 337.
Sabetta declined to identify the nationality of the crew. He said the pilots were conducting a "training flight" at the time of the crash. Witnesses said the aircraft sustained major damages to its wings and belly.
The aircraft was initially tangled in electric wires before it crashed in a field, Nysret, a witness at the scene who declined to give his last name, told The Associated Press by telephone.
Police and NATO-led peacekeepers sealed off the area and were sifting through the field under emergency blue lights as helicopters hovered.
Some 1,700 U.S. peacekeepers are part of the 17,500-strong NATO-led peacekeeping force, down from a high of 5,000 U.S. soldiers deployed here after the war.
Kosovo has been run by the United Nations since mid-1999, when a NATO air war halted a Serb crackdown on separatist ethnic Albanians fighting for independence, and forced Belgrade to relinquish control of the province.
The small military aircraft crashed in the village of Mazgit, some 8 kilometers (5 miles) north of the province's capital, Pristina, and nearby Kosovo's main airport, said Col. Pio Sabetta, a spokesman for the NATO-led peacekeeping force, known as KFOR.
The pilots were not seriously injured, Sabetta said.
A police official, speaking on condition of anonymity, identified the plane as a U.S. military aircraft. An airport official said the aircraft was a small Cessna 337.
Sabetta declined to identify the nationality of the crew. He said the pilots were conducting a "training flight" at the time of the crash. Witnesses said the aircraft sustained major damages to its wings and belly.
The aircraft was initially tangled in electric wires before it crashed in a field, Nysret, a witness at the scene who declined to give his last name, told The Associated Press by telephone.
Police and NATO-led peacekeepers sealed off the area and were sifting through the field under emergency blue lights as helicopters hovered.
Some 1,700 U.S. peacekeepers are part of the 17,500-strong NATO-led peacekeeping force, down from a high of 5,000 U.S. soldiers deployed here after the war.
Kosovo has been run by the United Nations since mid-1999, when a NATO air war halted a Serb crackdown on separatist ethnic Albanians fighting for independence, and forced Belgrade to relinquish control of the province.
Next round of Kosovo talks to include status issue - UN envoy
Text of report by Serbian Studio B TV on 24 May
[Presenter] UN special envoy for Kosovo status talks Martti Ahtisaari has said in Helsinki following talks with Serbia-Montenegro Foreign Minister Vuk Draskovic that he is encouraged by the talks in Vienna [between Belgrade and Pristina, held on 23 May], expressing hope that the next round of talks between Belgrade and Pristina, one which will also include the status issue, will begin by end of July.
Draskovic said that he was encouraged by what Ahtisaari had told him about the talks in Vienna, adding that we were still far from a compromise solution, which is the only solution that could be sustainable.
Source: Studio B TV, Belgrade, in Serbian 2000 gmt 24 May 06
[Presenter] UN special envoy for Kosovo status talks Martti Ahtisaari has said in Helsinki following talks with Serbia-Montenegro Foreign Minister Vuk Draskovic that he is encouraged by the talks in Vienna [between Belgrade and Pristina, held on 23 May], expressing hope that the next round of talks between Belgrade and Pristina, one which will also include the status issue, will begin by end of July.
Draskovic said that he was encouraged by what Ahtisaari had told him about the talks in Vienna, adding that we were still far from a compromise solution, which is the only solution that could be sustainable.
Source: Studio B TV, Belgrade, in Serbian 2000 gmt 24 May 06
Tuesday, May 23, 2006
Montenegrin PM hopes Kosovo status to be settled by end of 2006
Excerpt from report by Radio-Television Kosovo TV on 22 May
[Announcer] Here is an exclusive interview with Montenegrin Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic by our special reporter Gjeraqina Tuhina in Podgorica.
[Reporter] You said that yesterday's referendum brought about the definitive disintegration of Yugoslavia. Has this disintegration been fulfilled when the Kosova [Kosovo] issue is still at hand and some voices from Vojvodina that yesterday's referendum proves that none of the people from former Yugoslavia want to live with the Serbs?
[Montenegrin Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic in Serbian with Albanian voiceover] I believe that the process of disintegration has fully ended. As you know, in the late 1990s we had the proposal from EU and the Badinter Commission to overcome the crisis in such a way, however the recommendations unfortunately at the time were not accepted. Four former Yugoslav republics became independent while Serbia and Montenegro remained in the union; however, time showed that this only served the former Belgrade regime's expansionist aspirations toward territories in former Yugoslav republics. Now, 15 years late, with precious time lost, I can proudly say that the process in the Balkans has reached its logical epilogue. I believe that we have sound and friendly relations with all our neighbours from former Yugoslavia, something that will bring us closer to Europe.
The issue of Kosova was not dealt with by the Badinter Commission, but everything that happened in the last decade, including the genocide which brought NATO intervention, has given a truly important dimension to this problem. It is my belief that after 1999 we had great stagnation regarding this problem with unfound statements. We now have UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and we can have a calm and sound approach for the future of Kosova. Luckily the consciousness in the region is maturer and Kosova will have its respective solution. The negotiating process between Prishtina [Pristina] and Belgrade has already started with the participation of the international community headed by Martti Ahtisaari.
What I would like to stress is that Kosova should get its status resolved before the end of 2006, because I consider this important for the future dynamics for processes in the region. I would not like to hastily say what Kosova's status should be. The engagement of the international community should not be misunderstood either by Belgrade or Prishtina. What I would like to stress is that we want this process to end with a sustainable solution and it would be the best solution if an agreement were to be reached between Prishtina and Belgrade. This region needs such a solution and it is in the best interest of the region that this solution be found before the end of the year. [Passage omitted]
Source: RTK TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1730 gmt 22 May 06
[Announcer] Here is an exclusive interview with Montenegrin Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic by our special reporter Gjeraqina Tuhina in Podgorica.
[Reporter] You said that yesterday's referendum brought about the definitive disintegration of Yugoslavia. Has this disintegration been fulfilled when the Kosova [Kosovo] issue is still at hand and some voices from Vojvodina that yesterday's referendum proves that none of the people from former Yugoslavia want to live with the Serbs?
[Montenegrin Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic in Serbian with Albanian voiceover] I believe that the process of disintegration has fully ended. As you know, in the late 1990s we had the proposal from EU and the Badinter Commission to overcome the crisis in such a way, however the recommendations unfortunately at the time were not accepted. Four former Yugoslav republics became independent while Serbia and Montenegro remained in the union; however, time showed that this only served the former Belgrade regime's expansionist aspirations toward territories in former Yugoslav republics. Now, 15 years late, with precious time lost, I can proudly say that the process in the Balkans has reached its logical epilogue. I believe that we have sound and friendly relations with all our neighbours from former Yugoslavia, something that will bring us closer to Europe.
The issue of Kosova was not dealt with by the Badinter Commission, but everything that happened in the last decade, including the genocide which brought NATO intervention, has given a truly important dimension to this problem. It is my belief that after 1999 we had great stagnation regarding this problem with unfound statements. We now have UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and we can have a calm and sound approach for the future of Kosova. Luckily the consciousness in the region is maturer and Kosova will have its respective solution. The negotiating process between Prishtina [Pristina] and Belgrade has already started with the participation of the international community headed by Martti Ahtisaari.
What I would like to stress is that Kosova should get its status resolved before the end of 2006, because I consider this important for the future dynamics for processes in the region. I would not like to hastily say what Kosova's status should be. The engagement of the international community should not be misunderstood either by Belgrade or Prishtina. What I would like to stress is that we want this process to end with a sustainable solution and it would be the best solution if an agreement were to be reached between Prishtina and Belgrade. This region needs such a solution and it is in the best interest of the region that this solution be found before the end of the year. [Passage omitted]
Source: RTK TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1730 gmt 22 May 06
Germany's Lower Saxony parliament Speaker backs Kosovo independence
Text of report in English by independent internet news agency KosovaLive
Prishtina [Pristina], 23 May: The Lower Saxony parliament Speaker, Juergen Gansauer, expressed his hope that Kosova [Kosovo] will gain its independence at the end of the Vienna talks. He made these comments today following his meeting with the Kosova president.
Gansauer also said that very soon he will come to Prishtina to celebrate Kosova's independence.
During their visit to Kosova, the German delegation is expected to visit the Trepca mine and the University of Mining in Mitrovice [Kosovska Mitrovica].
German lawmaker promised increasing cooperation with Kosova.
President Fatmir Sejdiu said that it was his pleasure to meet with the old friend of Kosova, who has always supported the independence for Kosova. President Sejdiu voiced optimistic that mutual cooperation will continue in the future as well.
"Juergen Gansauer is a good friend of Kosova, who has supported Kosova's independence," said Sejdiu.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 23 May 06
Prishtina [Pristina], 23 May: The Lower Saxony parliament Speaker, Juergen Gansauer, expressed his hope that Kosova [Kosovo] will gain its independence at the end of the Vienna talks. He made these comments today following his meeting with the Kosova president.
Gansauer also said that very soon he will come to Prishtina to celebrate Kosova's independence.
During their visit to Kosova, the German delegation is expected to visit the Trepca mine and the University of Mining in Mitrovice [Kosovska Mitrovica].
German lawmaker promised increasing cooperation with Kosova.
President Fatmir Sejdiu said that it was his pleasure to meet with the old friend of Kosova, who has always supported the independence for Kosova. President Sejdiu voiced optimistic that mutual cooperation will continue in the future as well.
"Juergen Gansauer is a good friend of Kosova, who has supported Kosova's independence," said Sejdiu.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 23 May 06
Analyst reproaches Serbian government for keeping lid on Kosovo status plans
Text of report by "SN" entitled "Brezhnevs are among us" published by the Serbian newspaper Dnevnik on 20 May
Slobodan Samardzic and Leon Kojen, co-chairmen of the Serbian negotiating team, yesterday forwarded a proposal for continuation of the Vienna talks on the status of Kosovo-Metohija to the ambassadors of the Contact Group member states.
They said the public in Serbia would be informed the following week or 10 days at the most, of part of Belgrade's platform proposing a concrete solution to the future status of the province.
Dusan Janjic, director of the Forum for Ethnic Relations, says the repeated delay in informing citizens of Serbia with their plans and ideas is a problem in general of the Serbian government, the prime minister and co-chairmen of the negotiating team, a problem in understanding public opinion.
"It is an old concept promoted at the beginning of the talks by Nebojsa Covic [former head of the Kosovo Coordinating Centre] and Vojislav Kostunica, in the sense: 'We know the solution, but we will disclose it when we think it right to do so.' That is not a democratic model as it implies that the public is immature, and it rests largely on conspiracy theories. Third, and perhaps most importantly, it is based on the conviction that they have got the life-saving solution," said Janjic.
He said this "Brezhnev-like concept" in understanding the public was the government's biggest weakness. They have shut themselves in a small circle, assumed all responsibility and turned away the public which could be of help.
"The only thing this has produced is that they will be attacked by all and sundry. They accuse themselves in advance of being culprits and they have set their own punishment. Similar to a Greek tragedy, I think," said Janjic.
[Box] Nobody will ask Belgrade
Janjic referred in particular to general questions concerning security, saying nobody would ask Belgrade anything, especially not before Ratko Mladic is arrested. "Belgrade must respond explicitly to questions on cooperation with the US army, future cooperation with The Hague, and organized crime," Janjic told Dnevnik.
Source: Dnevnik, Novi Sad, in Serbian 20 May 06
Slobodan Samardzic and Leon Kojen, co-chairmen of the Serbian negotiating team, yesterday forwarded a proposal for continuation of the Vienna talks on the status of Kosovo-Metohija to the ambassadors of the Contact Group member states.
They said the public in Serbia would be informed the following week or 10 days at the most, of part of Belgrade's platform proposing a concrete solution to the future status of the province.
Dusan Janjic, director of the Forum for Ethnic Relations, says the repeated delay in informing citizens of Serbia with their plans and ideas is a problem in general of the Serbian government, the prime minister and co-chairmen of the negotiating team, a problem in understanding public opinion.
"It is an old concept promoted at the beginning of the talks by Nebojsa Covic [former head of the Kosovo Coordinating Centre] and Vojislav Kostunica, in the sense: 'We know the solution, but we will disclose it when we think it right to do so.' That is not a democratic model as it implies that the public is immature, and it rests largely on conspiracy theories. Third, and perhaps most importantly, it is based on the conviction that they have got the life-saving solution," said Janjic.
He said this "Brezhnev-like concept" in understanding the public was the government's biggest weakness. They have shut themselves in a small circle, assumed all responsibility and turned away the public which could be of help.
"The only thing this has produced is that they will be attacked by all and sundry. They accuse themselves in advance of being culprits and they have set their own punishment. Similar to a Greek tragedy, I think," said Janjic.
[Box] Nobody will ask Belgrade
Janjic referred in particular to general questions concerning security, saying nobody would ask Belgrade anything, especially not before Ratko Mladic is arrested. "Belgrade must respond explicitly to questions on cooperation with the US army, future cooperation with The Hague, and organized crime," Janjic told Dnevnik.
Source: Dnevnik, Novi Sad, in Serbian 20 May 06
Montenegrin Assembly to pass declaration on independence
Excerpt from report by Montenegrin Mina news agency
Podgorica, 23 May: The Montenegrin Assembly, based on the results of the referendum on its status as a state, will pass a declaration on [Montenegro's] independence which will raise the need to have Montenegro internationally recognized.
This is envisaged by the Action Plan which sets out all the priorities for Montenegro to function as an independent state and which was adopted by the government on 14 April.
This document outlines activities which would need to be implemented in three phases - the period leading to the [independence] referendum, the period from declaring independence to mid-July and the period from 15 July to 1 November.
The document sets out that between 22 May and 22 July the Foreign Ministry should issue a letter declaring Montenegro's independence and seeking international recognition. [Passage omitted]
This will then be followed by sending letters to all the EU member states and the UN about the declaration of Montenegro's independence and lobbying for international recognition [of Montenegro] in the shortest time possible. "The most suitable way to do this is to have our officials in a non-diplomatic capacity in the most important centres of decision-making, namely in Brussels and Washington," says the Action Plan.
Personnel from [Serbia-Montenegro] diplomatic and consular missions will also be recalled.
Decisions will be made on temporary recognition of concluded bilateral treaties dealing with driving licences, the agreement on readmission and for the current situation and border crossings with neighbouring countries to remain unchanged.
The document further states that decisions need to be made in connection with the way in which travel documents are to be issued for citizens residing abroad, and for status and rights to be temporarily retained for refugees and internally displaced persons from Kosovo.
The last phase, from 15 July to 1 November, envisages drafting of a bill on travel documents which will create conditions for such documents to be issued by Montenegro.
"We need to kick-start a process of negotiations and agreements with neighbouring countries to establish, identify and delineate borders, come to an agreement on border crossings and set up a procedure for resolving border incidents and such like. Regarding cooperation with the Foreign Ministry, the emphasis needs to be placed on the temporary protocol on border delineation at Prevlaka [peninsula shared with Croatia], as the only disputed border with Montenegro."
The Action Plan also sets out sending of diplomatic notes about the opening of diplomatic and consular missions and the adoption of by-laws which will provide for the diplomatic needs of an independent state in terms of its personnel and institutions.
The last phase envisages the appointment of representatives to the main Montenegrin diplomatic and consular missions. "This involves the implementation of the first phase of this process which will include earmarking the necessary budgetary funds," says the [Montenegrin] government's document.
The cost projection for [Montenegro's] membership in international organisations is also planned in this last phase along with activities which will need to be taken to open diplomatic and consular missions, and vital agreements and memorandums will need to be concluded with other countries.
The Defence Ministry will draft a bill on defence and the army and a number of other strategic documents and doctrines, defence strategies, army doctrines and regulations about service. According to an announcement, Mico Orlandic, deputy premier, will be in charge of these tasks.
Source: Mina news agency, Podgorica, in Serbian 0954 gmt 23 May 06
Podgorica, 23 May: The Montenegrin Assembly, based on the results of the referendum on its status as a state, will pass a declaration on [Montenegro's] independence which will raise the need to have Montenegro internationally recognized.
This is envisaged by the Action Plan which sets out all the priorities for Montenegro to function as an independent state and which was adopted by the government on 14 April.
This document outlines activities which would need to be implemented in three phases - the period leading to the [independence] referendum, the period from declaring independence to mid-July and the period from 15 July to 1 November.
The document sets out that between 22 May and 22 July the Foreign Ministry should issue a letter declaring Montenegro's independence and seeking international recognition. [Passage omitted]
This will then be followed by sending letters to all the EU member states and the UN about the declaration of Montenegro's independence and lobbying for international recognition [of Montenegro] in the shortest time possible. "The most suitable way to do this is to have our officials in a non-diplomatic capacity in the most important centres of decision-making, namely in Brussels and Washington," says the Action Plan.
Personnel from [Serbia-Montenegro] diplomatic and consular missions will also be recalled.
Decisions will be made on temporary recognition of concluded bilateral treaties dealing with driving licences, the agreement on readmission and for the current situation and border crossings with neighbouring countries to remain unchanged.
The document further states that decisions need to be made in connection with the way in which travel documents are to be issued for citizens residing abroad, and for status and rights to be temporarily retained for refugees and internally displaced persons from Kosovo.
The last phase, from 15 July to 1 November, envisages drafting of a bill on travel documents which will create conditions for such documents to be issued by Montenegro.
"We need to kick-start a process of negotiations and agreements with neighbouring countries to establish, identify and delineate borders, come to an agreement on border crossings and set up a procedure for resolving border incidents and such like. Regarding cooperation with the Foreign Ministry, the emphasis needs to be placed on the temporary protocol on border delineation at Prevlaka [peninsula shared with Croatia], as the only disputed border with Montenegro."
The Action Plan also sets out sending of diplomatic notes about the opening of diplomatic and consular missions and the adoption of by-laws which will provide for the diplomatic needs of an independent state in terms of its personnel and institutions.
The last phase envisages the appointment of representatives to the main Montenegrin diplomatic and consular missions. "This involves the implementation of the first phase of this process which will include earmarking the necessary budgetary funds," says the [Montenegrin] government's document.
The cost projection for [Montenegro's] membership in international organisations is also planned in this last phase along with activities which will need to be taken to open diplomatic and consular missions, and vital agreements and memorandums will need to be concluded with other countries.
The Defence Ministry will draft a bill on defence and the army and a number of other strategic documents and doctrines, defence strategies, army doctrines and regulations about service. According to an announcement, Mico Orlandic, deputy premier, will be in charge of these tasks.
Source: Mina news agency, Podgorica, in Serbian 0954 gmt 23 May 06
Serbs, alone at last, look to the future
BELGRADE, May 23 (Reuters) - A sense of abandonment in Belgrade following Montenegro's decision to declare independence gave way to signs on Tuesday that Serbs were contemplating the benefits of going it alone.
Fifteen years after Slovenia seceded from the Yugoslav federation, followed by Croatia, Macedonia and then Bosnia, Montenegro, the closest of the Serbs' cousins in the land of the southern Slavs, has opted to leave too.
"After three years of tortuous bickering with Montenegro, Serbia can turn to itself and get its own house in order," wrote the pro-government Serb daily Politika.
"Finally I can support my own team!" said student Djordje Jovanovic of the country's sporting prospects.
Since 2003 and the revamping of their joint state, Serbs have grown tired of the seemingly interminable saga of Montenegro's quest for independence, which climaxed on Sunday.
Official preliminary results on Tuesday confirmed a victory for the independence bloc, effectively ending a union with Serbia dating back in various forms to 1918.
Grudging acceptance gave way to a sense of opportunity and to relief that a loveless marriage had come to an amicable end.
Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica said he would wait for the full result before responding, but his political rival, President Boris Tadic, accepted the vote and promised to visit Montenegro and congratulate its people in person.
"I invite all citizens of Montenegro to offer the hand of cooperation and reconciliation," said Tadic.
Weary of Balkan disintegration, it was the European Union in 2003 that persuaded Podgorica to revise its relationship with Belgrade, abandoning "Yugoslavia" for a looser, and ultimately dysfunctional, state union of Serbia-Montenegro.
"FOREIGNERS"
Montenegro is proud that its exit went without a hitch, unlike Bosnia and Croatia where wars of secession from Serb-dominated Yugoslavia claimed some 200,000 lives.
Montenegro's departure means Serbia can now turn to more pressing issues such as negotiations on the potential independence of its southern Kosovo province -- which is likely to be a far more painful blow.
Belgrade must also consider its own EU aspirations, currently in limbo because it failed to hand over Bosnian Serb war crimes suspect Ratko Mladic to the tribunal in The Hague.
Serbia, with 10 times more people than Montenegro, footed the lion's share of the bill for a union that shared only a diplomatic corps, a defence ministry and numerous official cars.
"Perhaps this is for the best," said popular Serbian cabinet minister Velimir Ilic. "Serbia has spent long enough worrying about others and spending money on others. The time has come for Serbia to work for itself."
A hint of ill-feeling remained. Serbian Labour Minister Slobodan Lalovic said Montenegrins in Serbia would become "foreigners", subject to the red tape, working permits and residence documents so despised by other non-Serbs.
Under the terms of their 2003 agreement, Serbia is the successor state and inherits all the rights and obligations of the union, including the seat at the United Nations.
An independent Montenegro, Serbs like to point out, will have to start from scratch.
"Serbia is in a far better position than the 'reborn state' of our departing brothers," wrote Politika.
Fifteen years after Slovenia seceded from the Yugoslav federation, followed by Croatia, Macedonia and then Bosnia, Montenegro, the closest of the Serbs' cousins in the land of the southern Slavs, has opted to leave too.
"After three years of tortuous bickering with Montenegro, Serbia can turn to itself and get its own house in order," wrote the pro-government Serb daily Politika.
"Finally I can support my own team!" said student Djordje Jovanovic of the country's sporting prospects.
Since 2003 and the revamping of their joint state, Serbs have grown tired of the seemingly interminable saga of Montenegro's quest for independence, which climaxed on Sunday.
Official preliminary results on Tuesday confirmed a victory for the independence bloc, effectively ending a union with Serbia dating back in various forms to 1918.
Grudging acceptance gave way to a sense of opportunity and to relief that a loveless marriage had come to an amicable end.
Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica said he would wait for the full result before responding, but his political rival, President Boris Tadic, accepted the vote and promised to visit Montenegro and congratulate its people in person.
"I invite all citizens of Montenegro to offer the hand of cooperation and reconciliation," said Tadic.
Weary of Balkan disintegration, it was the European Union in 2003 that persuaded Podgorica to revise its relationship with Belgrade, abandoning "Yugoslavia" for a looser, and ultimately dysfunctional, state union of Serbia-Montenegro.
"FOREIGNERS"
Montenegro is proud that its exit went without a hitch, unlike Bosnia and Croatia where wars of secession from Serb-dominated Yugoslavia claimed some 200,000 lives.
Montenegro's departure means Serbia can now turn to more pressing issues such as negotiations on the potential independence of its southern Kosovo province -- which is likely to be a far more painful blow.
Belgrade must also consider its own EU aspirations, currently in limbo because it failed to hand over Bosnian Serb war crimes suspect Ratko Mladic to the tribunal in The Hague.
Serbia, with 10 times more people than Montenegro, footed the lion's share of the bill for a union that shared only a diplomatic corps, a defence ministry and numerous official cars.
"Perhaps this is for the best," said popular Serbian cabinet minister Velimir Ilic. "Serbia has spent long enough worrying about others and spending money on others. The time has come for Serbia to work for itself."
A hint of ill-feeling remained. Serbian Labour Minister Slobodan Lalovic said Montenegrins in Serbia would become "foreigners", subject to the red tape, working permits and residence documents so despised by other non-Serbs.
Under the terms of their 2003 agreement, Serbia is the successor state and inherits all the rights and obligations of the union, including the seat at the United Nations.
An independent Montenegro, Serbs like to point out, will have to start from scratch.
"Serbia is in a far better position than the 'reborn state' of our departing brothers," wrote Politika.
Deal Reached On Protecting Serb Religious Sites In Kosovo
VIENNA (AP)-Ethnic Albanian and Serbian officials agreed Tuesday on basic elements on how to protect Kosovo's cultural and religious sites, particularly in parts of the province dominated by ethnic Albanians.
"There are a number of conceptual differences, but there was a far-reaching agreement on the protection of religious sites," said Albert Rohan, a Austrian diplomat and a U.N.-appointed mediator for the talks.
He said both delegations agreed on the issue of "physical protection" of Serbian Orthodox religious sites in the province and on protection zones that would be guarded by international peacekeepers.
Serbs consider Kosovo to be the cradle of their civilization, and key Serbian religious and historical sites are located there - and are currently being guarded by NATO peacekeepers.
In March 2004, the holy sites were targeted in anti-Serb riots that left more than 30 medieval churches and monasteries damaged or destroyed. That year, UNESCO designated the Visoki Decani monastery - the largest and the best preserved medieval monastery in the province - a World Heritage site. [ 23-05-06 1634GMT ]
"There are a number of conceptual differences, but there was a far-reaching agreement on the protection of religious sites," said Albert Rohan, a Austrian diplomat and a U.N.-appointed mediator for the talks.
He said both delegations agreed on the issue of "physical protection" of Serbian Orthodox religious sites in the province and on protection zones that would be guarded by international peacekeepers.
Serbs consider Kosovo to be the cradle of their civilization, and key Serbian religious and historical sites are located there - and are currently being guarded by NATO peacekeepers.
In March 2004, the holy sites were targeted in anti-Serb riots that left more than 30 medieval churches and monasteries damaged or destroyed. That year, UNESCO designated the Visoki Decani monastery - the largest and the best preserved medieval monastery in the province - a World Heritage site. [ 23-05-06 1634GMT ]
UN chief praises Kosovo delegation's "constructive approach" at Vienna talks
Text of report in English by independent internet news agency KosovaLive
Prishtina [Pristina], 23 May: The head of UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo], Soeren Jessen-Petersen, said that everyone is pleased with the constructive approach of the Kosova [Kosovo] delegation in Vienna talks, however there is a feeling in international circles that Prishtina could do even more.
Jessen-Petersen made these comments following a meeting with Kosova Prime Minister Agim Ceku, whom he briefed on his visit to New York and Washington, where he found a strong support for processes in Kosova.
"Prishtina has a constructive approach in Vienna talks, but there is a feeling in Washington, which they share with chief Mediator Martti Ahtisaari, that more could be done," said Jessen-Petersen.
Jessen-Petersen voiced optimistic that Martti Ahtisaari will report on the good progress achieved on the ground.
The head of UNMIK said that in UN he discussed the issues raised by the representatives of the UCK [Kosovo Liberation Army] war associations.
Jessen-Petersen also announced that Prime Minister Agim Ceku will attend the UN Security Council session, which will be focused on the fulfilment of the standards.
Prime Minister Agim Ceku voiced content over the successful visit of the head of UNMIK, as he evaluated it. According to him, Jessen-Petersen has properly addressed the concerns and demands of Kosovars.
"The SRSG [Special Representative of the Secretary-General] also brought good news of establishing an office in Brussels which will facilitate Kosova's work in addressing the demands for EU integration," said Ceku.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 23 May 06
Prishtina [Pristina], 23 May: The head of UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo], Soeren Jessen-Petersen, said that everyone is pleased with the constructive approach of the Kosova [Kosovo] delegation in Vienna talks, however there is a feeling in international circles that Prishtina could do even more.
Jessen-Petersen made these comments following a meeting with Kosova Prime Minister Agim Ceku, whom he briefed on his visit to New York and Washington, where he found a strong support for processes in Kosova.
"Prishtina has a constructive approach in Vienna talks, but there is a feeling in Washington, which they share with chief Mediator Martti Ahtisaari, that more could be done," said Jessen-Petersen.
Jessen-Petersen voiced optimistic that Martti Ahtisaari will report on the good progress achieved on the ground.
The head of UNMIK said that in UN he discussed the issues raised by the representatives of the UCK [Kosovo Liberation Army] war associations.
Jessen-Petersen also announced that Prime Minister Agim Ceku will attend the UN Security Council session, which will be focused on the fulfilment of the standards.
Prime Minister Agim Ceku voiced content over the successful visit of the head of UNMIK, as he evaluated it. According to him, Jessen-Petersen has properly addressed the concerns and demands of Kosovars.
"The SRSG [Special Representative of the Secretary-General] also brought good news of establishing an office in Brussels which will facilitate Kosova's work in addressing the demands for EU integration," said Ceku.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 23 May 06
The map of Europe is once again redrawn Narrowly, Montenegro stands alone
Dan Bilefsky contributed from Brussels.
*
Fifteen years after ethnic conflict exploded in the western Balkans, Montenegro voted by a bare margin to separate from Serbia in what may be the last phase in redrawing the contentious borders of the region.
The decision would dissolve what was left of the remaining republics of the six that formed Yugoslavia during the Communist era. Its secession from Serbia could pave the way for a very different agreement under international auspices for the Albanian- dominated province of Kosovo to split formally from Serbia in coming months.
The voters of Montenegro, the smallest of Yugoslavia's six former republics, decided by the narrowest of margins in a heavy turnout. The government said that with results in from all but 49 of 1,100 polling stations, 55.4 percent of voters favored independence. That was just four-tenths of a percentage point more than was necessary to pass the referendum under rules agreed on by the government and the European Union, which said it would respect the results of the election.
Parties opposed to independence demanded a recount. Serbia, though, seemed to accept the vote, grudgingly, recognizing that the Constitution of the uneasy Serbia and Montenegro federation permits secession.
Once the full results are established, the government in Podgorica is expected to push for a meeting of Parliament to enact enabling legislation. Government officials predicted that approval by a two-thirds majority that is required for such a change would be a formality.
Montenegro would then be able to seek international recognition and a seat at the United Nations and other international institutions.
The votes disappointed a substantial minority of the population of just 650,000, many of them Serb. But the union with Serbia has been unhappy. Since 1997, the prime minister of Montenegro, Milo Djukanovic, has distanced this mountainous nation from Serbia. The two now share control of the army and foreign service, but little else. In Serbia on Monday, there was a reluctant acceptance that Djukanovic's supporters had succeeded, although some media outlets suggested that the referendum had not been fought on equal terms. Djukanovic is the only Balkan leader to have clung to power throughout the break-up of Yugoslavia, and he campaigned avidly for the referendum. "Milo's majority is questionable," ran a headline in Serbia's conservative newspaper Politika. "One can conclude that the sovereigntists won, but no one can tell by how many votes," Aleksandar Simic, an adviser to Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica of Serbia, was quoted as saying by the newspaper. Simic's office said neither he nor a government spokesman could give any further comment until the complete vote results were confirmed.
Serbia could choose to make Montenegro's separation more complicated by disputing such issues as debt and federally owned property.
"The risk is they could do it out of spite," said a Western diplomat who was monitoring the referendum in Podgorica. A mechanism already exists, dating to 1998 when the four previous breakaway republics Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia negotiated issues left over by the Yugoslav breakup.
But most international observers doubt Serbia will obstruct Montenegro. "It would be a bit like flogging a dead horse. They have enough problems with other issues," said the Western diplomat. Those "other issues" may be much harder for Serbia to solve.
Belgrade is under enormous international pressure to surrender one of the region's leading war crimes suspects, Ratko Mladic, the former commander of the Bosnian Serb Army during the 1992 to 1995 conflict in Bosnia. Its negotiations on closer ties with the European Union have been put on hold until his arrest.
More difficult is the question of Kosovo, the UN-controlled province that is formally a part of Serbia. British and American diplomats have hinted that they believe that Kovoso, with its ethnic Albanian majority, should be granted independence this year. Serbia refuses to countenance the idea. Djukanovic repeatedly cited Serbia's strained relations with the international community as a principal argument for independence. But most analysts here ascribe his victory to his dominance of the media and the orchestrated rallying of Montenegro's diaspora and minorities to his cause.
While most broadcasters tried to give balanced coverage of the referendum, the prime minister was able to dominate television during the campaign, simply in his capacity as leader of the government. Figures from the border police suggest that Montenegro's diaspora had a decisive role in passing the referendum. About 16,000 Montenegrins from abroad returned in the three days before the election, a number equal to 3 percent of total voter turnout.
"I think the diaspora is probably the major decisive factor," said Mihailo Jovovic, political editor of the Montenegrin newspaper Vijesti. "I think we made a difference," said Began Cekic, a demolition expert from Brooklyn, New York, who returned to his parent's home in Gusinje in the north of the republic. His friends and neighbors, a mixture of Montenegrins, Albanians and Muslim Slavs, celebrated late into the night, waving Montenegrin, Albanian and Bosnian flags.
Hundreds of them, he said, came back to vote from the New York region. "I think we gave them the yes vote," Cekic, an ethnic Albanian, said in a telephone interview. EU officials said privately that the bloc, which had previously been resistant to new independent states forming in the Balkans, now viewed the independence of Montenegro as inevitable. They said the EU remained determined to retain its political neutrality in the region and had no choice but to respect a democratic vote. An EU development spokesman, Altafaj Tardio, said the commission would begin drafting a proposal to start talks on a separate aid package for Montenegro.
Javier Solana, the EU's foreign policy chief, said the bloc would respect the outcome but that it was too soon to discuss whether and when both sides could begin to discuss closer ties; NATO made similar comments. "Let's wait and see," Solana said. "I think probably it's much more important that they begin talking among themselves."
*
Fifteen years after ethnic conflict exploded in the western Balkans, Montenegro voted by a bare margin to separate from Serbia in what may be the last phase in redrawing the contentious borders of the region.
The decision would dissolve what was left of the remaining republics of the six that formed Yugoslavia during the Communist era. Its secession from Serbia could pave the way for a very different agreement under international auspices for the Albanian- dominated province of Kosovo to split formally from Serbia in coming months.
The voters of Montenegro, the smallest of Yugoslavia's six former republics, decided by the narrowest of margins in a heavy turnout. The government said that with results in from all but 49 of 1,100 polling stations, 55.4 percent of voters favored independence. That was just four-tenths of a percentage point more than was necessary to pass the referendum under rules agreed on by the government and the European Union, which said it would respect the results of the election.
Parties opposed to independence demanded a recount. Serbia, though, seemed to accept the vote, grudgingly, recognizing that the Constitution of the uneasy Serbia and Montenegro federation permits secession.
Once the full results are established, the government in Podgorica is expected to push for a meeting of Parliament to enact enabling legislation. Government officials predicted that approval by a two-thirds majority that is required for such a change would be a formality.
Montenegro would then be able to seek international recognition and a seat at the United Nations and other international institutions.
The votes disappointed a substantial minority of the population of just 650,000, many of them Serb. But the union with Serbia has been unhappy. Since 1997, the prime minister of Montenegro, Milo Djukanovic, has distanced this mountainous nation from Serbia. The two now share control of the army and foreign service, but little else. In Serbia on Monday, there was a reluctant acceptance that Djukanovic's supporters had succeeded, although some media outlets suggested that the referendum had not been fought on equal terms. Djukanovic is the only Balkan leader to have clung to power throughout the break-up of Yugoslavia, and he campaigned avidly for the referendum. "Milo's majority is questionable," ran a headline in Serbia's conservative newspaper Politika. "One can conclude that the sovereigntists won, but no one can tell by how many votes," Aleksandar Simic, an adviser to Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica of Serbia, was quoted as saying by the newspaper. Simic's office said neither he nor a government spokesman could give any further comment until the complete vote results were confirmed.
Serbia could choose to make Montenegro's separation more complicated by disputing such issues as debt and federally owned property.
"The risk is they could do it out of spite," said a Western diplomat who was monitoring the referendum in Podgorica. A mechanism already exists, dating to 1998 when the four previous breakaway republics Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia negotiated issues left over by the Yugoslav breakup.
But most international observers doubt Serbia will obstruct Montenegro. "It would be a bit like flogging a dead horse. They have enough problems with other issues," said the Western diplomat. Those "other issues" may be much harder for Serbia to solve.
Belgrade is under enormous international pressure to surrender one of the region's leading war crimes suspects, Ratko Mladic, the former commander of the Bosnian Serb Army during the 1992 to 1995 conflict in Bosnia. Its negotiations on closer ties with the European Union have been put on hold until his arrest.
More difficult is the question of Kosovo, the UN-controlled province that is formally a part of Serbia. British and American diplomats have hinted that they believe that Kovoso, with its ethnic Albanian majority, should be granted independence this year. Serbia refuses to countenance the idea. Djukanovic repeatedly cited Serbia's strained relations with the international community as a principal argument for independence. But most analysts here ascribe his victory to his dominance of the media and the orchestrated rallying of Montenegro's diaspora and minorities to his cause.
While most broadcasters tried to give balanced coverage of the referendum, the prime minister was able to dominate television during the campaign, simply in his capacity as leader of the government. Figures from the border police suggest that Montenegro's diaspora had a decisive role in passing the referendum. About 16,000 Montenegrins from abroad returned in the three days before the election, a number equal to 3 percent of total voter turnout.
"I think the diaspora is probably the major decisive factor," said Mihailo Jovovic, political editor of the Montenegrin newspaper Vijesti. "I think we made a difference," said Began Cekic, a demolition expert from Brooklyn, New York, who returned to his parent's home in Gusinje in the north of the republic. His friends and neighbors, a mixture of Montenegrins, Albanians and Muslim Slavs, celebrated late into the night, waving Montenegrin, Albanian and Bosnian flags.
Hundreds of them, he said, came back to vote from the New York region. "I think we gave them the yes vote," Cekic, an ethnic Albanian, said in a telephone interview. EU officials said privately that the bloc, which had previously been resistant to new independent states forming in the Balkans, now viewed the independence of Montenegro as inevitable. They said the EU remained determined to retain its political neutrality in the region and had no choice but to respect a democratic vote. An EU development spokesman, Altafaj Tardio, said the commission would begin drafting a proposal to start talks on a separate aid package for Montenegro.
Javier Solana, the EU's foreign policy chief, said the bloc would respect the outcome but that it was too soon to discuss whether and when both sides could begin to discuss closer ties; NATO made similar comments. "Let's wait and see," Solana said. "I think probably it's much more important that they begin talking among themselves."
Kosovo March CPI Up 0.1% M/M, 1.8% Y/Y
PRISTINA (Serbia and Montenegro), May 23 (SeeNews) - The March consumer price index (CPI) of the U.N.-run southern Serbian province of Kosovo rose by 0.1% month-on-month, after rising by 0.8% in February, statistics showed on Tuesday.
Year-on-year, the CPI rose 1.8%, much slower than the 3.2% growth in February.
In March last year the CPI increased by 1.5% month-on-month but was 2.0% lower year-on-year.
The province's CPI reached 103.2 points in March compared to the base 100 points in May 2002, Kosovo's statistics office said in a statement.
The month-on-month CPI increase in March was prompted mainly by the higher prices of fish and fish products, which went up by 6.4%. Prices of meat and sugar went up by 1.4% and 2.7%, respectively. The statistics office reported a 1.3% monthly price decrease for milk, milk products and eggs.
The year-on-year rise in consumer prices came mainly as a result of the higher prices of vegetables, up by 15.7%, and fruits, which gained 7.3% on the year.
Kosovo Consumer Prices Index (pct change):
.............................................................Y/Y.....................M/M
TOTAL..................................................+1.8....................+0.1
Food+Drink..........................................+1.7....................+0.5
Spirits+Tobacco...................................+0.2......................0.0
Clothing+Shoes....................................-2.1......................-0.7
Rents+Energy+Water...........................-1.8......................-1.6
Furnishings+Household Equipment.......-0.4.....................+0.2
Health Care..........................................+3.3.......................0.0
Transport.............................................+8.0.....................+0.7
Communications..................................+15.6......................0.0
Culture+Entertainment..........................-0.3......................-0.1
Education..............................................-3.2........................0.0 Hotels+Cafes+Restaurants.....................-0.5.....................-0.3
Other.....................................................+1.1....................+0.3
NOTE: Legally still part of the loose union of Serbia and Montenegro, Kosovo has been under U.N. administration since 1999 following NATO bombings that expelled Serb forces to end what Western powers said was repression of civilians in fighting an ethnic Albanian rebel insurgency. U.N.-brokered talks are underway to determine the future status of Kosovo.
Year-on-year, the CPI rose 1.8%, much slower than the 3.2% growth in February.
In March last year the CPI increased by 1.5% month-on-month but was 2.0% lower year-on-year.
The province's CPI reached 103.2 points in March compared to the base 100 points in May 2002, Kosovo's statistics office said in a statement.
The month-on-month CPI increase in March was prompted mainly by the higher prices of fish and fish products, which went up by 6.4%. Prices of meat and sugar went up by 1.4% and 2.7%, respectively. The statistics office reported a 1.3% monthly price decrease for milk, milk products and eggs.
The year-on-year rise in consumer prices came mainly as a result of the higher prices of vegetables, up by 15.7%, and fruits, which gained 7.3% on the year.
Kosovo Consumer Prices Index (pct change):
.............................................................Y/Y.....................M/M
TOTAL..................................................+1.8....................+0.1
Food+Drink..........................................+1.7....................+0.5
Spirits+Tobacco...................................+0.2......................0.0
Clothing+Shoes....................................-2.1......................-0.7
Rents+Energy+Water...........................-1.8......................-1.6
Furnishings+Household Equipment.......-0.4.....................+0.2
Health Care..........................................+3.3.......................0.0
Transport.............................................+8.0.....................+0.7
Communications..................................+15.6......................0.0
Culture+Entertainment..........................-0.3......................-0.1
Education..............................................-3.2........................0.0 Hotels+Cafes+Restaurants.....................-0.5.....................-0.3
Other.....................................................+1.1....................+0.3
NOTE: Legally still part of the loose union of Serbia and Montenegro, Kosovo has been under U.N. administration since 1999 following NATO bombings that expelled Serb forces to end what Western powers said was repression of civilians in fighting an ethnic Albanian rebel insurgency. U.N.-brokered talks are underway to determine the future status of Kosovo.
Next - independence for Kosovo - The Jerusalem Post
shlomo avineri, THE JERUSALEM POST May. 23, 2006
On Sunday, a majority of the voters in Montenegro opted for independence and for severing the remaining tenuous links that bound them to Serbia. By a majority slightly larger than the required 55%, they voted for the establishment of another independent state on the ruins of Yugoslavia, the multi-ethnic country founded on the basis of Serbian hegemony after World War I.
It was this Serbian hegemony that led to the country's first disintegration after the Nazi invasion in 1941. After the war, under the communist banner of Tito's partisans, Yugoslavia was reestablished under a complex system which created a balance of power among the various ethnic groups - Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Bosnians, Slav Macedonians, Montenegrans and Kosovar Albanians.
With Tito's disappearance and the weakening of communist ideology, this balance cracked in the 1990s and led, through wars and brutal ethnic cleansings, to the establishment of four new independent states: Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia and Macedonia. Serbia managed to maintain a sort of state union with Montenegro, and it is this that has now come to its end.
BUT THERE still is some unfinished business - the former Serbian province of Kosovo, with its 95% Albanian population, now under a virtual UN protectorate after NATO's military intervention against Serbia in 1999. This intervention came after more than a decade of brutal Serbian repression of Kosovo's Albanian population, which under Tito had enjoyed an autonomous status within Serbia and which was abolished by ex-Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic. Only NATO's intervention prevented a massive ethnic cleansing of Kosovo Albanians by Serbian forces.
LIKE IN all national and ethnic conflicts, the issues in Kosovo are complex and fraught with historical and religious memories that go beyond current politics. On the one hand, the population of Kosovo is now almost 95% ethnic Albanian; on the other, for Serbs the area is the cradle of their medieval kingdom; the 1389 Battle of Kosovo, in which the Serbs were defeated by the Ottomans, is a central part of their national narrative.
More recently, Kosovo Albanians have been subjected, since the province's annexation by Serbia in 1913, to systematic "re-Serbianization"; yet after NATO's intervention, more 100,000 Serbs were expelled from the province by vengeful Albanians.
No one comes out of this with clean hands.
IN THE current UN-sponsored talks in Vienna, the Kosovo Albanians, led until recently by their extraordinary philosopher-president, Ibrahim Rugova, insist on their right to self-determination; Serbia, on the other hand, claims that the region should remain part of Serbia, though they are ready to grant it extensive autonomy.
At the end of the day, the issue is simple: whatever the historical claims, the ethnic Albanians are a preponderant majority in the province. Just like Palestinian Arabs, Albanians are entitled to a state of their own: for generations they have viewed the Serbs as oppressors, just as the Serbs have viewed the Albanians, most of whom are Muslim, as an extension of their Turkish oppressors.
Yes, there are Serbian historical sites, mainly monasteries, in Kosovo; yes, there are areas - like Mitrovica in the north, and some enclaves, where Serbs live now in virtually besieged communities, and their rights have to be protected, perhaps through some international presence for the foreseeable future. But neither the UN, nor the EU, can reasonably reject the right of the ethnic Albanians in Kosovo for a state of their own.
The question is how this can be achieved through an agreement with Serbia. Given the political climate in Belgrade, it is difficult to envisage.
Serbia is a wounded nation, and it needs empathy and understanding. With the dismantling of Yugoslavia, the Serbs have lost their hegemonic position in what had been the largest country in the Balkans: They lost a war against Croatia; they lost the war in Bosnia, where they brutally tried to annex parts of this republic and ethnically cleanse the Bosnian Muslim population; now Montenegro has gone its own way; and the whole Serbian nation feels stigmatized because of the crimes of the Milosevic regime.
SERBIA NEEDS reassurance and a time to rebuild its society. A generous European policy, paving the way for a relatively quick entry into the EU, could be a way to assuage Serbian sensibilities, help underpin its transition to democracy and wean it from its hegemonic memories.
But all this can be done only if Kosovo becomes independent. Serbian rule over Kosovo Albanians was the last colonial rule in Europe; NATO put an end to it. Now the outcome - independence - has to be granted international legitimacy. There is no other way.
The author is professor of political science at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.
On Sunday, a majority of the voters in Montenegro opted for independence and for severing the remaining tenuous links that bound them to Serbia. By a majority slightly larger than the required 55%, they voted for the establishment of another independent state on the ruins of Yugoslavia, the multi-ethnic country founded on the basis of Serbian hegemony after World War I.
It was this Serbian hegemony that led to the country's first disintegration after the Nazi invasion in 1941. After the war, under the communist banner of Tito's partisans, Yugoslavia was reestablished under a complex system which created a balance of power among the various ethnic groups - Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Bosnians, Slav Macedonians, Montenegrans and Kosovar Albanians.
With Tito's disappearance and the weakening of communist ideology, this balance cracked in the 1990s and led, through wars and brutal ethnic cleansings, to the establishment of four new independent states: Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia and Macedonia. Serbia managed to maintain a sort of state union with Montenegro, and it is this that has now come to its end.
BUT THERE still is some unfinished business - the former Serbian province of Kosovo, with its 95% Albanian population, now under a virtual UN protectorate after NATO's military intervention against Serbia in 1999. This intervention came after more than a decade of brutal Serbian repression of Kosovo's Albanian population, which under Tito had enjoyed an autonomous status within Serbia and which was abolished by ex-Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic. Only NATO's intervention prevented a massive ethnic cleansing of Kosovo Albanians by Serbian forces.
LIKE IN all national and ethnic conflicts, the issues in Kosovo are complex and fraught with historical and religious memories that go beyond current politics. On the one hand, the population of Kosovo is now almost 95% ethnic Albanian; on the other, for Serbs the area is the cradle of their medieval kingdom; the 1389 Battle of Kosovo, in which the Serbs were defeated by the Ottomans, is a central part of their national narrative.
More recently, Kosovo Albanians have been subjected, since the province's annexation by Serbia in 1913, to systematic "re-Serbianization"; yet after NATO's intervention, more 100,000 Serbs were expelled from the province by vengeful Albanians.
No one comes out of this with clean hands.
IN THE current UN-sponsored talks in Vienna, the Kosovo Albanians, led until recently by their extraordinary philosopher-president, Ibrahim Rugova, insist on their right to self-determination; Serbia, on the other hand, claims that the region should remain part of Serbia, though they are ready to grant it extensive autonomy.
At the end of the day, the issue is simple: whatever the historical claims, the ethnic Albanians are a preponderant majority in the province. Just like Palestinian Arabs, Albanians are entitled to a state of their own: for generations they have viewed the Serbs as oppressors, just as the Serbs have viewed the Albanians, most of whom are Muslim, as an extension of their Turkish oppressors.
Yes, there are Serbian historical sites, mainly monasteries, in Kosovo; yes, there are areas - like Mitrovica in the north, and some enclaves, where Serbs live now in virtually besieged communities, and their rights have to be protected, perhaps through some international presence for the foreseeable future. But neither the UN, nor the EU, can reasonably reject the right of the ethnic Albanians in Kosovo for a state of their own.
The question is how this can be achieved through an agreement with Serbia. Given the political climate in Belgrade, it is difficult to envisage.
Serbia is a wounded nation, and it needs empathy and understanding. With the dismantling of Yugoslavia, the Serbs have lost their hegemonic position in what had been the largest country in the Balkans: They lost a war against Croatia; they lost the war in Bosnia, where they brutally tried to annex parts of this republic and ethnically cleanse the Bosnian Muslim population; now Montenegro has gone its own way; and the whole Serbian nation feels stigmatized because of the crimes of the Milosevic regime.
SERBIA NEEDS reassurance and a time to rebuild its society. A generous European policy, paving the way for a relatively quick entry into the EU, could be a way to assuage Serbian sensibilities, help underpin its transition to democracy and wean it from its hegemonic memories.
But all this can be done only if Kosovo becomes independent. Serbian rule over Kosovo Albanians was the last colonial rule in Europe; NATO put an end to it. Now the outcome - independence - has to be granted international legitimacy. There is no other way.
The author is professor of political science at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.
Monday, May 22, 2006
US Envoy: Kosovo's Status Should Be Resolved In 06
PRISTINA, Kosovo (AP)--A U.S. envoy for international talks on Kosovo's future reiterated Monday the solution of the province's disputed status should be reached by the end of 2006.
Frank Wisner said the U.S. is committed "to achieving final status for Kosovo...during this year, 2006."
Wisner's comments contrasted with those of Russia's foreign minister who warned last week against deadlines for the talks.
Sergey Lavrov Friday blamed Kosovo's government for a lack of progress in the talks, and said the international community shouldn't push for an end-of-the-year deadline to settle the issue.
Wisner praised the province's predominantly ethnic Albanian government for reaching out to Serbs and other minorities, but also urged them to continue with the work in the ongoing U.N.-mediated talks on whether Kosovo becomes independent or remains part of Serbia.
In Belgrade, Serbia's Prime Minister, Vojislav Kostunica, "expressed dissatisfaction with the course of negotiations so far, particularly the way they are being directed by the mediators," his office said in a statement after he met with Martti Ahtisaari, the chief U.N. envoy on Kosovo status.
Some form of independence for Kosovo is the most likely outcome of the talks, but international envoys are trying to steer the two sides toward agreements on issues ensuring survival of the Serb minority, who live in enclaves scattered around this tiny province.
Wisner spoke after meetings with ethnic Albanian negotiators.
His visit comes as Montenegro voted in a referendum to become an independent state and also amid preparations for the next round of talks between ethnic Albanian and Serbian officials, tackling the protection of Serbian Orthodox churches and other religious sites in Kosovo.
The two sides have held four meetings so far on the reform of local government meant to give the province's Serbs more rights in the areas where they live, but failed to agree on almost everything.
Kosovo remains formally part of Serbia-Montenegro, but its ethnic Albanian majority wants independence, while Serbs living in the province demand it remain part of Serbia. Ethnic Albanians comprise about 90% of Kosovo's population of 2 million.
Kosovo has been administered by the U.N. since a 1999 NATO air war halted a crackdown by Serb forces on separatist ethnic Albanians. [ 22-05-06 1436GMT ]
Frank Wisner said the U.S. is committed "to achieving final status for Kosovo...during this year, 2006."
Wisner's comments contrasted with those of Russia's foreign minister who warned last week against deadlines for the talks.
Sergey Lavrov Friday blamed Kosovo's government for a lack of progress in the talks, and said the international community shouldn't push for an end-of-the-year deadline to settle the issue.
Wisner praised the province's predominantly ethnic Albanian government for reaching out to Serbs and other minorities, but also urged them to continue with the work in the ongoing U.N.-mediated talks on whether Kosovo becomes independent or remains part of Serbia.
In Belgrade, Serbia's Prime Minister, Vojislav Kostunica, "expressed dissatisfaction with the course of negotiations so far, particularly the way they are being directed by the mediators," his office said in a statement after he met with Martti Ahtisaari, the chief U.N. envoy on Kosovo status.
Some form of independence for Kosovo is the most likely outcome of the talks, but international envoys are trying to steer the two sides toward agreements on issues ensuring survival of the Serb minority, who live in enclaves scattered around this tiny province.
Wisner spoke after meetings with ethnic Albanian negotiators.
His visit comes as Montenegro voted in a referendum to become an independent state and also amid preparations for the next round of talks between ethnic Albanian and Serbian officials, tackling the protection of Serbian Orthodox churches and other religious sites in Kosovo.
The two sides have held four meetings so far on the reform of local government meant to give the province's Serbs more rights in the areas where they live, but failed to agree on almost everything.
Kosovo remains formally part of Serbia-Montenegro, but its ethnic Albanian majority wants independence, while Serbs living in the province demand it remain part of Serbia. Ethnic Albanians comprise about 90% of Kosovo's population of 2 million.
Kosovo has been administered by the U.N. since a 1999 NATO air war halted a crackdown by Serb forces on separatist ethnic Albanians. [ 22-05-06 1436GMT ]
Ex-Yugoslav republics welcome Montenegro independence
ZAGREB, May 22, 2006 (AFP) -
Former Yugoslav republics, whose proclamation of independence in the early 1990s sparked a series of bloody conflicts, on Monday welcomed the decision by Montenegrins to break off from Serbia.
The vote marked the end of old Yugoslavia, a state born as the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in 1918, then transformed as a communist federation in World War II, only to break up in the 1990s wars.
Up until Sunday's historic referendum, tiny Montenegro with a population of 650,000 was the only former Yugoslav republic linked with Serbia.
"Yesterday, we were witnesses of the end of the Yugoslavia project, which started in 1918 with sincere intentions," Macedonian Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski said in Skopje after meeting his Croatian counterpart Ivo Sanader.
Croatian President Stipe Mesic was the first international head of state to praise Montenegro on the vote.
"I congratulate all Montenegrin citizens on the democratic maturity which they have shown and I wish them all the best, progress and success, as well as life in peace and security in their own state," Mesic said in a letter to his Montenegrin counterpart Filip Vujanovic.
Mesic described Sunday's referendum as a "crucial event in Montenegro's recent history."
Poll officials said 55.4 of Montenegrins -- just slightly above the 55 percent threshold needed for the poll to be valid -- voted in favour of breaking away from the union with Serbia.
The referendum was possible under the 2003 constitution which bound Serbia and Montenegro in a loose union, with an escape clause allowing both to vote on independence after three years.
Mesic's view was echoed by his Bosnian and Macedonian counterparts Sulejman Tihic and Branko Crvenkovski.
"This is a contribution to the stability of the entire region... especially since only the issue of Kosovo remains open after free and democratic expression of will of the Montenegrin people," Tihic said in reference to the UN-administered Serbian province.
However several Bosnian Serb groups called for a similar vote to be organised in their entity.
Since the 1992-1995 war in Bosnia, the state has consisted of two semi-independent entities -- the Serbs' Republika Srpska and the Muslim-Croat Federation.
The two are linked by weak central institutions and most of the steps aimed at strengthening them have met with fierce opposition from Bosnian Serbs.
Crvenkovski stressed that Montenegro's independence could contribute to "regional stability, prosperity and the European future of the Balkans."
However, the Serbian government remained silent on Monday, although two ministers called on Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica, a staunch supporter of preserving Serbia-Montenegro, to respect the outcome of the vote.
Slovenia, the only former Yugoslav republic to have joined the European Union two years ago, welcomed Montenegro's referendum outcome and called on the two sides to avoid "additional tensions".
Slovenian President Janez Drnovsek, who visited Podgorica on Monday and met Vujanovic, said he respected "the freely expressed will of the Montenegrin people and their right to decide their destiny as the other former Yugoslav peoples did."
"Slovenia wishes that Montenegro will continue successfully its way towards European integration and will reach peaceful cohabitation with other former Yugoslav peoples within a united Europe."
In the disputed Serbian province of Kosovo, analysts said Montenegro's independence is likely to contribute to stability in the historically volatile Balkans.
The outcome could finally encourage Belgrade to focus on its own problems, after its involvement in the brutal wars of the early 1990s that tore apart former communist Yugoslavia, they add.
"Serbia will get the most direct message to give up its imperial ambitions ... and have a huge state in the Balkans," said Kosovo analyst Milazim Krasniqi.
Former Yugoslav republics, whose proclamation of independence in the early 1990s sparked a series of bloody conflicts, on Monday welcomed the decision by Montenegrins to break off from Serbia.
The vote marked the end of old Yugoslavia, a state born as the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in 1918, then transformed as a communist federation in World War II, only to break up in the 1990s wars.
Up until Sunday's historic referendum, tiny Montenegro with a population of 650,000 was the only former Yugoslav republic linked with Serbia.
"Yesterday, we were witnesses of the end of the Yugoslavia project, which started in 1918 with sincere intentions," Macedonian Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski said in Skopje after meeting his Croatian counterpart Ivo Sanader.
Croatian President Stipe Mesic was the first international head of state to praise Montenegro on the vote.
"I congratulate all Montenegrin citizens on the democratic maturity which they have shown and I wish them all the best, progress and success, as well as life in peace and security in their own state," Mesic said in a letter to his Montenegrin counterpart Filip Vujanovic.
Mesic described Sunday's referendum as a "crucial event in Montenegro's recent history."
Poll officials said 55.4 of Montenegrins -- just slightly above the 55 percent threshold needed for the poll to be valid -- voted in favour of breaking away from the union with Serbia.
The referendum was possible under the 2003 constitution which bound Serbia and Montenegro in a loose union, with an escape clause allowing both to vote on independence after three years.
Mesic's view was echoed by his Bosnian and Macedonian counterparts Sulejman Tihic and Branko Crvenkovski.
"This is a contribution to the stability of the entire region... especially since only the issue of Kosovo remains open after free and democratic expression of will of the Montenegrin people," Tihic said in reference to the UN-administered Serbian province.
However several Bosnian Serb groups called for a similar vote to be organised in their entity.
Since the 1992-1995 war in Bosnia, the state has consisted of two semi-independent entities -- the Serbs' Republika Srpska and the Muslim-Croat Federation.
The two are linked by weak central institutions and most of the steps aimed at strengthening them have met with fierce opposition from Bosnian Serbs.
Crvenkovski stressed that Montenegro's independence could contribute to "regional stability, prosperity and the European future of the Balkans."
However, the Serbian government remained silent on Monday, although two ministers called on Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica, a staunch supporter of preserving Serbia-Montenegro, to respect the outcome of the vote.
Slovenia, the only former Yugoslav republic to have joined the European Union two years ago, welcomed Montenegro's referendum outcome and called on the two sides to avoid "additional tensions".
Slovenian President Janez Drnovsek, who visited Podgorica on Monday and met Vujanovic, said he respected "the freely expressed will of the Montenegrin people and their right to decide their destiny as the other former Yugoslav peoples did."
"Slovenia wishes that Montenegro will continue successfully its way towards European integration and will reach peaceful cohabitation with other former Yugoslav peoples within a united Europe."
In the disputed Serbian province of Kosovo, analysts said Montenegro's independence is likely to contribute to stability in the historically volatile Balkans.
The outcome could finally encourage Belgrade to focus on its own problems, after its involvement in the brutal wars of the early 1990s that tore apart former communist Yugoslavia, they add.
"Serbia will get the most direct message to give up its imperial ambitions ... and have a huge state in the Balkans," said Kosovo analyst Milazim Krasniqi.
US envoy tells Kosovo leaders to resolve ethnic minority issues before status
Text of report in English by independent internet news agency KosovaLive
Prishtina [Pristina], 22 May: US Kosova [Kosovo] envoy, Ambassador Frank Wisner, said today in Prishtina that the status should be resolved within this year, but added that Kosovar leaders should resolve all issues having to do with minorities first.
Wisner met today Kosova's senior officials and the Negotiating Team. "The US view is that the solution on status should be reached and that within this year. In the meantime the Kosovo delegation should resolve all issues having to do with minorities in order the status process move according to the agenda," Wisner said.
He called on the negotiating sides to continue without hesitation to address status issues set out by [UN envoy] Martti Ahtisaari.
He said that he and President Sejdiu agreed that it should continue with addressing the issues on negotiations table, such as the reform of local government, cultural heritage, economy and other issues having to do with the rights of minorities.
President Sejdiu voiced content with the meeting. He said that he welcomed an increased US commitment to the status process.
Sejdiu said that he has discussed with the US diplomat about Vienna talks and the need for acceleration of the status process. "We also discussed about culture and religious heritage - the topic of the upcoming meeting with Belgrade in Vienna and about our commitment to minorities and about this issue to be addressed according to acceptable international standards," he said.
Wisner also met with the chairman of the Democratic Party of Kosova [PDK], Hashim Thaci. Thaci evaluated highly the US stance on the developments in the negotiations process, and in particular the commitment for conclusion of status process within this year, "which is also the will of Prishtina".
"The US and the entire international community have same commitment as far as resolving of Kosova's status and democratization of our country. I am confident that if we will continue with the current commitment of implementation of Standards, and be as affirmative as possible in guaranteeing the communities rights and in guaranteeing Kosova Serbs rights, the trust towards Kosovar policy will grow more and more," he said.
This afternoon, Wisner will be meeting with the representatives of non-Serb minorities. He will also have a meeting with the Serb political representatives.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 22 May 06
Prishtina [Pristina], 22 May: US Kosova [Kosovo] envoy, Ambassador Frank Wisner, said today in Prishtina that the status should be resolved within this year, but added that Kosovar leaders should resolve all issues having to do with minorities first.
Wisner met today Kosova's senior officials and the Negotiating Team. "The US view is that the solution on status should be reached and that within this year. In the meantime the Kosovo delegation should resolve all issues having to do with minorities in order the status process move according to the agenda," Wisner said.
He called on the negotiating sides to continue without hesitation to address status issues set out by [UN envoy] Martti Ahtisaari.
He said that he and President Sejdiu agreed that it should continue with addressing the issues on negotiations table, such as the reform of local government, cultural heritage, economy and other issues having to do with the rights of minorities.
President Sejdiu voiced content with the meeting. He said that he welcomed an increased US commitment to the status process.
Sejdiu said that he has discussed with the US diplomat about Vienna talks and the need for acceleration of the status process. "We also discussed about culture and religious heritage - the topic of the upcoming meeting with Belgrade in Vienna and about our commitment to minorities and about this issue to be addressed according to acceptable international standards," he said.
Wisner also met with the chairman of the Democratic Party of Kosova [PDK], Hashim Thaci. Thaci evaluated highly the US stance on the developments in the negotiations process, and in particular the commitment for conclusion of status process within this year, "which is also the will of Prishtina".
"The US and the entire international community have same commitment as far as resolving of Kosova's status and democratization of our country. I am confident that if we will continue with the current commitment of implementation of Standards, and be as affirmative as possible in guaranteeing the communities rights and in guaranteeing Kosova Serbs rights, the trust towards Kosovar policy will grow more and more," he said.
This afternoon, Wisner will be meeting with the representatives of non-Serb minorities. He will also have a meeting with the Serb political representatives.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 22 May 06
Kosovo independence referendum now "necessity", newspaper says
Text of report by Kosovo Albanian newspaper Kosova Sot on 22 May
In principle, if a community of less than 700,000 inhabitants is allowed to have a referendum to decide about its fate, this should not be denied to a community that is three times bigger in population and has economic, human, natural, and potentials to afford becoming a state. Even though Montenegro was independent at some point - that last lime it had independence was 90 years ago - from the perspective of actual developments, the things should be seen a bit differently. Kosova [Kosovo] has become a UN entity-protectorate, in efforts to become a state. So far, the Kosovars were denied the right to express their will for the definitive secession from Serbia, thus turning the process of former Yugoslavia's dissolution into a marathon of negotiations, which will most likely be unsuccessful.
The EU has accepted the referendum in Montenegro, even though with some conditions, but regardless of its results, the thing that interests us in Kosova is that the Montenegrins are allowed to hold a referendum, but the Kosovars are not. The international community should not apply two different standards when it comes to countries of the same region. Even though the Kosova citizens have confirmed through a referendum [informal; held in 1991] their will for independence, holding another referendum would be a good thing to finalize the hard negotiations. The Kosovars should have the right to decide about themselves, while discussions on defining other modalities could start after this. In essence, holding a referendum in Kosova would soften the current relations between Kosova and Serbia, legitimate Kosova's independence, and end certain circles' efforts to prevent Kosova's independence.
By allowing such a referendum, the international community would save time and money. Such a referendum would not create any problems; on the contrary, it would only solve more quickly the main problem - the status. Now that the possibility of delaying the talks until next year is mentioned, the need for a referendum becomes a necessity.
Source: Kosova Sot, Pristina, in Albanian 22 May 06 p 1
In principle, if a community of less than 700,000 inhabitants is allowed to have a referendum to decide about its fate, this should not be denied to a community that is three times bigger in population and has economic, human, natural, and potentials to afford becoming a state. Even though Montenegro was independent at some point - that last lime it had independence was 90 years ago - from the perspective of actual developments, the things should be seen a bit differently. Kosova [Kosovo] has become a UN entity-protectorate, in efforts to become a state. So far, the Kosovars were denied the right to express their will for the definitive secession from Serbia, thus turning the process of former Yugoslavia's dissolution into a marathon of negotiations, which will most likely be unsuccessful.
The EU has accepted the referendum in Montenegro, even though with some conditions, but regardless of its results, the thing that interests us in Kosova is that the Montenegrins are allowed to hold a referendum, but the Kosovars are not. The international community should not apply two different standards when it comes to countries of the same region. Even though the Kosova citizens have confirmed through a referendum [informal; held in 1991] their will for independence, holding another referendum would be a good thing to finalize the hard negotiations. The Kosovars should have the right to decide about themselves, while discussions on defining other modalities could start after this. In essence, holding a referendum in Kosova would soften the current relations between Kosova and Serbia, legitimate Kosova's independence, and end certain circles' efforts to prevent Kosova's independence.
By allowing such a referendum, the international community would save time and money. Such a referendum would not create any problems; on the contrary, it would only solve more quickly the main problem - the status. Now that the possibility of delaying the talks until next year is mentioned, the need for a referendum becomes a necessity.
Source: Kosova Sot, Pristina, in Albanian 22 May 06 p 1
Kosovo officials, party leaders congratulate Montenegro on independence decision
Text of report in English by independent internet news agency KosovaLive
Prishtina [Pristina], 22 May: Government and political representatives of Kosova [Kosovo] congratulated today the citizens of Montenegro on their peaceful referendum, reaching the decision to return the sovereignty of their country.
In his note addressed to Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic, Assembly Speaker Ranko Krivokapic, and Minister of Minorities Gezim Hajdinaga, President Fatmir Sejdiu said, "We respect the political will of the Montenegrin people and that it is a valid decision since the citizens have chosen it."
Kosova Prime Minister Agim Ceku said that the people of Montenegro have expressed their will to live free in their independent country, and Kosovar citizens respect it.
Ceku also said that this process has proven that Montenegro has a functioning democracy, where each citizen could raise its voice for the future of his country.
"I wish Montenegro to continue the path of democracy and of the European integration," said Ceku.
The chairman of the Democratic Party of Kosova [PDK], Hashim Thaci, greeted the decision of the Montenegrin citizens for independence of their country.
The chairman of the Reformist Party Hour, Veton Surroi, said that he was pleased to receive the news on the results of the referendum in Montenegro. "Both the result and the turnout demonstrated the maturity of the Montenegrin society, a European society, which turned back the sovereignty," said Surroi.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 22 May 06
Prishtina [Pristina], 22 May: Government and political representatives of Kosova [Kosovo] congratulated today the citizens of Montenegro on their peaceful referendum, reaching the decision to return the sovereignty of their country.
In his note addressed to Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic, Assembly Speaker Ranko Krivokapic, and Minister of Minorities Gezim Hajdinaga, President Fatmir Sejdiu said, "We respect the political will of the Montenegrin people and that it is a valid decision since the citizens have chosen it."
Kosova Prime Minister Agim Ceku said that the people of Montenegro have expressed their will to live free in their independent country, and Kosovar citizens respect it.
Ceku also said that this process has proven that Montenegro has a functioning democracy, where each citizen could raise its voice for the future of his country.
"I wish Montenegro to continue the path of democracy and of the European integration," said Ceku.
The chairman of the Democratic Party of Kosova [PDK], Hashim Thaci, greeted the decision of the Montenegrin citizens for independence of their country.
The chairman of the Reformist Party Hour, Veton Surroi, said that he was pleased to receive the news on the results of the referendum in Montenegro. "Both the result and the turnout demonstrated the maturity of the Montenegrin society, a European society, which turned back the sovereignty," said Surroi.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 22 May 06
Kosovo premier congratulates Montenegrins on independence vote
Text of report by Kosovo Albanian television KohaVision TV on 22 May
[Announcer] Kosova [Kosovo] Prime Minister Agim Ceku today congratulated Montenegrin citizens on their vote for independence from Serbia. He expressed optimism that Kosova would likewise become an independent country by the end of the year.
[Ceku] This process has proved that Montenegro has a functioning democracy where citizens, in spite of their ethnic or religious background, can freely express their will for the future of their country. We hope that Montenegro will pursue its road to democracy and European integration. I am convinced Kosova, likewise, will define its independent status by the end of the year.
Source: KohaVision TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1700 gmt 22 May 06
[Announcer] Kosova [Kosovo] Prime Minister Agim Ceku today congratulated Montenegrin citizens on their vote for independence from Serbia. He expressed optimism that Kosova would likewise become an independent country by the end of the year.
[Ceku] This process has proved that Montenegro has a functioning democracy where citizens, in spite of their ethnic or religious background, can freely express their will for the future of their country. We hope that Montenegro will pursue its road to democracy and European integration. I am convinced Kosova, likewise, will define its independent status by the end of the year.
Source: KohaVision TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1700 gmt 22 May 06
Kosovo minister: Workings of democratic institutions "most fulfilled Standard"
Text of report in English by independent internet news agency KosovaLive
Prishtina [Pristina], 22 May: The minister of public service [MPS], Melihate Termkolli, said at today's meeting of the Working Group that Standard I is the most fulfilled Standard, indicating thus that Kosova [Kosovo] has democratic institutions.
At the meeting of the Working Group on Standard I - Functioning of Democratic Institutions - Termkolli said that Kosova has marked a significant progress in the past 30 days in many areas of this Standard.
"We can say that we are on the right track as government and as ministry to fulfil the Standards and we expect a positive evaluation from the SRSG [Special Representative of the Secretary General] at the UNSC session in June," she added.
Termkolli stressed that there are some Standards areas which take more to be implemented, "but what is most important, the institutions are willing and committed to fulfil them".
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 22 May 06
Prishtina [Pristina], 22 May: The minister of public service [MPS], Melihate Termkolli, said at today's meeting of the Working Group that Standard I is the most fulfilled Standard, indicating thus that Kosova [Kosovo] has democratic institutions.
At the meeting of the Working Group on Standard I - Functioning of Democratic Institutions - Termkolli said that Kosova has marked a significant progress in the past 30 days in many areas of this Standard.
"We can say that we are on the right track as government and as ministry to fulfil the Standards and we expect a positive evaluation from the SRSG [Special Representative of the Secretary General] at the UNSC session in June," she added.
Termkolli stressed that there are some Standards areas which take more to be implemented, "but what is most important, the institutions are willing and committed to fulfil them".
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 22 May 06
Aspiring Montenegro stakes claim to nation status
PODGORICA, Serbia-Montenegro, May 22, 2006 (AFP) -
Montenegro laid its own claim to nation status Monday after voting narrowly in favour of independence, consigning the last vestiges of former Yugoslavia to history.
The tiny Balkan state, wedged between the mountains and the sea and with a population of just 650,000 people, voted by 55.4 percent to split with Serbia and become fully independent, according to preliminary official results.
However, a final vote count -- still subject to possible official challenges -- would be announced early Tuesday, due to a delay in obtaining reports from certain polling stations in the capital, said Frantisek Lipka, head of the republic's referendum commission.
The European Union, which laid the groundwork for the plebiscite, promised to abide by the result. Crucially, so too did Montenegro's neighbours.
A jubilant Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic said Montenegro's next target was to restart membership talks with the European Union and NATO.
Montenegro's integration, he told a press conference, "remains a strategic and national priority."
The referendum result announced earlier was only slightly above the 55 percent threshold required for Sunday's vote to stand, with 44.6 percent of voters choosing to stay in the loose federation with Serbia.
Following the referendum, Montenegro's parliament must declare independence within 15 days of receiving the official results of the vote that the European security body OSCE described as "free and fair".
But pro-Serbian parties in Montenegro demanded a recount, citing irregularities.
Lipka however refused to comment on the their demands, describing them as a "political issue".
"I have not received any official objection to the vote," Lipka said.
"If some really big irregularities had happened, surely at least several objections would have been filed," he said.
In Belgrade, top Serbian officials -- many of them favouring the joint state -- were still mum on the outcome of Montenegro's referendum.
Both Serbia's President Boris Tadic and Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica will meet on Tuesday with EU special envoy for the referendum, Miroslav Lajcak to discuss the vote.
However, Serbian Finance Minister Mladjan Dinkic said the will of the majority had to be respected, hoping for "good neighbourhood relationship" with Montenegro in future.
Austrian Foreign Minister Ursula Plassnik, whose nation holds the rotating EU presidency, said the referendum was "an important European signal after the tragic developments which the Balkans had to live through during the 1990s."
OSCE chairman Karel de Grucht said the referendum had been "fair and free" and added: "The result reflects the will of the people."
The United States applauded the "democratic and transparent" referendum on Montenegro's independence, but refused to immediately state a position on the vote separating the Balkan state from Serbia.
"Since the actual final decisions, as far as I know, have not been reached -- the actual final vote count has not been formally announced -- I think we're going to withhold comment on this issue until we see it then," said Tom Casey, a US State Department spokesman.
The referendum was possible under the 2003 constitution which bound Serbia and Montenegro in a federation and contained an escape clause allowing either side to vote on independence after three years together.
Many in Montenegro celebrated the independence, with several thousand people gathering in the ancient capital Cetinje, north from Podgorica.
Not everyone was so happy. "I can't believe this is happening. This is like separating meat from the bone," cried a woman selling newspapers, shaking her head in disbelief.
Analysts said Montenegro's independence drive would turn up the pressure to resolve the wrangle over Kosovo, the ethnic Albanian-dominated province which Serbs consider the birthplace of their national identity.
Tim Judah, a Balkans specialist at the Centre for European Reform based in London, said regional stability depended far more on Kosovo -- "the final act in this 15-year drama" -- than on Montenegro.
"Compared to Kosovo, Montenegro is easy," he said. "Kosovo is a much, much bigger problem."
The bloody wars of the 1990s had already led to Bosnia, Croatia, Macedonia and Slovenia leaving what was then Yugoslavia.
"We were witnesses yesterday of the end of the Yugoslavia project, started in 1918 with sincere intentions," Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski of Macedonia said.
bur-an/boc
Montenegro laid its own claim to nation status Monday after voting narrowly in favour of independence, consigning the last vestiges of former Yugoslavia to history.
The tiny Balkan state, wedged between the mountains and the sea and with a population of just 650,000 people, voted by 55.4 percent to split with Serbia and become fully independent, according to preliminary official results.
However, a final vote count -- still subject to possible official challenges -- would be announced early Tuesday, due to a delay in obtaining reports from certain polling stations in the capital, said Frantisek Lipka, head of the republic's referendum commission.
The European Union, which laid the groundwork for the plebiscite, promised to abide by the result. Crucially, so too did Montenegro's neighbours.
A jubilant Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic said Montenegro's next target was to restart membership talks with the European Union and NATO.
Montenegro's integration, he told a press conference, "remains a strategic and national priority."
The referendum result announced earlier was only slightly above the 55 percent threshold required for Sunday's vote to stand, with 44.6 percent of voters choosing to stay in the loose federation with Serbia.
Following the referendum, Montenegro's parliament must declare independence within 15 days of receiving the official results of the vote that the European security body OSCE described as "free and fair".
But pro-Serbian parties in Montenegro demanded a recount, citing irregularities.
Lipka however refused to comment on the their demands, describing them as a "political issue".
"I have not received any official objection to the vote," Lipka said.
"If some really big irregularities had happened, surely at least several objections would have been filed," he said.
In Belgrade, top Serbian officials -- many of them favouring the joint state -- were still mum on the outcome of Montenegro's referendum.
Both Serbia's President Boris Tadic and Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica will meet on Tuesday with EU special envoy for the referendum, Miroslav Lajcak to discuss the vote.
However, Serbian Finance Minister Mladjan Dinkic said the will of the majority had to be respected, hoping for "good neighbourhood relationship" with Montenegro in future.
Austrian Foreign Minister Ursula Plassnik, whose nation holds the rotating EU presidency, said the referendum was "an important European signal after the tragic developments which the Balkans had to live through during the 1990s."
OSCE chairman Karel de Grucht said the referendum had been "fair and free" and added: "The result reflects the will of the people."
The United States applauded the "democratic and transparent" referendum on Montenegro's independence, but refused to immediately state a position on the vote separating the Balkan state from Serbia.
"Since the actual final decisions, as far as I know, have not been reached -- the actual final vote count has not been formally announced -- I think we're going to withhold comment on this issue until we see it then," said Tom Casey, a US State Department spokesman.
The referendum was possible under the 2003 constitution which bound Serbia and Montenegro in a federation and contained an escape clause allowing either side to vote on independence after three years together.
Many in Montenegro celebrated the independence, with several thousand people gathering in the ancient capital Cetinje, north from Podgorica.
Not everyone was so happy. "I can't believe this is happening. This is like separating meat from the bone," cried a woman selling newspapers, shaking her head in disbelief.
Analysts said Montenegro's independence drive would turn up the pressure to resolve the wrangle over Kosovo, the ethnic Albanian-dominated province which Serbs consider the birthplace of their national identity.
Tim Judah, a Balkans specialist at the Centre for European Reform based in London, said regional stability depended far more on Kosovo -- "the final act in this 15-year drama" -- than on Montenegro.
"Compared to Kosovo, Montenegro is easy," he said. "Kosovo is a much, much bigger problem."
The bloody wars of the 1990s had already led to Bosnia, Croatia, Macedonia and Slovenia leaving what was then Yugoslavia.
"We were witnesses yesterday of the end of the Yugoslavia project, started in 1918 with sincere intentions," Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski of Macedonia said.
bur-an/boc
Montenegro: Birth of a nation
Montenegro's birth as an independent nation marks the final demise of an old multinational state - Yugoslavia, the land of the south Slavs, carved from the ruins of the Hapsburg and Ottoman empires at the end of the first world war. With a population of just 650,000 it will be one of the world's smaller sovereign countries, though still more populous than Luxembourg and Malta, the two smallest members of the European Union, which many Montenegrins will now hope to join. For Serbia, the senior partner in what was left of the old Yugoslav federation, this marks the end of the road that began when the two neighbours were first joined together in 1918. Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia left, with differing degrees of bloodshed, in the early 1990s. Only Macedonia managed to get away peacefully. The future of the former Serbian province of Kosovo, over which Nato went to war, remains to be determined, but it now seems likely to win independence. The Balkans have never been as balkanised as today.
Montenegro believes it is well placed to take advantage of the European destiny it was offered when it united unhappily with Serbia back in 2003. Hinting heavily, it already uses the euro rather than the Serbian dinar. It is likely to be awarded its own UN seat by the year's end. Since it is no longer bracketed with Serbia, it will not suffer from Belgrade's disadvantages vis-a-vis Brussels - especially its failure to hand over to the UN war crimes tribunal the Bosnian Serb leaders Ratko Mladic and (the Montenegrin-born) Radovan Karazdic. It was that failure which halted Serbia's EU pre-accession talks in their tracks earlier this month.
Blessed with a sparkling Adriatic coastline, dense forests, forbidding mountains and a fas cinating history reflected in the old royal capital, Cetinje, Montenegro has a Ruritanian quality that belies some unpicturesque problems. The popular prime minister, Milo Djukanovic, has to meet European standards of accountability and transparency. The modern capital, Podgorica (ex-Titograd), has a reputation for shady deals and businessmen grown rich on cigarette smuggling and money laundering.
The first priority must be an orderly separation between the two parts of the old federation and agreement on whatever assets need to be divided. Since Serbia is now landlocked, access to the sea might perhaps be traded for generous access for Montenegrins to Serbian universities, hospitals and other public services. The hope must be that the two will part amicably to forge new ties under a European umbrella for a changed, modern Balkan region.
Montenegro believes it is well placed to take advantage of the European destiny it was offered when it united unhappily with Serbia back in 2003. Hinting heavily, it already uses the euro rather than the Serbian dinar. It is likely to be awarded its own UN seat by the year's end. Since it is no longer bracketed with Serbia, it will not suffer from Belgrade's disadvantages vis-a-vis Brussels - especially its failure to hand over to the UN war crimes tribunal the Bosnian Serb leaders Ratko Mladic and (the Montenegrin-born) Radovan Karazdic. It was that failure which halted Serbia's EU pre-accession talks in their tracks earlier this month.
Blessed with a sparkling Adriatic coastline, dense forests, forbidding mountains and a fas cinating history reflected in the old royal capital, Cetinje, Montenegro has a Ruritanian quality that belies some unpicturesque problems. The popular prime minister, Milo Djukanovic, has to meet European standards of accountability and transparency. The modern capital, Podgorica (ex-Titograd), has a reputation for shady deals and businessmen grown rich on cigarette smuggling and money laundering.
The first priority must be an orderly separation between the two parts of the old federation and agreement on whatever assets need to be divided. Since Serbia is now landlocked, access to the sea might perhaps be traded for generous access for Montenegrins to Serbian universities, hospitals and other public services. The hope must be that the two will part amicably to forge new ties under a European umbrella for a changed, modern Balkan region.
Sunday, May 21, 2006
Saturday, May 20, 2006
Vote to end pan-Serbian dream
By Gabriel Ronay
A REFERENDUM today could sound the death-knell for the runt artificial statelet Serbia-Montenegro, created by the Serbs as a fig-leaf for their pan- Serbian dream following the collapse of Yugoslavia.
Prime Minister of Montenegro Milo Djukanovic expects 60% of voters to back his Sovereignist Block’s call for a “divorce” from Serbia. Such an outcome would further undermine Vojislav Kostunica’s nationalist regime in Belgrade, already under pressure following its failure to arrest the war criminal Ratko Mladic. Several coalition ministers have threatened to quit and Brussels has parked talks over European Union membership.
The EU, concerned about fragmentation in the Balkans, has insisted on a minimum 55% pro-independence vote to allow Montenegro to secede. But at a rally in Podgorica, Djukanovic insisted that “the EU has now changed its stance and does not insist anymore on the preservation of the dual state at any price”.
In a blunt speech, he noted that “both states have their very own interests and nobody can expect either to sacrifice these in the interests of the artificially created dual state”. He added that “the independence movement was unstoppable even if it missed the 55% target by a few percentage points”.
Djukanovic reassured Belgrade that “an independent Montenegro would seek close links with Serbia”. But he added that “nobody can expect the Montenegrins to demolish their own house for the sake of fraternal feelings”.
Djukanovic is clearly punching above his weight, but the outcome of the election is psychologically much more important than could be expected from an electorate of half a million. For the Serbs, the Montenegrins’ choice is simply crucial as Serbia-Montenegro is all that remains of the six republics of the Yugoslav Federation.
The prospect of Montenegrin independence is viewed with alarm by Belgrade because it might be seen as a precedent for breakaway Kosovo. This Serbian province has been run by the United Nations since 1999, when Nato used armed force to stop the Serbs’ ethnic cleansing of the Albanian majority.
In an emotional speech, Premier Kostunica of Serbia urged Montenegrins not to split up the dual state and offered “Serbia’s brotherly hand” to build “our joint and European future”.
However, the Movement for a Joint State, representing the Serb nationalist minority of Montenegro, was more forthright. At a Belgrade election rally last week, speaker after speaker accused “the separatist Djukanovic” of “stabbing Serbia in the back,” and urged Serbs “to return home and convince your families and friends to vote no”.
If Montenegro does opt for divorce from Serbia, it will be the final nail in the coffin of the Serb-dominated Balkan south-Slav state, created from the ruins of the Austro-Hungarian Empire after the first world war.
21 May 2006
A REFERENDUM today could sound the death-knell for the runt artificial statelet Serbia-Montenegro, created by the Serbs as a fig-leaf for their pan- Serbian dream following the collapse of Yugoslavia.
Prime Minister of Montenegro Milo Djukanovic expects 60% of voters to back his Sovereignist Block’s call for a “divorce” from Serbia. Such an outcome would further undermine Vojislav Kostunica’s nationalist regime in Belgrade, already under pressure following its failure to arrest the war criminal Ratko Mladic. Several coalition ministers have threatened to quit and Brussels has parked talks over European Union membership.
The EU, concerned about fragmentation in the Balkans, has insisted on a minimum 55% pro-independence vote to allow Montenegro to secede. But at a rally in Podgorica, Djukanovic insisted that “the EU has now changed its stance and does not insist anymore on the preservation of the dual state at any price”.
In a blunt speech, he noted that “both states have their very own interests and nobody can expect either to sacrifice these in the interests of the artificially created dual state”. He added that “the independence movement was unstoppable even if it missed the 55% target by a few percentage points”.
Djukanovic reassured Belgrade that “an independent Montenegro would seek close links with Serbia”. But he added that “nobody can expect the Montenegrins to demolish their own house for the sake of fraternal feelings”.
Djukanovic is clearly punching above his weight, but the outcome of the election is psychologically much more important than could be expected from an electorate of half a million. For the Serbs, the Montenegrins’ choice is simply crucial as Serbia-Montenegro is all that remains of the six republics of the Yugoslav Federation.
The prospect of Montenegrin independence is viewed with alarm by Belgrade because it might be seen as a precedent for breakaway Kosovo. This Serbian province has been run by the United Nations since 1999, when Nato used armed force to stop the Serbs’ ethnic cleansing of the Albanian majority.
In an emotional speech, Premier Kostunica of Serbia urged Montenegrins not to split up the dual state and offered “Serbia’s brotherly hand” to build “our joint and European future”.
However, the Movement for a Joint State, representing the Serb nationalist minority of Montenegro, was more forthright. At a Belgrade election rally last week, speaker after speaker accused “the separatist Djukanovic” of “stabbing Serbia in the back,” and urged Serbs “to return home and convince your families and friends to vote no”.
If Montenegro does opt for divorce from Serbia, it will be the final nail in the coffin of the Serb-dominated Balkan south-Slav state, created from the ruins of the Austro-Hungarian Empire after the first world war.
21 May 2006
Montenegro counts down to historic independence vote
Final preparations are under way ahead of a landmark referendum on Montenegro's independence as leaders urged rival supporters to accept the result peacefully.
The referendum on Montenegro's independence from a federation with Serbia could be the final act in the dissolution of former communist Yugoslavia, four of whose six republics broke away in a series of 1990s wars.
"All technical preparations for the vote on Sunday have been completed," the chairman of the referendum commission, Slovak diplomat Frantisek Lipka, told local television.
Ballot papers had been printed and were due to be distributed to the 1,117 polling stations across the tiny republic before voting opens at 8:00 am (0600 GMT) on Sunday, Lipka said.
In the referendum, some 485,000 voters will be asked to choose "Yes" or "No" in answer to the question: "Do you want Montenegro to be an independent state with full international and legal legitimacy?"
As a ban on campaigning remained in force for a second day, leaders of the republic's pro-independence government and pro-Serbian opposition appealed to their supporters to accept the result "with dignity in both victory and defeat," local newspapers reported.
The daily Dan quoted Predrag Popovic of the pro-union bloc as saying "the camp that loses should concede the defeat, congratulate the winner and urge its supporters to behave correctly.
"The side that wins must do its utmost to prevent their celebrations from turning into a conflict with the other supporters," he added.
Predrag Sekulic of the pro-independence bloc sent a similar message.
"I hope that whoever wins, that we will extend a hand to each other and continue working together for the good of all citizens of Montenegro," he said.
Montenegro has been deeply divided over the issue for several years, but the European Union has been heavily involved in setting the conditions for the vote, whose campaign has been free of any major incidents.
Recent opinion polls have highlighted the split, with an estimated 56 percent in favour of forming their own country.
According to EU-set rules, independence will succeed if at least half of the eligible voters turn out and 55 percent or more of them support it.
"I hope everything will be fine and we stay together," said 34-year-old Podgorica resident Savo Pejovic, adding he was afraid of "unrest among people if Montenegro separates".
A 38-year-old salesman, Slavoljub, who preferred not to reveal his surname said: "All other former Yugoslav nations have their state -- Macedonians, Bosniaks, Slovenians, Croats -- so why shouldn't Montenegro?".
Radovan, 48, said he would vote for independence for "a thousand reasons."
"We want to have our own house, to live alone. We wish the best relations with Serbia, but to be alone, it's better. Europe will easier accept us that way," he said.
Montenegro and Serbia formed in 2003 a loose union that replaced rump Yugoslavia, but either side was allowed to get out of it after a three-year probation period that expired earlier this year.
A strained relationship between Podgorica and Belgrade has gradually worsened as the government of veteran Montenegrin leader Milo Djukanovic pushed for independence.
Polling stations will close at 9:00 pm (1900 GMT) on Sunday, with pollsters expecting to offer their estimate of the outcome soon after. The official results of the referendum are not expected until Monday.
The referendum on Montenegro's independence from a federation with Serbia could be the final act in the dissolution of former communist Yugoslavia, four of whose six republics broke away in a series of 1990s wars.
"All technical preparations for the vote on Sunday have been completed," the chairman of the referendum commission, Slovak diplomat Frantisek Lipka, told local television.
Ballot papers had been printed and were due to be distributed to the 1,117 polling stations across the tiny republic before voting opens at 8:00 am (0600 GMT) on Sunday, Lipka said.
In the referendum, some 485,000 voters will be asked to choose "Yes" or "No" in answer to the question: "Do you want Montenegro to be an independent state with full international and legal legitimacy?"
As a ban on campaigning remained in force for a second day, leaders of the republic's pro-independence government and pro-Serbian opposition appealed to their supporters to accept the result "with dignity in both victory and defeat," local newspapers reported.
The daily Dan quoted Predrag Popovic of the pro-union bloc as saying "the camp that loses should concede the defeat, congratulate the winner and urge its supporters to behave correctly.
"The side that wins must do its utmost to prevent their celebrations from turning into a conflict with the other supporters," he added.
Predrag Sekulic of the pro-independence bloc sent a similar message.
"I hope that whoever wins, that we will extend a hand to each other and continue working together for the good of all citizens of Montenegro," he said.
Montenegro has been deeply divided over the issue for several years, but the European Union has been heavily involved in setting the conditions for the vote, whose campaign has been free of any major incidents.
Recent opinion polls have highlighted the split, with an estimated 56 percent in favour of forming their own country.
According to EU-set rules, independence will succeed if at least half of the eligible voters turn out and 55 percent or more of them support it.
"I hope everything will be fine and we stay together," said 34-year-old Podgorica resident Savo Pejovic, adding he was afraid of "unrest among people if Montenegro separates".
A 38-year-old salesman, Slavoljub, who preferred not to reveal his surname said: "All other former Yugoslav nations have their state -- Macedonians, Bosniaks, Slovenians, Croats -- so why shouldn't Montenegro?".
Radovan, 48, said he would vote for independence for "a thousand reasons."
"We want to have our own house, to live alone. We wish the best relations with Serbia, but to be alone, it's better. Europe will easier accept us that way," he said.
Montenegro and Serbia formed in 2003 a loose union that replaced rump Yugoslavia, but either side was allowed to get out of it after a three-year probation period that expired earlier this year.
A strained relationship between Podgorica and Belgrade has gradually worsened as the government of veteran Montenegrin leader Milo Djukanovic pushed for independence.
Polling stations will close at 9:00 pm (1900 GMT) on Sunday, with pollsters expecting to offer their estimate of the outcome soon after. The official results of the referendum are not expected until Monday.
Friday, May 19, 2006
Heart, history to sway Montenegro independence vote
By Ellie Tzortzi
BELGRADE, May 19 (Reuters) - Montenegro votes in an independence referendum on Sunday which could dissolve its union with Serbia and allow the tiny Balkan state to seek membership of the wealthy European Union on its own.
The choice has more to do with Montenegrins' feelings for Serbia than for the abstract union established three years ago in which Serbia is the dominant partner.
The two Balkan neighbours have been together for almost a century -- in two kingdoms, in Josip Broz Tito's socialist Yugoslavia and in the rump Yugoslav federation of late Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic.
But Montenegro's pro-independence government says ending the union will bring economic development and a faster path to the EU, which this month froze talks on closer ties over Belgrade's failure to arrest war crimes fugitive Ratko Mladic.
The pro-union camp says Montenegro is too small to survive alone and cannot afford to lose out on the jobs, education and health care their far more populous neighbour has to offer.
But in the Balkans, where politics constantly refers back to old battles, long-dead kings and treason plots, it is emotional arguments about identity and belonging that sway voters most.
Serbia is the dominant partner, with 7.5 million people against over 600,000 in Montenegro and its economy is 10 times bigger.
Most ethnic Montenegrins, 43 percent, are likely to choose independence, as will Muslims, Albanians and other minorities. The 32 percent ethnic Serbs are likely to back the union.
Under pressure from the EU, Montenegro agreed to referendum rules that say at least 50 percent must vote and at least 55 percent must choose independence for the result to be valid.
SEPARATE NATION?
Are Montenegrins a separate nation or is it time to undo the 1918 union with Serbia some say was little more than annexation?
"You've always had those who wanted an independent state and those who say Serbs and Montenegrins are the same nation and should be in the same state," said senior researcher Milos Besic of Podgorica's Centre for Democracy and Human Rights.
"I don't think this referendum can resolve that. The division will exist, arguments will remain, for a couple of generations."
Kristof Bender of the European Stability Initiative said supporters of independence do not see the issue as breaking away from Serbia, but rather as reaffirming their statehood.
"These people often reproach Belgrade and say: 'What is this rhetoric about losing Montenegro? It was never part of Serbia."
"But in the unionist camp, some people identify very strongly with the Serbian identity, so they perceive independence as breaking up something that belongs together."
Analysts see few practical effects from a divorce. The two already have different laws, policy and currency, sharing only defence and diplomacy. Their joint parliament barely meets.
Bender said separation would allow both to focus more on their domestic problems and on pursuing EU membership.
Serbia this year also faces the loss of Albanian-dominated Kosovo province, adding to an impression of abandonment that plainly irks some Serbs.
Analysts said few Serbs saw Montenegro as a state with its own history, culture and distinct identity. They tended to view the independence drive as yet another breakaway bid.
"You mustn't forget that Belgrade was capital of the old socialist federation, and there was a similar feeling that Slovenia, Croatia, Macedonia and Bosnia broke away," Bender said. "Montenegro is now the last to go."
BELGRADE, May 19 (Reuters) - Montenegro votes in an independence referendum on Sunday which could dissolve its union with Serbia and allow the tiny Balkan state to seek membership of the wealthy European Union on its own.
The choice has more to do with Montenegrins' feelings for Serbia than for the abstract union established three years ago in which Serbia is the dominant partner.
The two Balkan neighbours have been together for almost a century -- in two kingdoms, in Josip Broz Tito's socialist Yugoslavia and in the rump Yugoslav federation of late Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic.
But Montenegro's pro-independence government says ending the union will bring economic development and a faster path to the EU, which this month froze talks on closer ties over Belgrade's failure to arrest war crimes fugitive Ratko Mladic.
The pro-union camp says Montenegro is too small to survive alone and cannot afford to lose out on the jobs, education and health care their far more populous neighbour has to offer.
But in the Balkans, where politics constantly refers back to old battles, long-dead kings and treason plots, it is emotional arguments about identity and belonging that sway voters most.
Serbia is the dominant partner, with 7.5 million people against over 600,000 in Montenegro and its economy is 10 times bigger.
Most ethnic Montenegrins, 43 percent, are likely to choose independence, as will Muslims, Albanians and other minorities. The 32 percent ethnic Serbs are likely to back the union.
Under pressure from the EU, Montenegro agreed to referendum rules that say at least 50 percent must vote and at least 55 percent must choose independence for the result to be valid.
SEPARATE NATION?
Are Montenegrins a separate nation or is it time to undo the 1918 union with Serbia some say was little more than annexation?
"You've always had those who wanted an independent state and those who say Serbs and Montenegrins are the same nation and should be in the same state," said senior researcher Milos Besic of Podgorica's Centre for Democracy and Human Rights.
"I don't think this referendum can resolve that. The division will exist, arguments will remain, for a couple of generations."
Kristof Bender of the European Stability Initiative said supporters of independence do not see the issue as breaking away from Serbia, but rather as reaffirming their statehood.
"These people often reproach Belgrade and say: 'What is this rhetoric about losing Montenegro? It was never part of Serbia."
"But in the unionist camp, some people identify very strongly with the Serbian identity, so they perceive independence as breaking up something that belongs together."
Analysts see few practical effects from a divorce. The two already have different laws, policy and currency, sharing only defence and diplomacy. Their joint parliament barely meets.
Bender said separation would allow both to focus more on their domestic problems and on pursuing EU membership.
Serbia this year also faces the loss of Albanian-dominated Kosovo province, adding to an impression of abandonment that plainly irks some Serbs.
Analysts said few Serbs saw Montenegro as a state with its own history, culture and distinct identity. They tended to view the independence drive as yet another breakaway bid.
"You mustn't forget that Belgrade was capital of the old socialist federation, and there was a similar feeling that Slovenia, Croatia, Macedonia and Bosnia broke away," Bender said. "Montenegro is now the last to go."
Montenegrins' time to set course arrives
By Nicholas Wood International Herald Tribune
FRIDAY, MAY 19, 2006
PODGORICA, Serbia and Montenegro The fate of the two states that make up all that is left of Yugoslavia will be decided this weekend when Montenegrins head to the polls to decide whether or not their republic should opt for independence.
Sixteen years after the federation created by Josep Broz Tito began to collapse, supporters of separation seem confident that Montenegro, like four other former Yugoslav republics, will be able to go its own way, this time by the force of the ballot box alone.
Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic, who has led the pro-independence block for almost nine years, held a jubilant final rally here Thursday in the capital to mark the close of a smooth and carefully managed campaign.
Thousands of supporters packed the center of Podgorica, standing atop cars, dancing to rock music and waving the Montenegrin flag, a royal crest on a red background, a symbol that harks back to the days before World War I when for 40 years the republic was an internationally recognized state in its own right.
"The time has come," Djukanovic told the cheering crowd. "After 88 years, Montenegro is once again knocking at the historic door, ready to regain its statehood."
Despite the display of euphoria, the drive for independence in what was Yugoslavia's smallest republic has been a highly divisive issue. Opinion polls indicate that if the government wins the referendum it will be by the narrowest of margins. Under the rules laid down by the European Union, separation must gain at least 55 percent of the vote, with at least half of the 440,000 electorate taking part.
The federation of Serbia and Montenegro has been substantially watered down since the collapse of Yugoslavia. The republics have separate currencies, customs and border services as well as their own state-level governments. Djukanovic said that if the pro- independence block gained a majority but was short of the 55 percent required for European Union recognition, his government would seek a still-looser union with Serbia, but this, he added, would only be a temporary measure.
Berane, a town of about 15,000 people and former industrial hub in the northwest of Montenegro, is widely regarded as a bastion of pro-unionist support, Serb leaders say further separation from the government in Belgrade would provoke an exodus. Mayor Relja Jovancevic, a Serb, talks forebodingly about the region being plunged into a civil conflict, just as Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina were from 1992 to 1995 at the cost of tens of thousands of lives.
"There'll be civil war. I'll sell my house and my property and leave," Jovancevic said in an interview. But moment's later the mayor's comments seemed difficult to judge when a friend and self-proclaimed independence supporter passed by and the two men fired off a rapid succession of good humored jibes at each other.
In Petnjica, a Muslim village 19 kilometers, or 12 miles, east of Berane on a high mountain plateau, there is overwhelming support for independence. Most Muslims in Montenegro, mindful of the Serbs' repression of the Muslims in Bosnia, are expected to vote for an end to their ties with Serbia, but villagers here are worried how their Serb neighbors will react to separation.
Zeno Rastorder, owner of the village bakery, said he had put plans to buy a dairy herd on hold until after the referendum. "You have to be careful," he said. Zehra Novalic, 28, said she had kept her children away from the rallies during the campaign. "We are afraid of physical violence."
Still, most political commentators discount the prospect of serious civil unrest.
For more than a decade the issue of independence has dominated politics in Montenegro, said Mihailo Jovovic, political editor of the Podgorica newspaper VijestiJovovic. "People are fed up. They just want to get on and live their lives."
FRIDAY, MAY 19, 2006
PODGORICA, Serbia and Montenegro The fate of the two states that make up all that is left of Yugoslavia will be decided this weekend when Montenegrins head to the polls to decide whether or not their republic should opt for independence.
Sixteen years after the federation created by Josep Broz Tito began to collapse, supporters of separation seem confident that Montenegro, like four other former Yugoslav republics, will be able to go its own way, this time by the force of the ballot box alone.
Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic, who has led the pro-independence block for almost nine years, held a jubilant final rally here Thursday in the capital to mark the close of a smooth and carefully managed campaign.
Thousands of supporters packed the center of Podgorica, standing atop cars, dancing to rock music and waving the Montenegrin flag, a royal crest on a red background, a symbol that harks back to the days before World War I when for 40 years the republic was an internationally recognized state in its own right.
"The time has come," Djukanovic told the cheering crowd. "After 88 years, Montenegro is once again knocking at the historic door, ready to regain its statehood."
Despite the display of euphoria, the drive for independence in what was Yugoslavia's smallest republic has been a highly divisive issue. Opinion polls indicate that if the government wins the referendum it will be by the narrowest of margins. Under the rules laid down by the European Union, separation must gain at least 55 percent of the vote, with at least half of the 440,000 electorate taking part.
The federation of Serbia and Montenegro has been substantially watered down since the collapse of Yugoslavia. The republics have separate currencies, customs and border services as well as their own state-level governments. Djukanovic said that if the pro- independence block gained a majority but was short of the 55 percent required for European Union recognition, his government would seek a still-looser union with Serbia, but this, he added, would only be a temporary measure.
Berane, a town of about 15,000 people and former industrial hub in the northwest of Montenegro, is widely regarded as a bastion of pro-unionist support, Serb leaders say further separation from the government in Belgrade would provoke an exodus. Mayor Relja Jovancevic, a Serb, talks forebodingly about the region being plunged into a civil conflict, just as Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina were from 1992 to 1995 at the cost of tens of thousands of lives.
"There'll be civil war. I'll sell my house and my property and leave," Jovancevic said in an interview. But moment's later the mayor's comments seemed difficult to judge when a friend and self-proclaimed independence supporter passed by and the two men fired off a rapid succession of good humored jibes at each other.
In Petnjica, a Muslim village 19 kilometers, or 12 miles, east of Berane on a high mountain plateau, there is overwhelming support for independence. Most Muslims in Montenegro, mindful of the Serbs' repression of the Muslims in Bosnia, are expected to vote for an end to their ties with Serbia, but villagers here are worried how their Serb neighbors will react to separation.
Zeno Rastorder, owner of the village bakery, said he had put plans to buy a dairy herd on hold until after the referendum. "You have to be careful," he said. Zehra Novalic, 28, said she had kept her children away from the rallies during the campaign. "We are afraid of physical violence."
Still, most political commentators discount the prospect of serious civil unrest.
For more than a decade the issue of independence has dominated politics in Montenegro, said Mihailo Jovovic, political editor of the Podgorica newspaper VijestiJovovic. "People are fed up. They just want to get on and live their lives."
Montenegro’s Referendum on Independence - Council on Foreign Relations
Introduction
Montenegro, the only constituent of the former Yugoslav republic that still has official ties to Serbia, will vote May 21 on whether to secede. The referendum will mark the first chance for the tiny republic to choose its political future, and polls show a narrow majority set to vote for separation. Experts say a "yes" vote could initiate a final phase in the crumbling of the former Yugoslavia. The outcome of Montenegro's vote is no sure thing, experts say. Under rules proposed by the European Union and approved by Montenegro's parliament, a 55 percent majority is needed to mandate secession. But Montenegro's pro-separation prime minister, Milo Djukanovic, has said he will try to move ahead with secession, even if the "yes" vote is only 50 percent. Such a move could heighten tensions in an already delicate political climate.
What is Montenegro’s political status?
Montenegro is part of a federal union with Serbia named "Serbia and Montenegro," which was formed in February 2003. The two republics are all that remain from the former Yugoslavia, which originally had six republics (including Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Slovenia, and Macedonia) and two autonomous provinces (Kosovo and Vojvodina). The histories of Serbia and Montenegro are interwoven, and over 30 percent of Montenegrins identify as ethnic Serbs. Still, recent polls showed a slim majority of Montenegrins favoring independent sovereignty. Currently, Montenegro has its own president (Filip Vujanovic) and prime minister (Djukanovic), but there is also a president of the federally united Serbia and Montenegro, Svetozar Marovic, a Serb. Experts say Montenegro already operates much as an independent country, though it does not have an independent army or diplomatic corps.
How will the vote on independence work?
In order to win EU recognition of the legitimacy of the referendum, Montenegro agreed to structure the vote such that a 55 percent majority is necessary to legally secure independence. Under the terms of the 2003 agreement that bound Serbia and Montenegro federally, Montenegro could not appeal for secession for three years, making this is the first chance for separatists. Should the vote fail, they would not be allowed to appeal again for another three years.
What is the significance of 55 percent?
That number was officially set by the Montenegrin parliament in February, when they laid out the terms of the referendum. But the EU had strong influence over the decision to insist on a 55 percent standard, which experts say is a "high bar." Some question whether the EU might have chosen this target because it would rather to see the referendum fail. Secession could stir tensions in an already precarious region, and peacekeepers, occupied as they are in Kosovo and elsewhere, want to avoid any new flare-ups.
Still, other experts dispute the idea that the EU's push for a higher standard indicates a preference for Montenegro to remain federally linked to Serbia. "I think the main reason they put it at that was to guarantee that the opposition took part," says Janusz Bugajski, director of the New European Democracies Project at CSIS. "There was a danger that they would have boycotted, and this would have delegitimized the election." Timothy William Waters, a law professor at the University of Mississippi, adds that there's no clear standard for such votes, and that the EU could equally well have set the number at 50 percent or 60 percent. "The standards are incredibly vague, they're all over the map," he says.
What is expected to happen in the May 21 vote?
The most recent polls show between 50 percent and 55 percent planning to vote "yes" for secession, though experts add that these polls should not be considered very reliable. Still, there is a distinct possibility that separatists will win a majority but not the full 55 percent. Experts say this could cause a host of problems. Though most agree that significant outbreaks of violence in Montenegro are unlikely, a "gray zone" vote would undermine the mandate of the federal union between Serbia and Montenegro. Montenegro does not have an independent military or foreign service, so it could face a scenario where its federal union is weakened but it has no legal authority to establish independent national systems. Waters says one possible situation is that some countries would recognize Montenegro as a nation, and others wouldn't. What is important, he says, is a mandate: "You need a stable solution."
Should it gain independence, what would Montenegro’s prospects be for joining the European Union?
Separatists argue that an independent Montenegro would stand a much better chance of admission to the EU than a federally united Serbia and Montenegro. Proponents of this idea say the recent controversy over accused Serbian war criminals has only strengthened their case. In April, the EU cut off talks with Serbia and Montenegro when Belgrade was perceived to be dragging its feet over the arrest of the former Bosnian Serb military leader, General Ratko Mladic, and others. "It's one of the easier logics to work out, that canceling the talks has boosted the pro-independence side in Montenegro," Waters says. "Some feel that they're shackled to a country that's dead in the water." But even if Montenegro successfully wins independence, EU integration is no sure thing. Experts say Montenegro's admittance would hinge on its meeting a list of conditions, or minimum standards, much like those put forth in recent negotiations over the inclusion of Bulgaria and Romania.
How is the dispute over Kosovo’s final status entering into all this?
The Kosovo situation does not appear to be directly related, experts say. International overseers have reiterated that Montenegro's referendum will not affect how they approach the situation in Kosovo, a Serbian province also seeking independent sovereignty. A 2005 report by the International Crisis Group emphasized the importance of maintaining this separation. Any political spillover, then, will be unofficial, though it could still be significant. The Economist forecasts that, should Montenegrin separatists fail to get 55 percent of the vote but nevertheless push for independence, "the region will enter a period of renewed instability."
What effect are Montenegrin domestic politics having on the referendum vote?
Montenegro has parliamentary elections scheduled for October 2006. Experts say the incumbent political elite are deeply invested in passing this referendum. Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic has been particularly outspoken among separatists, and has said he will resign if less than 50 percent vote for independence.
Montenegro, the only constituent of the former Yugoslav republic that still has official ties to Serbia, will vote May 21 on whether to secede. The referendum will mark the first chance for the tiny republic to choose its political future, and polls show a narrow majority set to vote for separation. Experts say a "yes" vote could initiate a final phase in the crumbling of the former Yugoslavia. The outcome of Montenegro's vote is no sure thing, experts say. Under rules proposed by the European Union and approved by Montenegro's parliament, a 55 percent majority is needed to mandate secession. But Montenegro's pro-separation prime minister, Milo Djukanovic, has said he will try to move ahead with secession, even if the "yes" vote is only 50 percent. Such a move could heighten tensions in an already delicate political climate.
What is Montenegro’s political status?
Montenegro is part of a federal union with Serbia named "Serbia and Montenegro," which was formed in February 2003. The two republics are all that remain from the former Yugoslavia, which originally had six republics (including Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Slovenia, and Macedonia) and two autonomous provinces (Kosovo and Vojvodina). The histories of Serbia and Montenegro are interwoven, and over 30 percent of Montenegrins identify as ethnic Serbs. Still, recent polls showed a slim majority of Montenegrins favoring independent sovereignty. Currently, Montenegro has its own president (Filip Vujanovic) and prime minister (Djukanovic), but there is also a president of the federally united Serbia and Montenegro, Svetozar Marovic, a Serb. Experts say Montenegro already operates much as an independent country, though it does not have an independent army or diplomatic corps.
How will the vote on independence work?
In order to win EU recognition of the legitimacy of the referendum, Montenegro agreed to structure the vote such that a 55 percent majority is necessary to legally secure independence. Under the terms of the 2003 agreement that bound Serbia and Montenegro federally, Montenegro could not appeal for secession for three years, making this is the first chance for separatists. Should the vote fail, they would not be allowed to appeal again for another three years.
What is the significance of 55 percent?
That number was officially set by the Montenegrin parliament in February, when they laid out the terms of the referendum. But the EU had strong influence over the decision to insist on a 55 percent standard, which experts say is a "high bar." Some question whether the EU might have chosen this target because it would rather to see the referendum fail. Secession could stir tensions in an already precarious region, and peacekeepers, occupied as they are in Kosovo and elsewhere, want to avoid any new flare-ups.
Still, other experts dispute the idea that the EU's push for a higher standard indicates a preference for Montenegro to remain federally linked to Serbia. "I think the main reason they put it at that was to guarantee that the opposition took part," says Janusz Bugajski, director of the New European Democracies Project at CSIS. "There was a danger that they would have boycotted, and this would have delegitimized the election." Timothy William Waters, a law professor at the University of Mississippi, adds that there's no clear standard for such votes, and that the EU could equally well have set the number at 50 percent or 60 percent. "The standards are incredibly vague, they're all over the map," he says.
What is expected to happen in the May 21 vote?
The most recent polls show between 50 percent and 55 percent planning to vote "yes" for secession, though experts add that these polls should not be considered very reliable. Still, there is a distinct possibility that separatists will win a majority but not the full 55 percent. Experts say this could cause a host of problems. Though most agree that significant outbreaks of violence in Montenegro are unlikely, a "gray zone" vote would undermine the mandate of the federal union between Serbia and Montenegro. Montenegro does not have an independent military or foreign service, so it could face a scenario where its federal union is weakened but it has no legal authority to establish independent national systems. Waters says one possible situation is that some countries would recognize Montenegro as a nation, and others wouldn't. What is important, he says, is a mandate: "You need a stable solution."
Should it gain independence, what would Montenegro’s prospects be for joining the European Union?
Separatists argue that an independent Montenegro would stand a much better chance of admission to the EU than a federally united Serbia and Montenegro. Proponents of this idea say the recent controversy over accused Serbian war criminals has only strengthened their case. In April, the EU cut off talks with Serbia and Montenegro when Belgrade was perceived to be dragging its feet over the arrest of the former Bosnian Serb military leader, General Ratko Mladic, and others. "It's one of the easier logics to work out, that canceling the talks has boosted the pro-independence side in Montenegro," Waters says. "Some feel that they're shackled to a country that's dead in the water." But even if Montenegro successfully wins independence, EU integration is no sure thing. Experts say Montenegro's admittance would hinge on its meeting a list of conditions, or minimum standards, much like those put forth in recent negotiations over the inclusion of Bulgaria and Romania.
How is the dispute over Kosovo’s final status entering into all this?
The Kosovo situation does not appear to be directly related, experts say. International overseers have reiterated that Montenegro's referendum will not affect how they approach the situation in Kosovo, a Serbian province also seeking independent sovereignty. A 2005 report by the International Crisis Group emphasized the importance of maintaining this separation. Any political spillover, then, will be unofficial, though it could still be significant. The Economist forecasts that, should Montenegrin separatists fail to get 55 percent of the vote but nevertheless push for independence, "the region will enter a period of renewed instability."
What effect are Montenegrin domestic politics having on the referendum vote?
Montenegro has parliamentary elections scheduled for October 2006. Experts say the incumbent political elite are deeply invested in passing this referendum. Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic has been particularly outspoken among separatists, and has said he will resign if less than 50 percent vote for independence.
Freebies for the exiles heading home for freedom
By Giles Whittell
Montenegrins look set to choose independence from Serbia to advance their EU membership hopes
“ABSOLUTE 55 per cent”, declared Ivan Nedovic’s brand new T-shirt as he sat in the brand new airport at Podgorica, hoping to witness the birth of a brand new country.
The T-shirt was not advertising Balkan moonshine. It was a reminder of the victory margin needed in a referendum that could bury the dream of a greater Serbia that brought a decade of war to Yugoslavia. Yesterday it looked as if that dream would end, not with a bang but with a few thousand free air tickets.
In what history may yet call the Podgorica airlift, the local airline has scrapped its normal timetable to lay on more than 200 special flights for émigrés exercising their right to vote on Montenegro’s destiny. Some have proudly paid their own way but many, from as far away as New York and Chicago, have been given free tickets, paid for by unnamed benefactors.
Welcome to democracy on the Adriatic’s wilder eastern shore. By the time polls open tomorrow, 10,000 overseas voters will have returned, overwhelmingly in support of a plan by Milo Djukanovic, the Prime Minister, to break from Serbia to gain faster EU membership. In a land with a population the size of Nottingham’s, the influx is likely to be decisive.
“There are thousands of us and we are coming from everywhere,” said Nedovic, 22, an economics student just in from Rome on a flight that normally costs him €190 (£133).
There was no shortage of cheap beer in Podgorica either. It was fiesta time in the city that wants to be Europe’s newest capital, as tens of thousands flooded the main square for the final rally of the “yes” campaign. They waved scarlet banners emblazoned with the double-headed eagle of a short-lived Montenegrin monarchy and they sang something that sounded very like Those Were the Days, My Friends.
The only reminder of the genocidal violence that has scarred Montenegro’s neighbours, but miraculously not Montenegro, was a corridor of several hundred armed plainclothes police officers set up to usher Mr Djukanovic into the square.
Among those watching was a 61-year-old Parisian architect with only a halting command of the local language, the grandson of the last Montenegrin king. “I always thought this day would come, but never peacefully,” Prince Nikola told The Times after the rally, posing for photographs with the wellwishers who recognised him.
“When (Slobodan) Milosevic was provoking the violence, everyone at an event like this would have been armed and shooting their pistols in the air. I think if the result of the referendum is clear it could have the power to start a new era.”
This has been a campaign fought on a tiny canvas but with broad implications. Montenegrin independence, with the prospect of self-rule for Kosovo, would leave Serbia’s radicals humiliated and their country isolated, with no direct access to the sea and no prospect of EU membership until it surrenders Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic to The Hague. “Montenegro’s destiny is in the EU, but we are late already,” Dragan Djurovic, the D eputy Prime Minister and an architect of the “yes” campaign, said. “Serbia’s failure to hand over its war criminals has slowed everything. It’s not Montenegro’s fault, but Montenegro is paying.”
Publicly, Brussels opposes independence. Privately, it has assured Montenegro that it has a “plan B” that would save it from having to restart an accession process that it has so far pursued as the lesser partner in its troubled union with Serbia.
Along Montenegro’s spectacular coastline, where limestone cliffs plunge into emerald bays and developers salivate over the “next Croatia”, plan B may very well be for “bonanza”.
British buyers are among the thousands from richer countries refurbishing period villas in towns such as Kotor, an hour’s drive south of Dubrovnik airport. Both sides agree that tourism must take off if Montenegro is to have a legal economic future. Only the “no” campaign will own up to the country’s illegal past as a conduit for cars stolen across Europe and a haven for traffickers of drugs, prostitutes and, above all, cigarettes.
Smuggling accounted for half the country’s GDP as recently as 2001, according to Italian investigators. Though he denies all allegations, Mr Djukanovic has frequently been named in Italian prosecutors’ reports on cigarette smuggling, fuelling opposition claims that his drive for independence is a cover for the creation of “a private criminal state according to the Colombian system”, as a senior spokesman for the “no” campaign put it.
The Prime Minister has been helped by the EU’s suspension of accession talks with Serbia this month and he has skilfully ridden a wave of nostalgia for his country’s first experience of independence, even though King Nikola was a vain, dangerous adventurist whose attack on Albania in 1912 nearly started the First World War.
Montenegrins have been seduced by a dream of a Europe that is a peculiar mixture of the bourgeois prosperity that they hope the EU will deliver and the Europe of tinpot principalities that their brocaded flags recall.
They should be careful what they wish for. Prince Nikola is seeking restitution of his palaces. And how many are there? “They’re all over the place.”
Montenegrins look set to choose independence from Serbia to advance their EU membership hopes
“ABSOLUTE 55 per cent”, declared Ivan Nedovic’s brand new T-shirt as he sat in the brand new airport at Podgorica, hoping to witness the birth of a brand new country.
The T-shirt was not advertising Balkan moonshine. It was a reminder of the victory margin needed in a referendum that could bury the dream of a greater Serbia that brought a decade of war to Yugoslavia. Yesterday it looked as if that dream would end, not with a bang but with a few thousand free air tickets.
In what history may yet call the Podgorica airlift, the local airline has scrapped its normal timetable to lay on more than 200 special flights for émigrés exercising their right to vote on Montenegro’s destiny. Some have proudly paid their own way but many, from as far away as New York and Chicago, have been given free tickets, paid for by unnamed benefactors.
Welcome to democracy on the Adriatic’s wilder eastern shore. By the time polls open tomorrow, 10,000 overseas voters will have returned, overwhelmingly in support of a plan by Milo Djukanovic, the Prime Minister, to break from Serbia to gain faster EU membership. In a land with a population the size of Nottingham’s, the influx is likely to be decisive.
“There are thousands of us and we are coming from everywhere,” said Nedovic, 22, an economics student just in from Rome on a flight that normally costs him €190 (£133).
There was no shortage of cheap beer in Podgorica either. It was fiesta time in the city that wants to be Europe’s newest capital, as tens of thousands flooded the main square for the final rally of the “yes” campaign. They waved scarlet banners emblazoned with the double-headed eagle of a short-lived Montenegrin monarchy and they sang something that sounded very like Those Were the Days, My Friends.
The only reminder of the genocidal violence that has scarred Montenegro’s neighbours, but miraculously not Montenegro, was a corridor of several hundred armed plainclothes police officers set up to usher Mr Djukanovic into the square.
Among those watching was a 61-year-old Parisian architect with only a halting command of the local language, the grandson of the last Montenegrin king. “I always thought this day would come, but never peacefully,” Prince Nikola told The Times after the rally, posing for photographs with the wellwishers who recognised him.
“When (Slobodan) Milosevic was provoking the violence, everyone at an event like this would have been armed and shooting their pistols in the air. I think if the result of the referendum is clear it could have the power to start a new era.”
This has been a campaign fought on a tiny canvas but with broad implications. Montenegrin independence, with the prospect of self-rule for Kosovo, would leave Serbia’s radicals humiliated and their country isolated, with no direct access to the sea and no prospect of EU membership until it surrenders Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic to The Hague. “Montenegro’s destiny is in the EU, but we are late already,” Dragan Djurovic, the D eputy Prime Minister and an architect of the “yes” campaign, said. “Serbia’s failure to hand over its war criminals has slowed everything. It’s not Montenegro’s fault, but Montenegro is paying.”
Publicly, Brussels opposes independence. Privately, it has assured Montenegro that it has a “plan B” that would save it from having to restart an accession process that it has so far pursued as the lesser partner in its troubled union with Serbia.
Along Montenegro’s spectacular coastline, where limestone cliffs plunge into emerald bays and developers salivate over the “next Croatia”, plan B may very well be for “bonanza”.
British buyers are among the thousands from richer countries refurbishing period villas in towns such as Kotor, an hour’s drive south of Dubrovnik airport. Both sides agree that tourism must take off if Montenegro is to have a legal economic future. Only the “no” campaign will own up to the country’s illegal past as a conduit for cars stolen across Europe and a haven for traffickers of drugs, prostitutes and, above all, cigarettes.
Smuggling accounted for half the country’s GDP as recently as 2001, according to Italian investigators. Though he denies all allegations, Mr Djukanovic has frequently been named in Italian prosecutors’ reports on cigarette smuggling, fuelling opposition claims that his drive for independence is a cover for the creation of “a private criminal state according to the Colombian system”, as a senior spokesman for the “no” campaign put it.
The Prime Minister has been helped by the EU’s suspension of accession talks with Serbia this month and he has skilfully ridden a wave of nostalgia for his country’s first experience of independence, even though King Nikola was a vain, dangerous adventurist whose attack on Albania in 1912 nearly started the First World War.
Montenegrins have been seduced by a dream of a Europe that is a peculiar mixture of the bourgeois prosperity that they hope the EU will deliver and the Europe of tinpot principalities that their brocaded flags recall.
They should be careful what they wish for. Prince Nikola is seeking restitution of his palaces. And how many are there? “They’re all over the place.”
Thursday, May 18, 2006
Serbia's Top Political Leadership War Crimes Trial to Start July 10
THE HAGUE, May 18, 2006 (AFP) -
Serbian ex-president Milan Milutinovic and five other former top officials are to stand trial from July 10 over war crimes committed by Serb troops in the 1998-99 Kosovo conflict, court documents made public Thursday showed.
In the dock alongside Milutinovic will be the former Yugoslav deputy prime minister Nikola Sainovic, two former Yugoslav army chiefs of staff -- generals Dragoljub Ojdanic and Nebojsa Pavkovic -- and generals Vladimir Lazarevic and Sreten Lukic.
They are accused of forming a joint criminal enterprise, together with the late Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic, aimed at changing Kosovo's ethnic make-up "to ensure continued Serbian control."
According to the indictment, they tried to drive out the province's ethnic Albanian majority through a "systematic campaign of terror and violence" that included murders, deportations and persecutions.
The Serb crackdown on Kosovo left hundreds of thousands of Kosovo Albanians internally displaced.
The accused have all pleaded not guilty to the charges, and are currently all in Serbia on provisional release awaiting the start of their trial.
The UN war crimes court has set June 30 as the deadline for their return to its detention centre in The Hague.
Serbian ex-president Milan Milutinovic and five other former top officials are to stand trial from July 10 over war crimes committed by Serb troops in the 1998-99 Kosovo conflict, court documents made public Thursday showed.
In the dock alongside Milutinovic will be the former Yugoslav deputy prime minister Nikola Sainovic, two former Yugoslav army chiefs of staff -- generals Dragoljub Ojdanic and Nebojsa Pavkovic -- and generals Vladimir Lazarevic and Sreten Lukic.
They are accused of forming a joint criminal enterprise, together with the late Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic, aimed at changing Kosovo's ethnic make-up "to ensure continued Serbian control."
According to the indictment, they tried to drive out the province's ethnic Albanian majority through a "systematic campaign of terror and violence" that included murders, deportations and persecutions.
The Serb crackdown on Kosovo left hundreds of thousands of Kosovo Albanians internally displaced.
The accused have all pleaded not guilty to the charges, and are currently all in Serbia on provisional release awaiting the start of their trial.
The UN war crimes court has set June 30 as the deadline for their return to its detention centre in The Hague.
Kosovo Albanian and Serb party leaders agree more freedom is needed
Text of report by Kosovo Albanian television KohaVision TV on 17 May
[Announcer] Veton Surroi [Ora reformist party leader and member of Kosovo negotiating team] and Oliver Ivanovic [Kosovo Serb leader] have agreed that the two communities should do more to guarantee freedom of movement. During a visit of Ora reformist party leader Veton Surroi to north Kosova, they discussed the return of Roma community to their properties in Mitrovica
[Reporter Xhemajl Rexha] Veton Surroi has invited Oliver Ivanovic and his colleagues to return to the Kosova Assembly as part of opposition together with him, or as part of the government. In his office in north Mitrovica, the Ora party leader discussed with Oliver Ivanovic the return of properties on both sides of town to Roma community. Ivanovic told him Roma were welcome in the north of the town, adding that the same should happen in the south.
[Veton Surroi, in Serbian] There is an ethnic gap between Serbs and other communities in Kosova and this should change. We cannot live under tension forever. The moment should come and I hope it will come soon when the citizens would have respect, if not love, for one another; for free movement and freedom to choice.
[Oliver Ivanovic] We, Serbs, know best what it means not to have freedom of movement. A lot of work needs to be done in this direction. It can be done through a synchronized positive campaign of [ethnic] Albanians and Serbs; something like this did not exist so far.
[Reporter] Surroi visited also the residents of Mahalla e Boshnjakeve [Bosnian neighbourhood] and a primary school.
Source: KohaVision TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1700 gmt 17 May 06
[Announcer] Veton Surroi [Ora reformist party leader and member of Kosovo negotiating team] and Oliver Ivanovic [Kosovo Serb leader] have agreed that the two communities should do more to guarantee freedom of movement. During a visit of Ora reformist party leader Veton Surroi to north Kosova, they discussed the return of Roma community to their properties in Mitrovica
[Reporter Xhemajl Rexha] Veton Surroi has invited Oliver Ivanovic and his colleagues to return to the Kosova Assembly as part of opposition together with him, or as part of the government. In his office in north Mitrovica, the Ora party leader discussed with Oliver Ivanovic the return of properties on both sides of town to Roma community. Ivanovic told him Roma were welcome in the north of the town, adding that the same should happen in the south.
[Veton Surroi, in Serbian] There is an ethnic gap between Serbs and other communities in Kosova and this should change. We cannot live under tension forever. The moment should come and I hope it will come soon when the citizens would have respect, if not love, for one another; for free movement and freedom to choice.
[Oliver Ivanovic] We, Serbs, know best what it means not to have freedom of movement. A lot of work needs to be done in this direction. It can be done through a synchronized positive campaign of [ethnic] Albanians and Serbs; something like this did not exist so far.
[Reporter] Surroi visited also the residents of Mahalla e Boshnjakeve [Bosnian neighbourhood] and a primary school.
Source: KohaVision TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1700 gmt 17 May 06
Montenegrin independence to contribute to regional stability - Kosovo leaders
Text of report by Montenegrin Mina news agency
Podgorica, 18 May: Kosovo Albanian leaders expect that the bloc for independence will win in the Montenegrin referendum and stress that Pristina will respect the will of the majority.
Although they say that they do not see a direct link between the processes in Kosovo and Montenegro, they say that "both states' aim is to separate from Serbia".
Montenegro's independence is a realistic option which will contribute to stability and close cooperation between the countries in the region," Pristina media have quoted [Kosovo] Prime Minister Agim Ceku as saying.
Kosovo negotiating team spokesman Skender Hyseni shares Ceku's opinion and is quoted as saying that Montenegrin citizens, especially ethnic Albanians, will make the right decision.
"Montenegrin Albanians will realize their rights easier if Montenegro becomes independent," former Kosovo Prime Minister Bajram Rexhepi has said.
Source: Mina news agency, Podgorica, in Serbian 1020 gmt 18 May 06
Podgorica, 18 May: Kosovo Albanian leaders expect that the bloc for independence will win in the Montenegrin referendum and stress that Pristina will respect the will of the majority.
Although they say that they do not see a direct link between the processes in Kosovo and Montenegro, they say that "both states' aim is to separate from Serbia".
Montenegro's independence is a realistic option which will contribute to stability and close cooperation between the countries in the region," Pristina media have quoted [Kosovo] Prime Minister Agim Ceku as saying.
Kosovo negotiating team spokesman Skender Hyseni shares Ceku's opinion and is quoted as saying that Montenegrin citizens, especially ethnic Albanians, will make the right decision.
"Montenegrin Albanians will realize their rights easier if Montenegro becomes independent," former Kosovo Prime Minister Bajram Rexhepi has said.
Source: Mina news agency, Podgorica, in Serbian 1020 gmt 18 May 06
German foreign minister: Kosovo must be a multiethnic democracy
BERLIN (AP) - Germany's foreign minister on Thursday urged Kosovo's Prime Minister Agim Ceku to work toward a swift clarification of the province's future status, underlining the need for it to be a multiethnic democracy.
Frank-Walter Steinmeier urged both Kosovo's ethnic Albanians and the Serbs to be "flexible and open for compromise" in the talks.
Steinmeier underlined that "the goal of the status talks remains the creation of a multiethnic, democratic Kosovo where all people can live in peace and security, regardless of their ethnicity," his ministry said in a statement.
Kosovo remains formally part of Serbia-Montenegro, but its ethnic Albanian majority wants independence, while Serbs living in the province demand that it remain part of Serbia.
The U.N. is conducting talks aimed at steering the two sides toward settling the disputed status of the province by the end of the year. Mediators are expected to call in July for direct talks on the status question.
Frank-Walter Steinmeier urged both Kosovo's ethnic Albanians and the Serbs to be "flexible and open for compromise" in the talks.
Steinmeier underlined that "the goal of the status talks remains the creation of a multiethnic, democratic Kosovo where all people can live in peace and security, regardless of their ethnicity," his ministry said in a statement.
Kosovo remains formally part of Serbia-Montenegro, but its ethnic Albanian majority wants independence, while Serbs living in the province demand that it remain part of Serbia.
The U.N. is conducting talks aimed at steering the two sides toward settling the disputed status of the province by the end of the year. Mediators are expected to call in July for direct talks on the status question.
Kosovo talks to address core issues in July: UN mediator
PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro, May 18, 2006 (AFP) -
UN-backed talks on Kosovo will likely tackle core issues determining the status of the disputed Serbian province in two months, a senior mediator in the negotiations said Thursday.
Speaking ahead of the fifth round of talks in Vienna on Tuesday, Albert Rohan said that his chief, UN special envoy Martti Ahtisaari, would report to the UN Security Council in July.
"That is the moment when, in all likelihood, he will call for direct talks on the status questions," Rohan said at the end of a brief visit here.
Kosovo has been run by the United Nations and NATO since mid-1999, when the alliance's air war drove out forces loyal to former Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic over a crackdown against ethnic Albanian separatists.
Talks on Kosovo's future status, chaired by Rohan, started in February. The leaders of Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority are pushing for independence, a demand the Serbian government firmly opposes.
The Austrian diplomat said Thursday that Ahtisaari had yet to decide on precisely how the delicate issue of Kosovo's future would be framed.
"It is an open question but, sooner or later, we will need to approach the status question itself."
Speaking to reporters before leaving Pristina, Rogan admitted "there were some differences of opinion on the substance of the decentralization in Belgrade and Pristina."
Rohan said the United Nations was determined to ensure that the eventual settlement would be implemented. "We have a very strong view that the future international presence should be as light as possible and as robust as necessary," he said.
UN-backed talks on Kosovo will likely tackle core issues determining the status of the disputed Serbian province in two months, a senior mediator in the negotiations said Thursday.
Speaking ahead of the fifth round of talks in Vienna on Tuesday, Albert Rohan said that his chief, UN special envoy Martti Ahtisaari, would report to the UN Security Council in July.
"That is the moment when, in all likelihood, he will call for direct talks on the status questions," Rohan said at the end of a brief visit here.
Kosovo has been run by the United Nations and NATO since mid-1999, when the alliance's air war drove out forces loyal to former Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic over a crackdown against ethnic Albanian separatists.
Talks on Kosovo's future status, chaired by Rohan, started in February. The leaders of Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority are pushing for independence, a demand the Serbian government firmly opposes.
The Austrian diplomat said Thursday that Ahtisaari had yet to decide on precisely how the delicate issue of Kosovo's future would be framed.
"It is an open question but, sooner or later, we will need to approach the status question itself."
Speaking to reporters before leaving Pristina, Rogan admitted "there were some differences of opinion on the substance of the decentralization in Belgrade and Pristina."
Rohan said the United Nations was determined to ensure that the eventual settlement would be implemented. "We have a very strong view that the future international presence should be as light as possible and as robust as necessary," he said.
Serbian Kosovo negotiator says Belgrade firm on number of Serb municipalities
Text of report by Serbian TV on 17 May
[Studio anchor] After four rounds of talks on decentralization in Kosovo and Metohija [Kosmet], Albert Rohan, the deputy of special envoy Martti Ahtisaari, met in Belgrade with Serbia's negotiating team. Rohan came to salvage the talks on decentralization in the province, but Belgrade will not bargain with the number of new Serb municipalities in Kosmet, negotiating team member Aleksandar Simic told RTS.
Rohan has left for Pristina. We have learned unofficially that he will try to persuade Albanians to agree to three or four new Serb municipalities, apart from the three already agreed on in Vienna.
[Reporter Julija Krunic] Simic does not expect the negotiators in Pristina to yield, but adds that Belgrade will remain firm in its demands for 14 new Serb municipalities. Our sources said that Serbia's insistence on some of the municipalities were considered unrealistic by some people in the international community. For instance Velika Hoca only because of nearby monasteries - as they said, or Gazimestan because of a monument.
Belgrade rejects this. Simic concedes that the two are small municipalities, but Velika Hoca is the only authentic Serb settlement in Metohija which has survived Albanian terror, while Gazimestan has the geographical, historical, and demographic prerequisites to become a municipality.
[Simic] It is not true that such a settlement cannot become a municipality. Please, following the Ohrid agreement, some municipalities in Macedonia have populations under 1,000, so this is nothing new in the Balkans. Speaking of Gazimestan, there are two Serb villages in the area where Serbs live even though this is very close to Pristina where severe ethnic cleansing took place. Those Serb villages survived which is why I believe they deserve to maintain the status of municipality.
[Krunic] Speculation that a majority in the Contact Group is in favour of Kosovo's independence should not be believed, said Serbia's negotiator.
[Simic] Russia's stance is explicit and so is China's; I was there last week. It is not true that the international community is united on the future status of the province.
[Krunic] In NATO's headquarters in Brussels, chief international negotiator Martti Ahtisaari and NATO Secretary-General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer discussed the progress of the Vienna talks. Ahtisaari said that Kosovo's status should be sought between two extremes: a consensual and imposed solution.
Source: RTS 1 TV, Belgrade, in Serbian 1730 gmt 17 May 06
[Studio anchor] After four rounds of talks on decentralization in Kosovo and Metohija [Kosmet], Albert Rohan, the deputy of special envoy Martti Ahtisaari, met in Belgrade with Serbia's negotiating team. Rohan came to salvage the talks on decentralization in the province, but Belgrade will not bargain with the number of new Serb municipalities in Kosmet, negotiating team member Aleksandar Simic told RTS.
Rohan has left for Pristina. We have learned unofficially that he will try to persuade Albanians to agree to three or four new Serb municipalities, apart from the three already agreed on in Vienna.
[Reporter Julija Krunic] Simic does not expect the negotiators in Pristina to yield, but adds that Belgrade will remain firm in its demands for 14 new Serb municipalities. Our sources said that Serbia's insistence on some of the municipalities were considered unrealistic by some people in the international community. For instance Velika Hoca only because of nearby monasteries - as they said, or Gazimestan because of a monument.
Belgrade rejects this. Simic concedes that the two are small municipalities, but Velika Hoca is the only authentic Serb settlement in Metohija which has survived Albanian terror, while Gazimestan has the geographical, historical, and demographic prerequisites to become a municipality.
[Simic] It is not true that such a settlement cannot become a municipality. Please, following the Ohrid agreement, some municipalities in Macedonia have populations under 1,000, so this is nothing new in the Balkans. Speaking of Gazimestan, there are two Serb villages in the area where Serbs live even though this is very close to Pristina where severe ethnic cleansing took place. Those Serb villages survived which is why I believe they deserve to maintain the status of municipality.
[Krunic] Speculation that a majority in the Contact Group is in favour of Kosovo's independence should not be believed, said Serbia's negotiator.
[Simic] Russia's stance is explicit and so is China's; I was there last week. It is not true that the international community is united on the future status of the province.
[Krunic] In NATO's headquarters in Brussels, chief international negotiator Martti Ahtisaari and NATO Secretary-General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer discussed the progress of the Vienna talks. Ahtisaari said that Kosovo's status should be sought between two extremes: a consensual and imposed solution.
Source: RTS 1 TV, Belgrade, in Serbian 1730 gmt 17 May 06
Wednesday, May 17, 2006
Montenegro faces historic vote on independence
PODGORICA, Serbia-Montenegro, May 17, 2006 (AFP) -
The survival of the last vestige of old Yugoslavia will be put to the test this weekend when voters in the tiny republic of Montenegro vote on independence from its union with Serbia.
Out of former the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia's six states, Montenegro is the only one that remains allied to Serbia some 15 years since the bloody breakup of the country in the wars of the 1990s.
In Sunday's referendum, its voters will respond with a "Yes" or a "No" to the question: "Do you want Montenegro to be an independent state with full international and legal legitimacy?".
Under conditions set by the European Union, the referendum must pass by a threshold of 55 percent with a turnout of at least half of the mountainous Balkan republic's 485,000 registered voters.
Two recent surveys by major Montenegrin research agencies put the pro-independence bloc led by Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic slightly above that threshold with more than 56 percent of voters favoring secession.
But the pro-union camp led by the main opposition Socialist People's Party closely linked to Belgrade, believe they will prevail.
The European Union, actively involved in the process through its special envoy Miroslav Lajcak, recently declared campaigning as free and fair, and that the result should be accepted by both sides.
At least 1,000 foreign and more than 1,000 local observers are expected to monitor the vote.
"If observers say the process was within the boundaries of a democratic vote, Montenegro will be internationally recognised by all 25 EU member states within a couple of months," a western diplomat told AFP.
Backed by the European Union, the loose state union of Serbia-Montenegro was formed in March 2003 with joint foreign, defence and human rights ministries but separate economic systems, including customs services and currencies.
However, the union was considered inefficient from the very start as the accord allowed either side to organise an independence vote after three years of probation.
Already strained relations between Belgrade and Podgorica have gradually worsened ever since, with Djukanovic's government pushing for the referendum as soon as the period expired earlier this year.
Podgorica argues that it does not want to be dominated by Serbia, which has a population of almost eight million compared with Montenegro's 650,000.
It adds that its main goal of EU membership would come faster without Serbia, which is burdened by war crimes fugitives like Ratko Mladic and the unresolved status of its ethnic Albanian majority province of Kosovo.
"Our wish to renew independence is not anti-Serbian, but rather is motivated by a need to take over responsibility for our European future," Djukanovic told AFP in a recent interview.
But the pro-union bloc argues the two republics can move towards Europe together, citing strong historic and cultural links, a shared language and religion.
Serbia has so far refused to talk with Podgorica about the day after.
Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica has repeatedly said the preservation of the union would be "the best solution for both Serbia and Montenegro," and called Montenegro's citizens to support it.
"That way Serbia would have passage to the sea, while Montenegro would have access to the Danube," Kostunica told a recent pro-union meeting in Belgrade.
Also favoring the union are a majority of Serbian citizens and the Serbian Orthodox Church, whose Patriarch Pavle says the union was formed "over centuries with numerous sacrifices".
Montenegro's independence would consign to history Yugoslavia, following the independence of Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Macedonia in the early 1990s.
The survival of the last vestige of old Yugoslavia will be put to the test this weekend when voters in the tiny republic of Montenegro vote on independence from its union with Serbia.
Out of former the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia's six states, Montenegro is the only one that remains allied to Serbia some 15 years since the bloody breakup of the country in the wars of the 1990s.
In Sunday's referendum, its voters will respond with a "Yes" or a "No" to the question: "Do you want Montenegro to be an independent state with full international and legal legitimacy?".
Under conditions set by the European Union, the referendum must pass by a threshold of 55 percent with a turnout of at least half of the mountainous Balkan republic's 485,000 registered voters.
Two recent surveys by major Montenegrin research agencies put the pro-independence bloc led by Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic slightly above that threshold with more than 56 percent of voters favoring secession.
But the pro-union camp led by the main opposition Socialist People's Party closely linked to Belgrade, believe they will prevail.
The European Union, actively involved in the process through its special envoy Miroslav Lajcak, recently declared campaigning as free and fair, and that the result should be accepted by both sides.
At least 1,000 foreign and more than 1,000 local observers are expected to monitor the vote.
"If observers say the process was within the boundaries of a democratic vote, Montenegro will be internationally recognised by all 25 EU member states within a couple of months," a western diplomat told AFP.
Backed by the European Union, the loose state union of Serbia-Montenegro was formed in March 2003 with joint foreign, defence and human rights ministries but separate economic systems, including customs services and currencies.
However, the union was considered inefficient from the very start as the accord allowed either side to organise an independence vote after three years of probation.
Already strained relations between Belgrade and Podgorica have gradually worsened ever since, with Djukanovic's government pushing for the referendum as soon as the period expired earlier this year.
Podgorica argues that it does not want to be dominated by Serbia, which has a population of almost eight million compared with Montenegro's 650,000.
It adds that its main goal of EU membership would come faster without Serbia, which is burdened by war crimes fugitives like Ratko Mladic and the unresolved status of its ethnic Albanian majority province of Kosovo.
"Our wish to renew independence is not anti-Serbian, but rather is motivated by a need to take over responsibility for our European future," Djukanovic told AFP in a recent interview.
But the pro-union bloc argues the two republics can move towards Europe together, citing strong historic and cultural links, a shared language and religion.
Serbia has so far refused to talk with Podgorica about the day after.
Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica has repeatedly said the preservation of the union would be "the best solution for both Serbia and Montenegro," and called Montenegro's citizens to support it.
"That way Serbia would have passage to the sea, while Montenegro would have access to the Danube," Kostunica told a recent pro-union meeting in Belgrade.
Also favoring the union are a majority of Serbian citizens and the Serbian Orthodox Church, whose Patriarch Pavle says the union was formed "over centuries with numerous sacrifices".
Montenegro's independence would consign to history Yugoslavia, following the independence of Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Macedonia in the early 1990s.
Milo Djukanovic, champion of Montenegro's independence
PODGORICA, Serbia-Montenegro, May 17, 2006 (AFP) -
Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic, the only Balkans leader to have retained power throughout the breakup of the Yugoslav federation, wants to be remembered as the man who steered tiny Montenegro to independence.
Djukanovic, 44, has staked his political future on independence despite Montenegro's strong cultural, historical and religious links to Serbia. Together, the two republics are all that remain of Yugoslavia.
Sunday's independence referendum will be the ultimate test of his power in the republic of only 650,000 people.
Dynamic and efficient, Djukanovic started his political career in the communist regime in the 1980s. He rose fast, becoming a leader of the young communists and winning over old-time party members.
At only 29 years of age, he began his first stint as Montenegro's prime minister in February 1991 as the region teetered on the brink of war.
A year later he saw Yugoslavia disintegrate as Bosnia, Croatia, Macedonia and Slovenia declared independence.
During the wars that followed, Djukanovic backed then Yugoslav leader Slobodan Milosevic along with the rest of the government in Podgorica.
But in 1997 he broke ranks with the hardliners in the Yugoslav federation, and became one of the fiercest critics of the Milosevic regime.
His inauguration as president in 1998, after a bitter split within the pro-Serbia ruling party, led to rioting by Milosevic supporters in Podgorica.
During the next two years Djukanovic shed his old communist-era ideology and opened the republic to the outside world.
He stopped cooperating with Milosevic's regime even as NATO jets bombed targets in Montenegro and Serbia during its 1999 war against Yugoslav forces.
Refusing to recognise Belgrade's declaration of war, he demanded Milosevic end his repression of ethnic Albanians in Kosovo.
But after Milosevic was ousted in October 2000, Djukanovic failed to adapt to the changed geopolitical realities of the Balkans.
His ambitions for Montenegro's independence were suddenly out of favour with his backers in Europe, who were trying to consolidate the region's new borders rather than promote more splits and divisions.
He was pressured to sign an agreement with Belgrade in March 2003 to stay within a loose union, called Serbia and Montenegro, for at least three years.
The EU-backed accord led to the collapse of his government and a split within the pro-independence movement in Montenegro.
Djukanovic has also found himself at the centre of corruption allegations, and has been named as a suspect in an Italian inquiry into alleged cigarette smuggling across the Adriatic Sea.
He has repeatedly denied any involvement, saying the Italian investigation was an attempt to "destabilise Montenegro".
In May 2003, his ally Filip Vujanovic won Montenegro's presidential election, with Djukanovic taking over the following day as prime minister.
He has since led the campaign for the independence of Montenegro from the front, with this weekend's vote the culmination of his drive for creating the world's newest country.
In a recent interview, Djukanovic told AFP he was confident of victory in Sunday's independence referendum, but added he was ready to resign if the vote goes the other way.
"If Montenegrin citizens give one vote more against independence, I will withdraw. I do not see myself in the authorities creating a stronger federal union with Serbia," Djukanovic said.
Throughout Podgorica there have already been rumors that the veteran leader is ready to withdraw from politics whatever the result of referendum, after he leads his Democratic Party of Socialists in elections due later this year.
Djukanovic himself has said he is likely to make a career change after he retires from politics, probably to start a tourism business.
Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic, the only Balkans leader to have retained power throughout the breakup of the Yugoslav federation, wants to be remembered as the man who steered tiny Montenegro to independence.
Djukanovic, 44, has staked his political future on independence despite Montenegro's strong cultural, historical and religious links to Serbia. Together, the two republics are all that remain of Yugoslavia.
Sunday's independence referendum will be the ultimate test of his power in the republic of only 650,000 people.
Dynamic and efficient, Djukanovic started his political career in the communist regime in the 1980s. He rose fast, becoming a leader of the young communists and winning over old-time party members.
At only 29 years of age, he began his first stint as Montenegro's prime minister in February 1991 as the region teetered on the brink of war.
A year later he saw Yugoslavia disintegrate as Bosnia, Croatia, Macedonia and Slovenia declared independence.
During the wars that followed, Djukanovic backed then Yugoslav leader Slobodan Milosevic along with the rest of the government in Podgorica.
But in 1997 he broke ranks with the hardliners in the Yugoslav federation, and became one of the fiercest critics of the Milosevic regime.
His inauguration as president in 1998, after a bitter split within the pro-Serbia ruling party, led to rioting by Milosevic supporters in Podgorica.
During the next two years Djukanovic shed his old communist-era ideology and opened the republic to the outside world.
He stopped cooperating with Milosevic's regime even as NATO jets bombed targets in Montenegro and Serbia during its 1999 war against Yugoslav forces.
Refusing to recognise Belgrade's declaration of war, he demanded Milosevic end his repression of ethnic Albanians in Kosovo.
But after Milosevic was ousted in October 2000, Djukanovic failed to adapt to the changed geopolitical realities of the Balkans.
His ambitions for Montenegro's independence were suddenly out of favour with his backers in Europe, who were trying to consolidate the region's new borders rather than promote more splits and divisions.
He was pressured to sign an agreement with Belgrade in March 2003 to stay within a loose union, called Serbia and Montenegro, for at least three years.
The EU-backed accord led to the collapse of his government and a split within the pro-independence movement in Montenegro.
Djukanovic has also found himself at the centre of corruption allegations, and has been named as a suspect in an Italian inquiry into alleged cigarette smuggling across the Adriatic Sea.
He has repeatedly denied any involvement, saying the Italian investigation was an attempt to "destabilise Montenegro".
In May 2003, his ally Filip Vujanovic won Montenegro's presidential election, with Djukanovic taking over the following day as prime minister.
He has since led the campaign for the independence of Montenegro from the front, with this weekend's vote the culmination of his drive for creating the world's newest country.
In a recent interview, Djukanovic told AFP he was confident of victory in Sunday's independence referendum, but added he was ready to resign if the vote goes the other way.
"If Montenegrin citizens give one vote more against independence, I will withdraw. I do not see myself in the authorities creating a stronger federal union with Serbia," Djukanovic said.
Throughout Podgorica there have already been rumors that the veteran leader is ready to withdraw from politics whatever the result of referendum, after he leads his Democratic Party of Socialists in elections due later this year.
Djukanovic himself has said he is likely to make a career change after he retires from politics, probably to start a tourism business.
EU ready to welcome independent Montenegro
(c) 2006 Reuters Limited
BRUSSELS, May 17 (Reuters) - The European Union stands ready to negotiate closer ties and eventual membership with an independent Montenegro if the former Yugoslav state votes on Sunday to break away from a dysfunctional union with Serbia.
Officially the EU, which brokered the ground rules for the referendum, is neutral and wants a negotiated settlement between Podgorica and Belgrade whatever the outcome of the vote.
Privately, EU officials say Brussels has shifted from a mantra of "no new states" in the Balkans and a fear of humiliating Serbia, to a belief that independence is inevitable and best accomplished quickly.
Miroslav Lajcak, the EU's special envoy on Montenegro, says he is confident both sides will accept the referendum result as legitimate following agreements he brokered on the threshold for a "yes" vote and the register of voters.
The key rule is a requirement for 55 percent of votes cast for a "Yes" to independence.
"It's an open race. Both sides believe they can win," Lajcak, a senior Slovakian diplomat, told Reuters.
"That keeps both in the race, focusing on campaigning and not on obstructing."
Montenegro, a mountainous state with a population of 650,000, already uses the euro as its currency and does not have the same lingering problems as Serbia with failure to hand over suspected war criminals holding it back from EU negotiations.
Asked whether the EU would immediately recognise Montenegrin independence if the vote was more than 55 percent in favour, Lajcak said Brussels would await the outcome of talks to which leaders in Podgorica and Belgrade were both committed.
"We want to see coordinated moves," he said.
MANDATE
The European Commission suspended negotiations on closer ties with Serbia and Montenegro this month after Belgrade failed to arrest and hand over genocide suspect Ratko Mladic, the former Bosnian Serb military chief, as promised before May 1.
Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn told EU foreign ministers on Monday he would need a new mandate from member states to start negotiating a first-level association agreement with an independent Montenegro, participants said.
But talks could resume immediately where they left off and a deal could be achieved by the end of this year, he said.
That raises the prospect that Montenegro may race ahead of Serbia on the road to EU integration, compounding a sense of isolation and frustration among Serbs, who also face the loss of breakaway province Kosovo in U.N.-brokered negotiations.
EU officials say Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic, leader of the pro-independence camp, has largely cleaned up Montenegro's economy from the smugglers' haven tolerated by the West until 2000 because it resisted Serbian strongman Slobodan Milosevic.
Although the battle over independence has long split Montengrin society and individual families, Lajcak said he did not fear conflict whatever the outcome.
"The atmosphere is different. People are tired. There is no potential for serious incidents ... Everybody wants the issue off the agenda. One way or another, it should be resolved."
Privately, some EU officials say their nightmare is a result fractionally above or just below 55 percent, which the losing side might dispute.
But Lajcak has tried to narrow the scope for objections with about three times the usual ratio of international observers, making it hard to find reasons to contest the outcome.
BRUSSELS, May 17 (Reuters) - The European Union stands ready to negotiate closer ties and eventual membership with an independent Montenegro if the former Yugoslav state votes on Sunday to break away from a dysfunctional union with Serbia.
Officially the EU, which brokered the ground rules for the referendum, is neutral and wants a negotiated settlement between Podgorica and Belgrade whatever the outcome of the vote.
Privately, EU officials say Brussels has shifted from a mantra of "no new states" in the Balkans and a fear of humiliating Serbia, to a belief that independence is inevitable and best accomplished quickly.
Miroslav Lajcak, the EU's special envoy on Montenegro, says he is confident both sides will accept the referendum result as legitimate following agreements he brokered on the threshold for a "yes" vote and the register of voters.
The key rule is a requirement for 55 percent of votes cast for a "Yes" to independence.
"It's an open race. Both sides believe they can win," Lajcak, a senior Slovakian diplomat, told Reuters.
"That keeps both in the race, focusing on campaigning and not on obstructing."
Montenegro, a mountainous state with a population of 650,000, already uses the euro as its currency and does not have the same lingering problems as Serbia with failure to hand over suspected war criminals holding it back from EU negotiations.
Asked whether the EU would immediately recognise Montenegrin independence if the vote was more than 55 percent in favour, Lajcak said Brussels would await the outcome of talks to which leaders in Podgorica and Belgrade were both committed.
"We want to see coordinated moves," he said.
MANDATE
The European Commission suspended negotiations on closer ties with Serbia and Montenegro this month after Belgrade failed to arrest and hand over genocide suspect Ratko Mladic, the former Bosnian Serb military chief, as promised before May 1.
Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn told EU foreign ministers on Monday he would need a new mandate from member states to start negotiating a first-level association agreement with an independent Montenegro, participants said.
But talks could resume immediately where they left off and a deal could be achieved by the end of this year, he said.
That raises the prospect that Montenegro may race ahead of Serbia on the road to EU integration, compounding a sense of isolation and frustration among Serbs, who also face the loss of breakaway province Kosovo in U.N.-brokered negotiations.
EU officials say Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic, leader of the pro-independence camp, has largely cleaned up Montenegro's economy from the smugglers' haven tolerated by the West until 2000 because it resisted Serbian strongman Slobodan Milosevic.
Although the battle over independence has long split Montengrin society and individual families, Lajcak said he did not fear conflict whatever the outcome.
"The atmosphere is different. People are tired. There is no potential for serious incidents ... Everybody wants the issue off the agenda. One way or another, it should be resolved."
Privately, some EU officials say their nightmare is a result fractionally above or just below 55 percent, which the losing side might dispute.
But Lajcak has tried to narrow the scope for objections with about three times the usual ratio of international observers, making it hard to find reasons to contest the outcome.
UN chief says Kosovo talks could drag on
BRUSSELS, May 17, 2006 (AFP) -
United Nations special envoy for Kosovo Martti Ahtisaari warned Wednesday that talks on the final status of the UN-run Serbian province might not be concluded as planned by the end of the year.
"If it doesn't happen for the 31st of December and it goes a bit over the next year then we have to live with that," he told reporters after talks at NATO headquarters in Brussels.
Negotiations are underway to determine the final status of Kosovo, whose 90 percent ethnic Albanian population wants independence from Belgrade.
The next round of talks between Pristina and Belgrade is due to be held in Vienna on May 23, notably to discuss protection of religious sites, said the former Finnish president.
He underlined that the talks, which have so far focused on questions of decentralization, will continue for another month or possibly more, before broaching the issue of Kosovo's final status itself.
Since the end of Kosovo's 1998-1999 conflict, some 200,000 Serbs have fled the province fearing reprisals by ethnic Albanian extremists, while the remainder -- some 100,000 people -- live in fear for their lives and property.
NATO-led peacekeepers have been deployed throughout Kosovo since the alliance's bombing campaign drove out Serb troops for a crackdown against separatist Albanians. NATO currently has some 17,000 troops in the province.
NATO chief Jaap de Hoop Scheffer meanwhile reaffirmed that the NATO-led KFOR peaceepers were there to protect both the majority ethnic Albanian population as well as the minority Serbs.
"The Alliance will not run away and shut the door behind it as soon as there is a solution ... there will be a need for a security presence," he said. "What exactly that would look like is too early to say," he added.
Ahtisaari added that he plans to travel to Moscow and China in coming weeks.
United Nations special envoy for Kosovo Martti Ahtisaari warned Wednesday that talks on the final status of the UN-run Serbian province might not be concluded as planned by the end of the year.
"If it doesn't happen for the 31st of December and it goes a bit over the next year then we have to live with that," he told reporters after talks at NATO headquarters in Brussels.
Negotiations are underway to determine the final status of Kosovo, whose 90 percent ethnic Albanian population wants independence from Belgrade.
The next round of talks between Pristina and Belgrade is due to be held in Vienna on May 23, notably to discuss protection of religious sites, said the former Finnish president.
He underlined that the talks, which have so far focused on questions of decentralization, will continue for another month or possibly more, before broaching the issue of Kosovo's final status itself.
Since the end of Kosovo's 1998-1999 conflict, some 200,000 Serbs have fled the province fearing reprisals by ethnic Albanian extremists, while the remainder -- some 100,000 people -- live in fear for their lives and property.
NATO-led peacekeepers have been deployed throughout Kosovo since the alliance's bombing campaign drove out Serb troops for a crackdown against separatist Albanians. NATO currently has some 17,000 troops in the province.
NATO chief Jaap de Hoop Scheffer meanwhile reaffirmed that the NATO-led KFOR peaceepers were there to protect both the majority ethnic Albanian population as well as the minority Serbs.
"The Alliance will not run away and shut the door behind it as soon as there is a solution ... there will be a need for a security presence," he said. "What exactly that would look like is too early to say," he added.
Ahtisaari added that he plans to travel to Moscow and China in coming weeks.
Montenegro Has Strength To Handle Serbia Sanctions - Min
TALLINN, Estonia (AP)--Montenegro's foreign minister Wednesday said the small Balkan republic is strong enough to deal with possible financial sanctions from Serbia if it chooses to become independent in a referendum this weekend.
However, Miodrag Vlahovic said during a visit to Estonia he was confident Belgrade wouldn't resort to such measures should Montenegrins decide to break free from the union with Serbia in Sunday's vote.
"Our state is viable, and the country's economy itself is a prosperous one," Vlahovic said in response to a question about possible sanctions from Serbia. "Otherwise we would not opt for such a political project as to gain independence."
Days before the referendum, it was still unclear whether Montenegrins would vote to separate from their bigger neighbor.
Serbian officials have warned Montenegrins that if the republic becomes independent, strict borders would be established between the two former Balkan allies, and Serbia would introduce customs fees and a fivefold increase in tuition for Montenegrins studying in Belgrade, as well as for those needing medical help in the Serbian capital.
But Vlahovic said Serbia would gain little from taking such actions.
"My understanding of the possible reactions from Serbia is that it's virtually impossible to have any kind of policy...which would actually create any barriers on the free flow of capital, people and services between these two countries, Serbia and Montenegro," he said.
He urged Serbia and other Balkan nations "to behave in a European way" in response to the referendum.
Earlier Wednesday, Vlahovic held talks with his Estonian counterpart, Urmas Paet, on the situation in Montenegro and the Balkan region, including Kosovo.
Later Wednesday, Vlahovic was to visit the Baltic country's parliament, or Riigikogu, and meet with Enn Eesmaa, the chairman of its foreign affairs committee.
However, Miodrag Vlahovic said during a visit to Estonia he was confident Belgrade wouldn't resort to such measures should Montenegrins decide to break free from the union with Serbia in Sunday's vote.
"Our state is viable, and the country's economy itself is a prosperous one," Vlahovic said in response to a question about possible sanctions from Serbia. "Otherwise we would not opt for such a political project as to gain independence."
Days before the referendum, it was still unclear whether Montenegrins would vote to separate from their bigger neighbor.
Serbian officials have warned Montenegrins that if the republic becomes independent, strict borders would be established between the two former Balkan allies, and Serbia would introduce customs fees and a fivefold increase in tuition for Montenegrins studying in Belgrade, as well as for those needing medical help in the Serbian capital.
But Vlahovic said Serbia would gain little from taking such actions.
"My understanding of the possible reactions from Serbia is that it's virtually impossible to have any kind of policy...which would actually create any barriers on the free flow of capital, people and services between these two countries, Serbia and Montenegro," he said.
He urged Serbia and other Balkan nations "to behave in a European way" in response to the referendum.
Earlier Wednesday, Vlahovic held talks with his Estonian counterpart, Urmas Paet, on the situation in Montenegro and the Balkan region, including Kosovo.
Later Wednesday, Vlahovic was to visit the Baltic country's parliament, or Riigikogu, and meet with Enn Eesmaa, the chairman of its foreign affairs committee.
Tuesday, May 16, 2006
Independent Montenegro? A no-brainer for minorities
ULCINJ, Serbia and Montenegro, May 16 (Reuters) - The town of Ulcinj on Montenegro's southern coast has long been known as the Albanian Riviera, its horse-shoe of beach a favourite summer playground for Albanians from across the former Yugoslavia.
Signs in Albanian abound, next to the Cyrillic script of the Montenegrins and splashes of T-shirt English.
In Montenegro's May 21 referendum on dissolving the union with Serbia, the town will be one of many minority areas that are expected to tilt the balance in favour of independence.
Mensur Kalziqi, 21, coming in from the sea in a blue-green diving suit, said it was high time Montenegro went its own way.
"We've paid enough for Serbia's problems, it's time to go it alone. We've lagged behind because of them," Kalziqi said.
Polls show ethnic Montenegrins, 43 percent of the Adriatic state's population, will mostly choose independence, while the 32 percent ethnic Serbs will back the union with Serbia.
With 55 percent of the turnout needed for a Yes vote to pass, the Albanian and Muslim minorities are seen as kingmakers. Polls show their votes will reflect their distrust of Serbia due to its aggression towards their ethnic brethren in Bosnia and Kosovo in the wars of the 1990s.
The head of the Albanian party in Montenegro's pro-independence government said Albanians trusted Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic because he split with late Serb strongman Slobodan Milosevic and reached out to minorities.
"A 'yes' to independence means 'yes' to a better future for Albanians in Montenegro," Ferhat Dinosha said.
Albanian opposition politician Mehmet Bardhi said his party was also backing independence, but wanted the government to make clear promises about more rights ahead of the referendum.
"We back independence," Bardhi said. "We've no illusions about Serbia. We think Montenegro has a right to be independent, and Albanians have a right to know if they will be real partners with full rights in a new democratic Montenegro."
Rafet Husovic, leader of one of the Bosnian Muslim parties, said Montenegro was a state for Bosnians, Serbs and Montenegrins alike, so they should seize the opportunity.
"Let's use the pen to take part in the creation of a European Montenegro, instead of the gun like in the past," Husovic said.
"ESCAPING SERBIA'S BAD NAME"
On Ulcjin's windswept beachfront promenade, people said independence would allow Montenegro the join the European Union faster, boost its economy and improve their rights.
Investors would come once Montenegro stopped paying for "Serbia's bad name in the world" and its failure to hand over war crimes fugitives, and they would be followed by tourists eager to explore Montenegro's fascinating coast.
Hysen Axhemi, a 54-year-old parking-lot attendant, said Serbia no longer meant anything to him. He liked Djukanovic because he resembled the late Yugoslav leader Josip Broz Tito.
"Both treated Albanians well," he said, showing off a large medallion on a chain around his neck, bearing the familiar image of Tito as a World War Two partisan.
An ethnic Albanian fisherman unloading his dawn catch of shrimp and sea-bass said independence would bring a better life.
"We would like to travel but we can't get visas," Mensur Bushati said. "We want to enjoy the rights of Europeans."
Although most Montenegrin Albanians were confident of a "yes" vote, some thought the 55 percent threshold for victory might be hard to cross.
Businessman Munib Abazi said minorities staunchly support independence but some Montenegrins had not made up their minds.
"They are leaving it to the Albanians," he joked.
Signs in Albanian abound, next to the Cyrillic script of the Montenegrins and splashes of T-shirt English.
In Montenegro's May 21 referendum on dissolving the union with Serbia, the town will be one of many minority areas that are expected to tilt the balance in favour of independence.
Mensur Kalziqi, 21, coming in from the sea in a blue-green diving suit, said it was high time Montenegro went its own way.
"We've paid enough for Serbia's problems, it's time to go it alone. We've lagged behind because of them," Kalziqi said.
Polls show ethnic Montenegrins, 43 percent of the Adriatic state's population, will mostly choose independence, while the 32 percent ethnic Serbs will back the union with Serbia.
With 55 percent of the turnout needed for a Yes vote to pass, the Albanian and Muslim minorities are seen as kingmakers. Polls show their votes will reflect their distrust of Serbia due to its aggression towards their ethnic brethren in Bosnia and Kosovo in the wars of the 1990s.
The head of the Albanian party in Montenegro's pro-independence government said Albanians trusted Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic because he split with late Serb strongman Slobodan Milosevic and reached out to minorities.
"A 'yes' to independence means 'yes' to a better future for Albanians in Montenegro," Ferhat Dinosha said.
Albanian opposition politician Mehmet Bardhi said his party was also backing independence, but wanted the government to make clear promises about more rights ahead of the referendum.
"We back independence," Bardhi said. "We've no illusions about Serbia. We think Montenegro has a right to be independent, and Albanians have a right to know if they will be real partners with full rights in a new democratic Montenegro."
Rafet Husovic, leader of one of the Bosnian Muslim parties, said Montenegro was a state for Bosnians, Serbs and Montenegrins alike, so they should seize the opportunity.
"Let's use the pen to take part in the creation of a European Montenegro, instead of the gun like in the past," Husovic said.
"ESCAPING SERBIA'S BAD NAME"
On Ulcjin's windswept beachfront promenade, people said independence would allow Montenegro the join the European Union faster, boost its economy and improve their rights.
Investors would come once Montenegro stopped paying for "Serbia's bad name in the world" and its failure to hand over war crimes fugitives, and they would be followed by tourists eager to explore Montenegro's fascinating coast.
Hysen Axhemi, a 54-year-old parking-lot attendant, said Serbia no longer meant anything to him. He liked Djukanovic because he resembled the late Yugoslav leader Josip Broz Tito.
"Both treated Albanians well," he said, showing off a large medallion on a chain around his neck, bearing the familiar image of Tito as a World War Two partisan.
An ethnic Albanian fisherman unloading his dawn catch of shrimp and sea-bass said independence would bring a better life.
"We would like to travel but we can't get visas," Mensur Bushati said. "We want to enjoy the rights of Europeans."
Although most Montenegrin Albanians were confident of a "yes" vote, some thought the 55 percent threshold for victory might be hard to cross.
Businessman Munib Abazi said minorities staunchly support independence but some Montenegrins had not made up their minds.
"They are leaving it to the Albanians," he joked.
Germany urges Serbia to turn in Mladic, respect Montenegro independence vote
BERLIN (AP) - Germany on Tuesday pressed Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica to hand over war crimes suspect Gen. Ratko Mladic to international authorities and respect Montenegro's upcoming vote on independence.
Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier met with Kostunica at a tense moment in Serbia's relations with the EU. The bloc suspended talks with Belgrade after it missed a deadline to hand over Mladic to the international war crimes tribunal in The Hague.
Steinmeier underlined the demand to give up the former Bosnian Serb military commander, his office said in a statement.
The meeting also addressed Sunday's referendum in Montenegro to decide whether to maintain its union with Serbia or become completely independent. The republics currently share defense and foreign ministries.
Steinmeier "underlined the EU's position that every regular result of the referendum must be respected," his office said.
Kostunica has urged the EU to show more understanding for the situation Serbia faces. It is trying to push through judicial and economic reforms, while facing the possibility that Montenegro will break away and negotiating the future of Kosovo.
Steinmeier also urged Kostunica to encourage the Serbian minority in ethnic Albanian-dominated Kosovo to participate in interim government organizations there, currently run by the U.N.
That, he said, would help create a "multiethnic, democratic Kosovo, where all citizens, regardless of their ethnic origin, can live together in freedom." The Serbian province came under international administration following a 1998-99 war.
Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier met with Kostunica at a tense moment in Serbia's relations with the EU. The bloc suspended talks with Belgrade after it missed a deadline to hand over Mladic to the international war crimes tribunal in The Hague.
Steinmeier underlined the demand to give up the former Bosnian Serb military commander, his office said in a statement.
The meeting also addressed Sunday's referendum in Montenegro to decide whether to maintain its union with Serbia or become completely independent. The republics currently share defense and foreign ministries.
Steinmeier "underlined the EU's position that every regular result of the referendum must be respected," his office said.
Kostunica has urged the EU to show more understanding for the situation Serbia faces. It is trying to push through judicial and economic reforms, while facing the possibility that Montenegro will break away and negotiating the future of Kosovo.
Steinmeier also urged Kostunica to encourage the Serbian minority in ethnic Albanian-dominated Kosovo to participate in interim government organizations there, currently run by the U.N.
That, he said, would help create a "multiethnic, democratic Kosovo, where all citizens, regardless of their ethnic origin, can live together in freedom." The Serbian province came under international administration following a 1998-99 war.
Kosovo status not linked to Montenegro vote: president
PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro, May 16, 2006 (AFP) -
Kosovo's president said Tuesday that the future of the UN-run province was unrelated to this weekend's referendum on the independence of Montenegro from union with Serbia.
"We absolutely don't link the question of Kosovo's status with the status of other countries. Kosovo's status is a result of the political will of the people here," the president, Fatmir Sejdiu, told reporters.
Some 485,000 eligible voters will decide on Sunday if Montenegro is to become an independent state or remain in a federation with its bigger partner Serbia.
"We respect the will of the people in Montenegro. Their verdict will be considered by us as a result of their political will," Sejdiu said.
"The fact that we want good neighbour relations with all around us is very important to us and it is our permanent approach," he added.
The international community hopes to resolve the future status of Kosovo this year.
Legally still a province of Serbia, it has been run by the United Nations since 1999, when NATO's air war drove out forces loyal to former Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic over a crackdown against separatist ethnic Albanians.
Kosovo's president said Tuesday that the future of the UN-run province was unrelated to this weekend's referendum on the independence of Montenegro from union with Serbia.
"We absolutely don't link the question of Kosovo's status with the status of other countries. Kosovo's status is a result of the political will of the people here," the president, Fatmir Sejdiu, told reporters.
Some 485,000 eligible voters will decide on Sunday if Montenegro is to become an independent state or remain in a federation with its bigger partner Serbia.
"We respect the will of the people in Montenegro. Their verdict will be considered by us as a result of their political will," Sejdiu said.
"The fact that we want good neighbour relations with all around us is very important to us and it is our permanent approach," he added.
The international community hopes to resolve the future status of Kosovo this year.
Legally still a province of Serbia, it has been run by the United Nations since 1999, when NATO's air war drove out forces loyal to former Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic over a crackdown against separatist ethnic Albanians.
EU envoy says necessary to continue technical talks on Kosovo
BELGRADE, May 16 (Xinhua) -- Stefan Lehne, European Union envoy for Kosovo future status talks, said in Belgrade on Tuesday that it was necessary to continue preliminary talks of technical issues regardless of Kosovo's future status.
The technical issues such as decentralization and minority rights should be resolved as they have "a universal importance", said Lehne, who met Serbia-Montenegro Foreign Minister Vuk Draskovic to review how to speed up the stalled negotiating process.
UN-mediated talks between Serbia and the Kosovo Albanians began in February in Vienna. The fifth round of talks, dedicated to religious and cultural heritage, will be held on May 23 in Vienna. UN chief mediator Martti Ahtisaari expects to finish technical talks by July, before talks on actual future status begin.
The Western powers have said that the future status talks should be concluded by the end of this year for Kosovo, a Serbian province but under UN administration since June 1999.
Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority insists on outright independence, while its Serb minority and Belgrade are seeking to keep Kosovo at least formally within Serbia's boundaries.
Also on Tuesday, Ahtisaari said in Slovenia that Kosovo's future status talks are like a marathon and it cannot be known when they will be completed.
The technical issues such as decentralization and minority rights should be resolved as they have "a universal importance", said Lehne, who met Serbia-Montenegro Foreign Minister Vuk Draskovic to review how to speed up the stalled negotiating process.
UN-mediated talks between Serbia and the Kosovo Albanians began in February in Vienna. The fifth round of talks, dedicated to religious and cultural heritage, will be held on May 23 in Vienna. UN chief mediator Martti Ahtisaari expects to finish technical talks by July, before talks on actual future status begin.
The Western powers have said that the future status talks should be concluded by the end of this year for Kosovo, a Serbian province but under UN administration since June 1999.
Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority insists on outright independence, while its Serb minority and Belgrade are seeking to keep Kosovo at least formally within Serbia's boundaries.
Also on Tuesday, Ahtisaari said in Slovenia that Kosovo's future status talks are like a marathon and it cannot be known when they will be completed.
Serbia cannot escape curse of Mladic
English
© Copyright 2006. The Guardian. All rights reserved.
If Montenegro were to vote to secede from Serbia at the weekend and finally screw down the coffin lid on the corpse of Yugoslavia, General Ratko Mladic would be an apt choice as pallbearer and gravedigger-in-chief. The referendum is finely balanced. Attaining the EU-mandated 55% majority in favour of independence could be touch and go. But Belgrade's continuing failure to arrest Mladic, wanted for genocide by the UN's Hague tribunal, may yet tip the scale. It is helping persuade voters from Montenegro's Bosnian Muslim and Albanian minorities that Serbia, where roughly a third of voters still regard Mladic as a hero, is not a country they want to associate with any longer.
The so-called curse of Mladic, rooted in the unforgotten and unforgiven 1990s Balkan wars, is all-pervasive, bedevilling Serbia at home and abroad. Its prime minister, Vojislav Kostunica, says he is doing all he can to catch the fugitive. Unimpressed, the EU put off preparatory membership talks this month. Negotiations would not resume, Brussels declared, until the man held responsible for the 1995 Srebrenica massacre was in custody. Desperate to share in the economic and other EU benefits enjoyed by other former Yugoslav republics, Serbia is now the dunce of European integration.
The Mladic affair has led the US to threaten an aid cut-off. Serbia should be "a leader in Balkans, an example of prosperity and a keystone of regional stability", Michael Polt, the US ambassador to Belgrade, said last week. "Right now, I don't see that vision . . . Mladic must go to The Hague, not next week, not in September, not by the end of the year, but now."
The prospect of Montenegro's prece dent-setting secession, opposed by most Serbs, has in turn intensified Belgrade's fears that its hand will be fatally weakened in the coming diplomatic showdown over Kosovo. The breakaway majority ethnic-Albanian province, run by the UN since Nato's 1999 war to halt Slobodan Milosevic's ethnic cleansing, also appears destined for independence.
Serbia wants to retain formal control. Mr Kostunica appealed in Berlin on Monday for EU help in maintaining Serbia's territorial integrity. But bad blood over Mladic and all that his case symbolises means Belgrade's concerns, including the safety of Kosovo's ethnic Serb minority, may be brushed aside. Serb officials say ethnic Albanian attacks are increasing - but a UN report next month is expected to praise the Kosovan leadership's integration efforts.
Milo Djukanovic, Montenegro's pro-independence prime minister, has not been slow to exploit Serbia's haunted politics. "Djukanovic has used Serbia's failure to yield Mladic to good effect, saying that Montenegro was being held hostage by Serbia's lack of cooperation," said Igor Jovanovic on the Transitions Online website. Montenegrins' hopes of European integration would proceed faster without Serbia, Mr Djukanovic argues. And he says secession is "unstoppable" even if the 55% target is missed by a few points.
The Mladic saga is also threatening Mr Kostunica's coalition, prompting talk of early elections that might further inhibit decisive action. The ultra-nationalist opposition Radical party, whose leader, Vojislav Seslj, is in detention in The Hague, is meanwhile insisting that Mladic be protected from arrest at all costs.
"Creating new divisions and new borders will bring us nothing good," Mr Kostunica said, arguing that by staying together in their current loose union, Serbia and Montenegro would be stronger. Ironically, the EU shares his view, hence its insistence on a 55% or more pro-independence majority and a minimum 50% turnout. But like Mr Kostunica, it has been too weak to halt Mr Djukanovic's independence drive.
All of this suggests that until the poison of the 1990s Balkan wars, incorporated in Mladic, is finally drawn from the Serb body politic, key questions over Kosovo, Bosnia-Herzegovina, EU and Nato membership, and wider regional stability are unlikely to be happily resolved. Far from burying the past, Montenegro's close-run referendum may mark the beginning of a new cycle of uncertainty.
© Copyright 2006. The Guardian. All rights reserved.
If Montenegro were to vote to secede from Serbia at the weekend and finally screw down the coffin lid on the corpse of Yugoslavia, General Ratko Mladic would be an apt choice as pallbearer and gravedigger-in-chief. The referendum is finely balanced. Attaining the EU-mandated 55% majority in favour of independence could be touch and go. But Belgrade's continuing failure to arrest Mladic, wanted for genocide by the UN's Hague tribunal, may yet tip the scale. It is helping persuade voters from Montenegro's Bosnian Muslim and Albanian minorities that Serbia, where roughly a third of voters still regard Mladic as a hero, is not a country they want to associate with any longer.
The so-called curse of Mladic, rooted in the unforgotten and unforgiven 1990s Balkan wars, is all-pervasive, bedevilling Serbia at home and abroad. Its prime minister, Vojislav Kostunica, says he is doing all he can to catch the fugitive. Unimpressed, the EU put off preparatory membership talks this month. Negotiations would not resume, Brussels declared, until the man held responsible for the 1995 Srebrenica massacre was in custody. Desperate to share in the economic and other EU benefits enjoyed by other former Yugoslav republics, Serbia is now the dunce of European integration.
The Mladic affair has led the US to threaten an aid cut-off. Serbia should be "a leader in Balkans, an example of prosperity and a keystone of regional stability", Michael Polt, the US ambassador to Belgrade, said last week. "Right now, I don't see that vision . . . Mladic must go to The Hague, not next week, not in September, not by the end of the year, but now."
The prospect of Montenegro's prece dent-setting secession, opposed by most Serbs, has in turn intensified Belgrade's fears that its hand will be fatally weakened in the coming diplomatic showdown over Kosovo. The breakaway majority ethnic-Albanian province, run by the UN since Nato's 1999 war to halt Slobodan Milosevic's ethnic cleansing, also appears destined for independence.
Serbia wants to retain formal control. Mr Kostunica appealed in Berlin on Monday for EU help in maintaining Serbia's territorial integrity. But bad blood over Mladic and all that his case symbolises means Belgrade's concerns, including the safety of Kosovo's ethnic Serb minority, may be brushed aside. Serb officials say ethnic Albanian attacks are increasing - but a UN report next month is expected to praise the Kosovan leadership's integration efforts.
Milo Djukanovic, Montenegro's pro-independence prime minister, has not been slow to exploit Serbia's haunted politics. "Djukanovic has used Serbia's failure to yield Mladic to good effect, saying that Montenegro was being held hostage by Serbia's lack of cooperation," said Igor Jovanovic on the Transitions Online website. Montenegrins' hopes of European integration would proceed faster without Serbia, Mr Djukanovic argues. And he says secession is "unstoppable" even if the 55% target is missed by a few points.
The Mladic saga is also threatening Mr Kostunica's coalition, prompting talk of early elections that might further inhibit decisive action. The ultra-nationalist opposition Radical party, whose leader, Vojislav Seslj, is in detention in The Hague, is meanwhile insisting that Mladic be protected from arrest at all costs.
"Creating new divisions and new borders will bring us nothing good," Mr Kostunica said, arguing that by staying together in their current loose union, Serbia and Montenegro would be stronger. Ironically, the EU shares his view, hence its insistence on a 55% or more pro-independence majority and a minimum 50% turnout. But like Mr Kostunica, it has been too weak to halt Mr Djukanovic's independence drive.
All of this suggests that until the poison of the 1990s Balkan wars, incorporated in Mladic, is finally drawn from the Serb body politic, key questions over Kosovo, Bosnia-Herzegovina, EU and Nato membership, and wider regional stability are unlikely to be happily resolved. Far from burying the past, Montenegro's close-run referendum may mark the beginning of a new cycle of uncertainty.
Monday, May 15, 2006
Montenegro prepares for secession
Nicholas Wood
With days to go before a referendum that will determine the future of the tiny Balkan republic of Montenegro, Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic declared Monday that separation from Serbia was "unstoppable."
For almost nine years, Djukanovic, the Balkans' longest-serving leader, has promised to withdraw Montenegro from its federal union with Serbia, leaving Belgrade without a partner in what remains of the former Yugoslavia.
On Sunday, Montenegro's 440,000 voters will be given the first opportunity to express their views and polls have suggested a small majority favor separation. Under terms negotiated by the European Union, Djukanovic and his supporters need to obtain at least 55 percent of the vote to secede, so a bare majority will not be enough.
Djukanovic said in an interview Monday that Montengro's ties with Serbia were doomed even if he and his supporters failed to get 55 percent of the vote. If the vote to secede gets any kind of majority, he said he would have little choice but to distance Montenegro further from Serbia. "Our position would be that a democratic majority has delegitimized the existing union."
How Montenegro deals with its relationship with Serbia is seen as crucial to the stability of the region, which has yet to overcome the conflicts of the 1990s that killed 200,000 people. Diplomats worry that any attempt by Montenegro to declare independence unilaterally could provoke the region's Serbian minority, about 30 percent of Montenegro's population of 650,000.
The European Union's chief envoy to the region, Miroslav Lajcak, has made it clear that both Serbia and Montenegro would be expected to retain their ties and to negotiate for membership in the EU together were the yes vote to fall short of the required 55 percent.
Speaking last week to an economic forum in Belgrade, Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica of Serbia said the federation would remain intact as long the 55 percent threshold was not reached. "The European Union clearly said there is no gray area and that any result below 55 percent absolutely means that the joint state is preserved, by the will of the people," he said, Reuters reported.
Djukanovic said his government would not take any action unilaterally if it failed to meet the EU's requirements, but he also said the Constitution uniting Serbia and Montenegro would have to be changed if a majority favored independence. "It is clear we would have to embark on new negotiations with Serbia," he said.
But he added: "It is clear that any agreement we might make would be just an interim agreement toward final independence. I think this process is unstoppable. I compared this a few days ago to a river that is so strong that it cannot dry up."
The federation between Serbia and Montenegro is limited. They share control of an army and a diplomatic service. But both have separate customs and border police services, as well as separate republican governments.
For several years the European Union has resisted Montenegro's moves to break away from Serbia, worrying that such a move could destabilize the rest of the Balkans - most notably Kosovo, where ethnic Albanians also are demanding independence from Serbia.
In 2003, the European Union's foreign policy envoy, Javier Solana, negotiated a new Constitution between the two states and said a referendum should be permitted after three years.
Now that negotiations on the future of Kosovo are under way that could lead to its separation from Serbia, some diplomats say it is much harder to argue that Montenegro should not be granted independence.
With days to go before a referendum that will determine the future of the tiny Balkan republic of Montenegro, Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic declared Monday that separation from Serbia was "unstoppable."
For almost nine years, Djukanovic, the Balkans' longest-serving leader, has promised to withdraw Montenegro from its federal union with Serbia, leaving Belgrade without a partner in what remains of the former Yugoslavia.
On Sunday, Montenegro's 440,000 voters will be given the first opportunity to express their views and polls have suggested a small majority favor separation. Under terms negotiated by the European Union, Djukanovic and his supporters need to obtain at least 55 percent of the vote to secede, so a bare majority will not be enough.
Djukanovic said in an interview Monday that Montengro's ties with Serbia were doomed even if he and his supporters failed to get 55 percent of the vote. If the vote to secede gets any kind of majority, he said he would have little choice but to distance Montenegro further from Serbia. "Our position would be that a democratic majority has delegitimized the existing union."
How Montenegro deals with its relationship with Serbia is seen as crucial to the stability of the region, which has yet to overcome the conflicts of the 1990s that killed 200,000 people. Diplomats worry that any attempt by Montenegro to declare independence unilaterally could provoke the region's Serbian minority, about 30 percent of Montenegro's population of 650,000.
The European Union's chief envoy to the region, Miroslav Lajcak, has made it clear that both Serbia and Montenegro would be expected to retain their ties and to negotiate for membership in the EU together were the yes vote to fall short of the required 55 percent.
Speaking last week to an economic forum in Belgrade, Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica of Serbia said the federation would remain intact as long the 55 percent threshold was not reached. "The European Union clearly said there is no gray area and that any result below 55 percent absolutely means that the joint state is preserved, by the will of the people," he said, Reuters reported.
Djukanovic said his government would not take any action unilaterally if it failed to meet the EU's requirements, but he also said the Constitution uniting Serbia and Montenegro would have to be changed if a majority favored independence. "It is clear we would have to embark on new negotiations with Serbia," he said.
But he added: "It is clear that any agreement we might make would be just an interim agreement toward final independence. I think this process is unstoppable. I compared this a few days ago to a river that is so strong that it cannot dry up."
The federation between Serbia and Montenegro is limited. They share control of an army and a diplomatic service. But both have separate customs and border police services, as well as separate republican governments.
For several years the European Union has resisted Montenegro's moves to break away from Serbia, worrying that such a move could destabilize the rest of the Balkans - most notably Kosovo, where ethnic Albanians also are demanding independence from Serbia.
In 2003, the European Union's foreign policy envoy, Javier Solana, negotiated a new Constitution between the two states and said a referendum should be permitted after three years.
Now that negotiations on the future of Kosovo are under way that could lead to its separation from Serbia, some diplomats say it is much harder to argue that Montenegro should not be granted independence.
Kosovo PM appeals for calm among fellow ethnic Albanians
PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro, May 15, 2006 (AFP) -
Kosovo's prime minister appealed Monday for calm among his fellow ethnic Albanians after a series of attacks against minority Serbs in the disputed province's tense north.
"We have to make the first step today, to conquer ... the fear that Serbs who live here represent a danger for us," Agim Ceku said in a radio address.
"They do not. Reducing this fear is the foundation for creating reciprocal trust and feelings of confidence."
Ceku's statement came the week after a spate of attacks against Serbs, including two men who were shot and seriously wounded while working at a petrol station in the northern part of the province.
Following the shooting on Thursday, a Serbian Orthodox Church was damaged in a nearby area and a UN-marked bus carrying Serbs to the divided northern town of Kosovska Mitrovica was stoned.
The Kosovo prime minister's appeal is seen by observers as recognition that the incidents were putting at risk UN-backed talks on the future status of Kosovo.
It is the first of its kind by politicians representing either of the two ethnic groups.
Since Kosovo's 1998-99 conflict, some 200,000 Serbs have fled the province fearing reprisals by Albanian extremists, while the remaining 100,000 live in fear for their lives and property.
Ethnic Albanians, who make up about 90 percent of Kosovo's population of around two million, hope the UN-sponsored talks will lead to its independence from Serbia.
However, in his radio address on Monday, Ceku told his fellow citizens that everyone must be treated equally for there to be "freedom".
"Denying the chance of accepting diversity is a sign of the collective unfitness to walk in accordance with time and overcome challenges of the world around you," he said.
Kosovo's prime minister appealed Monday for calm among his fellow ethnic Albanians after a series of attacks against minority Serbs in the disputed province's tense north.
"We have to make the first step today, to conquer ... the fear that Serbs who live here represent a danger for us," Agim Ceku said in a radio address.
"They do not. Reducing this fear is the foundation for creating reciprocal trust and feelings of confidence."
Ceku's statement came the week after a spate of attacks against Serbs, including two men who were shot and seriously wounded while working at a petrol station in the northern part of the province.
Following the shooting on Thursday, a Serbian Orthodox Church was damaged in a nearby area and a UN-marked bus carrying Serbs to the divided northern town of Kosovska Mitrovica was stoned.
The Kosovo prime minister's appeal is seen by observers as recognition that the incidents were putting at risk UN-backed talks on the future status of Kosovo.
It is the first of its kind by politicians representing either of the two ethnic groups.
Since Kosovo's 1998-99 conflict, some 200,000 Serbs have fled the province fearing reprisals by Albanian extremists, while the remaining 100,000 live in fear for their lives and property.
Ethnic Albanians, who make up about 90 percent of Kosovo's population of around two million, hope the UN-sponsored talks will lead to its independence from Serbia.
However, in his radio address on Monday, Ceku told his fellow citizens that everyone must be treated equally for there to be "freedom".
"Denying the chance of accepting diversity is a sign of the collective unfitness to walk in accordance with time and overcome challenges of the world around you," he said.
Serbian prime minister urges EU members to help his country maintain its borders
BERLIN (AP) - Serbia's Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica on Monday urged European Union members to assist it in keeping Serbia and Montenegro united.
In a speech in the German capital, where he met with Chancellor Angela Merkel, Kostunica urged EU members to understand the difficulties faced by Serbia, which is trying to push through reforms aimed at helping it join with its European neighbors while at the same time trying to prevent Montenegro and Kosovo from breaking away.
"This is an appeal to all Europeans to see the danger posed to Serbia by these factors and to help us to solve these problems," Kostunica said.
He insisted that Serbia and Montenegro, a loose union under which the two share only defense and foreign ministries, allowed them both to be stronger on an international front. Montenegrins are to vote on May 21 whether to maintain the union or break off on their own.
Merkel and Kostunica did not speak to the press after their discussions and there was no comment from the chancellory on their talks.
Earlier this month, the EU suspended talks with Serbia on forging closer ties because of Belgrade's failure to deliver fugitive Gen. Ratko Mladic to the U.N. war crimes tribunal in The Hague, Netherlands.
While Kostunica said that it was understandable that the EU is demanding cooperation from Serbia regarding Mladic, he said that the threat to his nation's integrity was an equally important problem, particularly in Kosovo, the province of 2 million, which has been an international protectorate since 1999 NATO bombing forced Serbia to end a crackdown against the separatist rebels.
Kostunica charged that Serbs and other minorities had suffered discrimination at the hands of the ethnic Albanians over the past seven years and handing them independence would be tantamount to rewarding that behavior.
Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority insists on independence, while its Serb minority and Belgrade are seeking to keep Kosovo at least formally within Serbia's boundaries.
U.N.-mediated talks on Kosovo's future, which began in February, aim at finding a settlement by the end of the year.
The ethnic Albanians in Kosovo in the past have rejected any proposals that fall short of independence -- a stance that Kostunica called "unproductive."
In a speech in the German capital, where he met with Chancellor Angela Merkel, Kostunica urged EU members to understand the difficulties faced by Serbia, which is trying to push through reforms aimed at helping it join with its European neighbors while at the same time trying to prevent Montenegro and Kosovo from breaking away.
"This is an appeal to all Europeans to see the danger posed to Serbia by these factors and to help us to solve these problems," Kostunica said.
He insisted that Serbia and Montenegro, a loose union under which the two share only defense and foreign ministries, allowed them both to be stronger on an international front. Montenegrins are to vote on May 21 whether to maintain the union or break off on their own.
Merkel and Kostunica did not speak to the press after their discussions and there was no comment from the chancellory on their talks.
Earlier this month, the EU suspended talks with Serbia on forging closer ties because of Belgrade's failure to deliver fugitive Gen. Ratko Mladic to the U.N. war crimes tribunal in The Hague, Netherlands.
While Kostunica said that it was understandable that the EU is demanding cooperation from Serbia regarding Mladic, he said that the threat to his nation's integrity was an equally important problem, particularly in Kosovo, the province of 2 million, which has been an international protectorate since 1999 NATO bombing forced Serbia to end a crackdown against the separatist rebels.
Kostunica charged that Serbs and other minorities had suffered discrimination at the hands of the ethnic Albanians over the past seven years and handing them independence would be tantamount to rewarding that behavior.
Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority insists on independence, while its Serb minority and Belgrade are seeking to keep Kosovo at least formally within Serbia's boundaries.
U.N.-mediated talks on Kosovo's future, which began in February, aim at finding a settlement by the end of the year.
The ethnic Albanians in Kosovo in the past have rejected any proposals that fall short of independence -- a stance that Kostunica called "unproductive."
Ceku: Kosovo Albanian independence close
Kosovo Prime Minister Agim Ceku has says independence for mostly ethnic-Albanian Kosovo of Serbia's government in Belgrade is near.
"A great dream of independence is close and it is only months away," said Ceku Monday in his regular weekly address in Kosovo, Serbia's southern province whose population of 1.8 million is 90 percent ethnic-Albanian.
A majority of ethnic-Albanians want an independent Kosovo, while the Serb minority of 100,000 demands autonomy for their enclaves.
In his radio address, Ceku called on the citizens of Kosovo to resist violence and to accept ethnic differences, the Belgrade Beta news agency reported.
He said now is a "time for peace, in which problems are solved through knowledge and work."
The U.N.-led talks between Serbs and ethnic-Albanians should decide who will govern Kosovo once U.N. civilian and NATO personnel leave the province, which have seen reported terror by both Serb security forces and ethnic-Albanian separatists.
"A great dream of independence is close and it is only months away," said Ceku Monday in his regular weekly address in Kosovo, Serbia's southern province whose population of 1.8 million is 90 percent ethnic-Albanian.
A majority of ethnic-Albanians want an independent Kosovo, while the Serb minority of 100,000 demands autonomy for their enclaves.
In his radio address, Ceku called on the citizens of Kosovo to resist violence and to accept ethnic differences, the Belgrade Beta news agency reported.
He said now is a "time for peace, in which problems are solved through knowledge and work."
The U.N.-led talks between Serbs and ethnic-Albanians should decide who will govern Kosovo once U.N. civilian and NATO personnel leave the province, which have seen reported terror by both Serb security forces and ethnic-Albanian separatists.
U.S. Linguist Noam Chomsky Meets With Hizbullah Leaders in Lebanon
According to Hizbullah's Al-Manar TV network, Professor Noam Chomsky of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) visited Hizbullah headquarters this week, meeting with the organization's secretary-general Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah in a Beirut suburb as well as with other Hizbullah leaders. The U.S. State Department lists Hizbullah as a "terrorist organization." (1) It should be noted that Sheikh Nasrallah frequently calls for the destruction of the U.S.(2)
On May 13, 2006, Professor Chomsky was quoted by Al-Manar as saying, "Hizbullah's insistence on keeping its arms is justified... I think Nasrallah has a reasoned argument and [a] persuasive argument that they [the arms] should be in the hands of Hizbullah as a deterrent to potential aggression, and there is plenty of background reasons for that. So until, I think his position [is] reporting it correctly and it seems to me [a] reasonable position, is that until there is a general political settlement in the region, [and] the threat of aggression and violence is reduced or eliminated, there has to be a deterrent, and the Lebanese army can't be a deterrent."
Al-Manar goes on to state, "When asked about the U.S. list of terrorist states, he [Chomsky] said [that] if the U.S. was to stick to the clear and precise definition of terrorism in its code of laws, it would be the leading terrorist state."(3)
During his visit to Lebanon, Chomsky also spoke at the Prince Alwaleed Bin Talal Bin Abdulaziz Al Saud Center for American Studies and Research at the American University of Beirut.(4)
The following are excerpts from a report on Lebanese New TV about a meeting in Lebanon between American linguist Prof. Noam Chomsky and Hizbullah leaders.(5)
TO VIEW THIS CLIP: http://www.memritv.org/search.asp?ACT=S9&P1=1136 .
Anchor: "The leftist Jewish American intellectual Noam Chomsky toured Al-Khiyam Prison at the end of his visit to Lebanon. He declared that the victory achieved by the resistance is a victory for all the peoples that fight injustice and oppression."
Reporter: "'Umm Kamel' - the Israeli [MK] spying aircraft - was the first to welcome leftist Jewish American intellectual Noam Chomsky, in his visit to Al-Khiyam Prison. Chomsky chose to provide 'Umm Kamel' with the pictures most detestable from the Israeli perspective, by smiling and shaking hands with Hizbullah's leader in South Lebanon, Nabil Qauq. Then they both entered the prison's Hall of Martyrs. Chomsky, who toured the prison with his wife and university professor Fawwaz Al-Trabulsi, insisted on staying inside one of the prison cells for a short while. He commended the perseverance of the inmates during the years of cruelty and pain, stressing that this prison was no different from Guantanamo.
"The leftist intellectual chose to stand in front of a destroyed Israeli vehicle and declare that all the prisoners in the world must be released, whether in Israel or in American prisons.
"In response to a question about [Lebanese expatriates] who decided to honor U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. John Bolton, Chomsky said:"
Noam Chomsky: "Well, you know, they have their own choices to make. There is pressure they have to deal with. When Japan occupied Asia and committed atrocities there, some Asians honored Japan because they were subject to imperialism."
Reporter: "On the U.S. position regarding his visit, Chomsky said:"
Noam Chomsky: "I don't know what their response will be, and I don't care."
Reporter: "Chomsky insisted on greeting the Israeli reconnaissance plane:"
Noam Chomsky: "The imperialistic forces do whatever they want, and as long as Washington allows them to do so, they will continue, until the American people learns about it and stops them."
Reporter: "'Umm Kamel' got a picture of another Chomsky smile, when Qauq presented him with a picture commemorating the liberation. This time, Chomsky accompanied his smile with the hope to meet in the future in the Shab'a Farms after their liberation."
On May 13, 2006, Professor Chomsky was quoted by Al-Manar as saying, "Hizbullah's insistence on keeping its arms is justified... I think Nasrallah has a reasoned argument and [a] persuasive argument that they [the arms] should be in the hands of Hizbullah as a deterrent to potential aggression, and there is plenty of background reasons for that. So until, I think his position [is] reporting it correctly and it seems to me [a] reasonable position, is that until there is a general political settlement in the region, [and] the threat of aggression and violence is reduced or eliminated, there has to be a deterrent, and the Lebanese army can't be a deterrent."
Al-Manar goes on to state, "When asked about the U.S. list of terrorist states, he [Chomsky] said [that] if the U.S. was to stick to the clear and precise definition of terrorism in its code of laws, it would be the leading terrorist state."(3)
During his visit to Lebanon, Chomsky also spoke at the Prince Alwaleed Bin Talal Bin Abdulaziz Al Saud Center for American Studies and Research at the American University of Beirut.(4)
The following are excerpts from a report on Lebanese New TV about a meeting in Lebanon between American linguist Prof. Noam Chomsky and Hizbullah leaders.(5)
TO VIEW THIS CLIP: http://www.memritv.org/search.asp?ACT=S9&P1=1136 .
Anchor: "The leftist Jewish American intellectual Noam Chomsky toured Al-Khiyam Prison at the end of his visit to Lebanon. He declared that the victory achieved by the resistance is a victory for all the peoples that fight injustice and oppression."
Reporter: "'Umm Kamel' - the Israeli [MK] spying aircraft - was the first to welcome leftist Jewish American intellectual Noam Chomsky, in his visit to Al-Khiyam Prison. Chomsky chose to provide 'Umm Kamel' with the pictures most detestable from the Israeli perspective, by smiling and shaking hands with Hizbullah's leader in South Lebanon, Nabil Qauq. Then they both entered the prison's Hall of Martyrs. Chomsky, who toured the prison with his wife and university professor Fawwaz Al-Trabulsi, insisted on staying inside one of the prison cells for a short while. He commended the perseverance of the inmates during the years of cruelty and pain, stressing that this prison was no different from Guantanamo.
"The leftist intellectual chose to stand in front of a destroyed Israeli vehicle and declare that all the prisoners in the world must be released, whether in Israel or in American prisons.
"In response to a question about [Lebanese expatriates] who decided to honor U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. John Bolton, Chomsky said:"
Noam Chomsky: "Well, you know, they have their own choices to make. There is pressure they have to deal with. When Japan occupied Asia and committed atrocities there, some Asians honored Japan because they were subject to imperialism."
Reporter: "On the U.S. position regarding his visit, Chomsky said:"
Noam Chomsky: "I don't know what their response will be, and I don't care."
Reporter: "Chomsky insisted on greeting the Israeli reconnaissance plane:"
Noam Chomsky: "The imperialistic forces do whatever they want, and as long as Washington allows them to do so, they will continue, until the American people learns about it and stops them."
Reporter: "'Umm Kamel' got a picture of another Chomsky smile, when Qauq presented him with a picture commemorating the liberation. This time, Chomsky accompanied his smile with the hope to meet in the future in the Shab'a Farms after their liberation."
Sunday, May 14, 2006
European "source" says shift in Russian position "essential" in Kosovo process
Text of report by Agron Bajrami entitled "Status will be decided by November, with or without Serbs" published by Kosovo Albanian newspaper Koha Ditore on 9 May
Prishtina [Pristina], 8 May: The Kosova [Kosovo] status negotiations will conclude in November, while the solution that is decided on will be implemented even if Belgrade does not accept it. A reliable source in Vienna, who spoke on the condition of not being named, has said that this is the firm stance of [UN] chief negotiator Martti Ahtisaari.
"Ahtisaari is convinced that he will finish his job by the end of November," the senior European official said.
According to the official who made these comments during an informal meeting that was also attended by a Koha Ditore representative, the Serbs should come to their senses and accept the messages on Kosova status that have been sent to them for several months by international officials, because the opinion that predominates in Martti Ahtisaari's team and other international circles is that Belgrade will not accept the solution, and therefore the international community is preparing to move forward even without the Serbs' consent.
Moreover, the senior European official said, signs are emerging that the Kosova Serbs have started to become frustrated by Belgrade's rigid stance. Some Serb representatives from Kosova, whom the source did not want to name, have told European officials that they are "fed up" with the current situation and that now "we only ask for guarantees of security and autonomy," and that they would accept a solution agreed upon in Vienna.
Furthermore, the source went on to say, an essential point is that a change has occurred in Moscow's stance regarding the solution for Kosova.
"Until recently, Russia supported the option of dividing Kosova in two... [daily's ellipsis] but now it has changed its stance, and it is no longer an obstacle," the source said, explaining that from now on Moscow will try to reposition itself so as to secure a favourable position in the existing political disputes in the territories of the former Soviet Union. Moreover, the source said, "The Russians have said all this to [Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav] Kostunica, but he is pretending not to hear."
This radical change in the Russian position was confirmed by another West European diplomat who attended the Contact Group meeting in London on 31 January where a private message was drawn up, which was later delivered by US envoy Frank Wisner and John Sawers, political director at the British Foreign Office.
"It was a surprise for everyone when the only Russian opposition was their statement that they would not be able to sign a private message. They simply said that the others could send that message, but Moscow could not be seen as an open supporter of it," the diplomatic source told Koha Ditore. He added that that was in complete contrast to the position the Russians had held until then.
In the meantime, the senior European diplomat said that it is likely that now Russia will request that a solution be reached in Vienna instead of its being dealt with in the UN Security Council, where Russia and China could use their veto. That is to say, Kosova's independence is supposed to be voted on in the UN General Assembly, and if it is not done there, Russia would be able to say that it could not prevent Kosova's independence.
But while it seems that Moscow has already agreed with the framework for resolving Kosova's status, the Western allies see the implementation of the solution in a slightly different way. According to a diplomatic source, most Europeans insist that independence should be delivered to Kosova gradually - over a period of at least three years, meaning that Kosova would not get a seat in the United Nations immediately, but would be able to exercise that right later.
"It is the Americans who want everything to conclude in November," the source said, explaining that this might be linked to their desire to withdraw from the region, and may also be because Washington faces congressional elections in November, and a closed chapter in foreign policy would help President George W. Bush and his administration, which anticipates other US engagements outside US territory, especially in Iraq, to be part of the election debates.
Martti Ahtisaari himself indirectly confirmed the trend in the Kosova status negotiations on Monday [8 May] in Bulgaria, where he stated that a solution will definitely be found by the end of this year.
"It is no surprise that we are not seeing progress in the talks right now," he said after a meeting with the chief of Bulgarian diplomacy, Ivaylo Kalfin.
"What matters is to see whether it is possible to create the conditions in Kosova where the minorities - not only the Serbs but also others - can live comfortably, before we come to the talks on status," he said.
Source: Koha Ditore, Pristina, in Albanian 9 May 06 pp 1, 3
Prishtina [Pristina], 8 May: The Kosova [Kosovo] status negotiations will conclude in November, while the solution that is decided on will be implemented even if Belgrade does not accept it. A reliable source in Vienna, who spoke on the condition of not being named, has said that this is the firm stance of [UN] chief negotiator Martti Ahtisaari.
"Ahtisaari is convinced that he will finish his job by the end of November," the senior European official said.
According to the official who made these comments during an informal meeting that was also attended by a Koha Ditore representative, the Serbs should come to their senses and accept the messages on Kosova status that have been sent to them for several months by international officials, because the opinion that predominates in Martti Ahtisaari's team and other international circles is that Belgrade will not accept the solution, and therefore the international community is preparing to move forward even without the Serbs' consent.
Moreover, the senior European official said, signs are emerging that the Kosova Serbs have started to become frustrated by Belgrade's rigid stance. Some Serb representatives from Kosova, whom the source did not want to name, have told European officials that they are "fed up" with the current situation and that now "we only ask for guarantees of security and autonomy," and that they would accept a solution agreed upon in Vienna.
Furthermore, the source went on to say, an essential point is that a change has occurred in Moscow's stance regarding the solution for Kosova.
"Until recently, Russia supported the option of dividing Kosova in two... [daily's ellipsis] but now it has changed its stance, and it is no longer an obstacle," the source said, explaining that from now on Moscow will try to reposition itself so as to secure a favourable position in the existing political disputes in the territories of the former Soviet Union. Moreover, the source said, "The Russians have said all this to [Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav] Kostunica, but he is pretending not to hear."
This radical change in the Russian position was confirmed by another West European diplomat who attended the Contact Group meeting in London on 31 January where a private message was drawn up, which was later delivered by US envoy Frank Wisner and John Sawers, political director at the British Foreign Office.
"It was a surprise for everyone when the only Russian opposition was their statement that they would not be able to sign a private message. They simply said that the others could send that message, but Moscow could not be seen as an open supporter of it," the diplomatic source told Koha Ditore. He added that that was in complete contrast to the position the Russians had held until then.
In the meantime, the senior European diplomat said that it is likely that now Russia will request that a solution be reached in Vienna instead of its being dealt with in the UN Security Council, where Russia and China could use their veto. That is to say, Kosova's independence is supposed to be voted on in the UN General Assembly, and if it is not done there, Russia would be able to say that it could not prevent Kosova's independence.
But while it seems that Moscow has already agreed with the framework for resolving Kosova's status, the Western allies see the implementation of the solution in a slightly different way. According to a diplomatic source, most Europeans insist that independence should be delivered to Kosova gradually - over a period of at least three years, meaning that Kosova would not get a seat in the United Nations immediately, but would be able to exercise that right later.
"It is the Americans who want everything to conclude in November," the source said, explaining that this might be linked to their desire to withdraw from the region, and may also be because Washington faces congressional elections in November, and a closed chapter in foreign policy would help President George W. Bush and his administration, which anticipates other US engagements outside US territory, especially in Iraq, to be part of the election debates.
Martti Ahtisaari himself indirectly confirmed the trend in the Kosova status negotiations on Monday [8 May] in Bulgaria, where he stated that a solution will definitely be found by the end of this year.
"It is no surprise that we are not seeing progress in the talks right now," he said after a meeting with the chief of Bulgarian diplomacy, Ivaylo Kalfin.
"What matters is to see whether it is possible to create the conditions in Kosova where the minorities - not only the Serbs but also others - can live comfortably, before we come to the talks on status," he said.
Source: Koha Ditore, Pristina, in Albanian 9 May 06 pp 1, 3
Kosovo Albanian-Serb documentary wins international award
Text of report by Radio-Television Kosovo TV website on 12 May
An Albanian-Serb TV documentary - Greetings Form Kosova [Kosovo] yesterday received the silver award for the best political documentary at the World Media Festival in Hamburg. The documentary made by Dusan Gajic from Serbia and RTK journalist Fatos Bytyci, produced by SEETV, is an effort to pursue the nature of the most complicated territorial issue in Europe, the issue of Kosova. Greetings Form Kosova is an attempt to break the current stereotypes in Kosovar and Serb media. The mixed journalist team travelled extensively around Kosova to meet with ordinary citizens of both communities in towns, villages, enclaves, monasteries, schools, coffee bars and hospitals. They talked to main personalities in media, politics, in moderate and radical political circles and also with representatives of international organizations.
Source: RTK TV website, Pristina, in Albanian 12 May 06
An Albanian-Serb TV documentary - Greetings Form Kosova [Kosovo] yesterday received the silver award for the best political documentary at the World Media Festival in Hamburg. The documentary made by Dusan Gajic from Serbia and RTK journalist Fatos Bytyci, produced by SEETV, is an effort to pursue the nature of the most complicated territorial issue in Europe, the issue of Kosova. Greetings Form Kosova is an attempt to break the current stereotypes in Kosovar and Serb media. The mixed journalist team travelled extensively around Kosova to meet with ordinary citizens of both communities in towns, villages, enclaves, monasteries, schools, coffee bars and hospitals. They talked to main personalities in media, politics, in moderate and radical political circles and also with representatives of international organizations.
Source: RTK TV website, Pristina, in Albanian 12 May 06
Friday, May 12, 2006
U.S. seeks vision, boldness from Serbs in key year
BELGRADE, May 12 (Reuters) - Serbia and Montenegro should be building a strong and stable democracy deserving of a place in the European Union and NATO but its leaders right now lack the vision, the United States ambassador said on Friday.
Michael C. Polt said 2006 would be a momentous year for the union of two republics that is all that remains of Yugoslavia. It must hand over a top war crimes fugitive, negotiate a new future for the province of Kosovo and settle its own status.
In a statement to Reuters, Polt said the country needed its leaders to show courage, boldness and initiative.
"Serbia and Montenegro's leaders need to articulate and act on a strong, realistic vision for the future, a future in the European Union and in (NATO's) Partnership for Peace," he said.
The country should be "a leader in the Balkans, an example of prosperity and a keystone of regional stability", he said.
"But right now, I don't see that vision."
Instead, Brussels had this month suspended talks on closer ties because of Serbia's failure to hand over war crimes fugitive Ratko Mladic and Washington "may soon be forced to suspend aid" for the same reason, Polt said.
"Mladic must go to The Hague -- not next week, not in September, not by the end of the year, but now."
Mladic, the wartime commander of the Bosnian Serb Army, is wanted on two charges of genocide in the 1992-95 Bosnian war, for the 1995 Srebrenica massacre of 8,000 Muslims and the siege of Sarajevo which took over 10,000 civilian lives.
The United Nations war crimes tribunal prosecutor says he is hiding in Serbia with protection from hardliners in the military and intelligence services. But local analysts generally doubt his arrest would lead to unrest or political instability.
CLEARING THE AIR
However, failure to deliver Mladic this month opened a big crack in Serbia's two-year-old minority coalition. Deputy prime minister Miroljub Labus walked out of the cabinet of Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica, saying he had betrayed the people.
The resignation -- applauded by Polt -- stoked talk of a coalition collapse leading to an early election -- a possibility that analysts say would not be unwelcome to those of Serbia's western mentors who favour a clearing of the political air.
Polls consisently show one third of voters in Serbia back the hardline nationalist Radical Party, but whether it could win sufficient allies to form a government is another question.
Polt urged the current leadership to display responsibility and vision as strains pile up, with Montenegro deciding its future in an independence referendum on May 21.
The rules say the referendum fails if less than 55 percent chose independence. But pro-independence leaders see 50 percent or more as a mandate to continue the drive for a separate state. "The decision of voters in Montenegro on May 21 is only part of the story," Polt said. "The world is watching how Serbia and Montenegro will handle the referendum results, and whether its leaders will choose to work together."
He also urged Serbian leaders to persuade Serbs that the cherished province of Kosovo -- populated by a 90 percent ethnic Albanian majority and under U.N. administration for the past seven years -- would have its future decided this year.
It must be "a decision ... that respects the rights of all of Kosovo's residents. And Serbia's leaders must work to gain the people's support for that decision", he said.
Kosovo is widely expected to win a form of conditional independence at the conclusion of U.N.-mediated talks this year. The question is whether Belgrade will acquiesce or carry out a threat to declare the province "occupied territory".
"How Serbia and Montenegro handles these three issues will have a decisive impact on its path to regional integration and economic prosperity. It will have a decisive impact on the future of the country, and future of its people," Polt said.
Michael C. Polt said 2006 would be a momentous year for the union of two republics that is all that remains of Yugoslavia. It must hand over a top war crimes fugitive, negotiate a new future for the province of Kosovo and settle its own status.
In a statement to Reuters, Polt said the country needed its leaders to show courage, boldness and initiative.
"Serbia and Montenegro's leaders need to articulate and act on a strong, realistic vision for the future, a future in the European Union and in (NATO's) Partnership for Peace," he said.
The country should be "a leader in the Balkans, an example of prosperity and a keystone of regional stability", he said.
"But right now, I don't see that vision."
Instead, Brussels had this month suspended talks on closer ties because of Serbia's failure to hand over war crimes fugitive Ratko Mladic and Washington "may soon be forced to suspend aid" for the same reason, Polt said.
"Mladic must go to The Hague -- not next week, not in September, not by the end of the year, but now."
Mladic, the wartime commander of the Bosnian Serb Army, is wanted on two charges of genocide in the 1992-95 Bosnian war, for the 1995 Srebrenica massacre of 8,000 Muslims and the siege of Sarajevo which took over 10,000 civilian lives.
The United Nations war crimes tribunal prosecutor says he is hiding in Serbia with protection from hardliners in the military and intelligence services. But local analysts generally doubt his arrest would lead to unrest or political instability.
CLEARING THE AIR
However, failure to deliver Mladic this month opened a big crack in Serbia's two-year-old minority coalition. Deputy prime minister Miroljub Labus walked out of the cabinet of Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica, saying he had betrayed the people.
The resignation -- applauded by Polt -- stoked talk of a coalition collapse leading to an early election -- a possibility that analysts say would not be unwelcome to those of Serbia's western mentors who favour a clearing of the political air.
Polls consisently show one third of voters in Serbia back the hardline nationalist Radical Party, but whether it could win sufficient allies to form a government is another question.
Polt urged the current leadership to display responsibility and vision as strains pile up, with Montenegro deciding its future in an independence referendum on May 21.
The rules say the referendum fails if less than 55 percent chose independence. But pro-independence leaders see 50 percent or more as a mandate to continue the drive for a separate state. "The decision of voters in Montenegro on May 21 is only part of the story," Polt said. "The world is watching how Serbia and Montenegro will handle the referendum results, and whether its leaders will choose to work together."
He also urged Serbian leaders to persuade Serbs that the cherished province of Kosovo -- populated by a 90 percent ethnic Albanian majority and under U.N. administration for the past seven years -- would have its future decided this year.
It must be "a decision ... that respects the rights of all of Kosovo's residents. And Serbia's leaders must work to gain the people's support for that decision", he said.
Kosovo is widely expected to win a form of conditional independence at the conclusion of U.N.-mediated talks this year. The question is whether Belgrade will acquiesce or carry out a threat to declare the province "occupied territory".
"How Serbia and Montenegro handles these three issues will have a decisive impact on its path to regional integration and economic prosperity. It will have a decisive impact on the future of the country, and future of its people," Polt said.
US official says Kosovo independence demand acknowledged worldwide
Text of report by Radio-Television Kosovo TV website on 11 May
The American stance has been re-emphasized once more this week that the solution to Kosova's [Kosovo] political status as the last unsolved issue in the region has to be achieved during 2006 even though difficulties have not been excluded during the negotiating process.
The solution is not going to be easy however - the issue of Kosova is the last open issue in the Balkans. If we solve it correctly than the entire region is going to be able to move into Europe, said Assistant Secretary Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs Daniel Fried. He emphasized that now the request of Albanians for independence is known worldwide. According to our viewpoint, independence has to be merited and be based on the achievements and pledges for achieving European norms, said Fried.
He said that Serbia, for whom this period is going to be very painful, has to be offered a path to lead it towards Europe because Serbia cannot be treated as abandoned by all. The current government is democratic and cannot be held responsible for events that happened in the 1990s.
Source: RTK TV website, Pristina, in Albanian 11 May 06
The American stance has been re-emphasized once more this week that the solution to Kosova's [Kosovo] political status as the last unsolved issue in the region has to be achieved during 2006 even though difficulties have not been excluded during the negotiating process.
The solution is not going to be easy however - the issue of Kosova is the last open issue in the Balkans. If we solve it correctly than the entire region is going to be able to move into Europe, said Assistant Secretary Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs Daniel Fried. He emphasized that now the request of Albanians for independence is known worldwide. According to our viewpoint, independence has to be merited and be based on the achievements and pledges for achieving European norms, said Fried.
He said that Serbia, for whom this period is going to be very painful, has to be offered a path to lead it towards Europe because Serbia cannot be treated as abandoned by all. The current government is democratic and cannot be held responsible for events that happened in the 1990s.
Source: RTK TV website, Pristina, in Albanian 11 May 06
Confidence Building Task Force formed by Kosovo PM Ceku
Under the leadership of Kosova Prime Minister Agim Ceku the Confidence Building Task Force was formed today. This task force was initiated by PM Ceku with the aim of an active engagement towards building sustainable trust among citizens, respectively minorities and Kosova [Kosovo] institutions.
The problem behind building a trust is a problem among all communities, included those who lived under a repressive government and also those communities that believe the government represents only one ethnic group. We have to rebuild the trust of the citizens for government but also the trust among the communities because we want to form a society for all Kosovars Kosova Prime Minister Agim Ceku said in his opening speech.
This task force gathers representatives of the civil society of all entities, representatives of Ministry of Interior, Ministry of Return, Kosova Police Service, Kfor and UNMIK [United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosova] will work toward the forming a strategy for the building of the trust and the implementing of this strategy. The Confidence Building Task Force will be under the patronage of the Kosova prime minister.
Source: RTK TV website, Pristina, in Albanian 11 May 06
The problem behind building a trust is a problem among all communities, included those who lived under a repressive government and also those communities that believe the government represents only one ethnic group. We have to rebuild the trust of the citizens for government but also the trust among the communities because we want to form a society for all Kosovars Kosova Prime Minister Agim Ceku said in his opening speech.
This task force gathers representatives of the civil society of all entities, representatives of Ministry of Interior, Ministry of Return, Kosova Police Service, Kfor and UNMIK [United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosova] will work toward the forming a strategy for the building of the trust and the implementing of this strategy. The Confidence Building Task Force will be under the patronage of the Kosova prime minister.
Source: RTK TV website, Pristina, in Albanian 11 May 06
Thursday, May 11, 2006
EXCLUSIVE-UN report to commend Kosovo Albanian leaders
(Adds Kosovo call for defence force, paragraphs 7-11, 20-22)
PRISTINA, Serbia and Montenegro, May 11 (Reuters) - The U.N. governor of Kosovo says the province has made real progress on standards set by major powers, giving a boost to the Albanian majority's bid for independence from Serbia this year.
The positive assessment is contained in Danish diplomat Soren Jessen-Petersen's upcoming report to the United Nations Security Council, to be presented in late June but seen by Reuters on Thursday.
His overview of the situation in Serbia's southern province, run by the world body since 1999, says the Albanian leadership has "revitalised" efforts to improve the lives of Serbs and other ethnic minorities and create a functioning democracy.
"As a result of this intensified effort it is now possible to discern progress across the broad front on Standards implementation," says the report.
If the provisional institutions "maintain their present level of commitment we should witness substantial further achievement in the coming months", it adds.
The report will be welcomed by Western powers who say Kosovo's 90-percent ethnic Albanian majority must enforce the rule of law and protect the rights of the remaining 100,000 Serbs to improve its chances of clinching independence.
Reflecting a growing confidence independence is near, the Kosovo Albanians put in a request to a visiting NATO delegation for their own defence force once a deal is reached.
President Fatmir Sejdiu and Prime Minister Agim Ceku, a former guerrilla commander, made the sensitive request to the delegation led by NATO Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer.
There was no immediate response from NATO, which with the U.N. has shied away from the issue of a future Kosovo army.
But Scheffer, on a one-day visit to the province, said the alliance's 17,000 troops would keep the peace and warned extremists against testing their resolve.
"The spoilers will not have a chance," he told reporters.
VIENNA TALKS
Direct talks between Serbia and the Kosovo Albanians began in February in Vienna, seven years after NATO bombs drove out Serb forces to halt the ethnic cleansing employed by Belgrade in a two-year war with ethnic Albanian guerrillas.
U.N. chief mediator Martti Ahtisaari expects to finish preliminary discussion of technical issues such as local self-government and minority rights by July, before talks on actual "final status" begin.
Belgrade has shown few signs yet that it will consent to Kosovo's independence. It talks of declaring Kosovo "occupied territory" if independence is imposed by the major powers, a step that could create a Cyprus-style division in the Balkans.
Diplomats say the West will push for a form of independence under European Union and NATO supervision, within the year.
But they fear for the future of the Kosovo Serbs, a ghettoised minority targeted by sporadic violence. Around half the Serb population fled revenge attacks after the war.
The governor's report cites police figures suggesting ethnically motivated crime had declined compared to 2005.
"The improving picture was offset by a small number of high-profile cases, and despite the statistical improvement members of minority communities continue to express fears about their freedom of movement," it says.
Former Kosovo Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi resigned in March following sustained international criticism of his performance in meeting the standards.
Ceku, his successor, pressed for a Kosovo defence force -- an idea that would outrage Serbia -- at the talks with Scheffer.
"We count on the support of NATO's forces for the creation of a Kosovo defence force that will contribute to internal and regional stability," he said in a statement.
The nearest Kosovo has to an army is the Kosovo Protection Corps, a civil emergency force created from the disbanded Kosovo Liberation Army.
(Additional reporting by Shaban Buza)
PRISTINA, Serbia and Montenegro, May 11 (Reuters) - The U.N. governor of Kosovo says the province has made real progress on standards set by major powers, giving a boost to the Albanian majority's bid for independence from Serbia this year.
The positive assessment is contained in Danish diplomat Soren Jessen-Petersen's upcoming report to the United Nations Security Council, to be presented in late June but seen by Reuters on Thursday.
His overview of the situation in Serbia's southern province, run by the world body since 1999, says the Albanian leadership has "revitalised" efforts to improve the lives of Serbs and other ethnic minorities and create a functioning democracy.
"As a result of this intensified effort it is now possible to discern progress across the broad front on Standards implementation," says the report.
If the provisional institutions "maintain their present level of commitment we should witness substantial further achievement in the coming months", it adds.
The report will be welcomed by Western powers who say Kosovo's 90-percent ethnic Albanian majority must enforce the rule of law and protect the rights of the remaining 100,000 Serbs to improve its chances of clinching independence.
Reflecting a growing confidence independence is near, the Kosovo Albanians put in a request to a visiting NATO delegation for their own defence force once a deal is reached.
President Fatmir Sejdiu and Prime Minister Agim Ceku, a former guerrilla commander, made the sensitive request to the delegation led by NATO Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer.
There was no immediate response from NATO, which with the U.N. has shied away from the issue of a future Kosovo army.
But Scheffer, on a one-day visit to the province, said the alliance's 17,000 troops would keep the peace and warned extremists against testing their resolve.
"The spoilers will not have a chance," he told reporters.
VIENNA TALKS
Direct talks between Serbia and the Kosovo Albanians began in February in Vienna, seven years after NATO bombs drove out Serb forces to halt the ethnic cleansing employed by Belgrade in a two-year war with ethnic Albanian guerrillas.
U.N. chief mediator Martti Ahtisaari expects to finish preliminary discussion of technical issues such as local self-government and minority rights by July, before talks on actual "final status" begin.
Belgrade has shown few signs yet that it will consent to Kosovo's independence. It talks of declaring Kosovo "occupied territory" if independence is imposed by the major powers, a step that could create a Cyprus-style division in the Balkans.
Diplomats say the West will push for a form of independence under European Union and NATO supervision, within the year.
But they fear for the future of the Kosovo Serbs, a ghettoised minority targeted by sporadic violence. Around half the Serb population fled revenge attacks after the war.
The governor's report cites police figures suggesting ethnically motivated crime had declined compared to 2005.
"The improving picture was offset by a small number of high-profile cases, and despite the statistical improvement members of minority communities continue to express fears about their freedom of movement," it says.
Former Kosovo Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi resigned in March following sustained international criticism of his performance in meeting the standards.
Ceku, his successor, pressed for a Kosovo defence force -- an idea that would outrage Serbia -- at the talks with Scheffer.
"We count on the support of NATO's forces for the creation of a Kosovo defence force that will contribute to internal and regional stability," he said in a statement.
The nearest Kosovo has to an army is the Kosovo Protection Corps, a civil emergency force created from the disbanded Kosovo Liberation Army.
(Additional reporting by Shaban Buza)
Kosovo's Ferronikeli seen restarting by year-end
KAVADARCI, Macedonia, May 11 (Reuters) - The new owners of the Ferronikeli mining and smelting complex in Kosovo, one of the largest in Europe, say limited production could begin within the year.
A Zurich-based consortium of International Mining Resources (IMR), part of the Eurasian Natural Resources group, and the Alferon management company paid 30.5 million euros for Ferronikeli, which is estimated to have 13 million tonnes of nickel ore -- used to produce steel -- in three open-pit nickel laterite mines. Kostas Lamnatos, Ferronikeli's new general manager, said on Wednesday he hoped to have one of the two production lines operational within the year, but wartime bomb damage and disrepair could force a delay.
"The target is November, but we may face some problems and start in late December or January," he told Reuters during a trip to one of the company's other mines in the town of Kavadarci in neighbouring Macedonia.
"The second production line is expected to become operational between three and six months after the first."
Lamnatos said each production line was capable of producing 5,000 tonnes of nickel per year.
Ferronikeli, located in the run-down town of Glogovac in central Kosovo, was badly damaged in NATO's 1999 bombing campaign to drive out Serb forces accused of atrocities against the ethnic Albanian majority.
IMF/Alferon signed a final sales deal with the U.N. mission running Kosovo in November last year. But the deal only officially went through last month following lengthy negotiations on the electricity supply to the complex. Kosovo is still plagued by power restrictions.
The sale represented the largest single private investment in Kosovo since the United nations placed the province of two million people under international stewardship in 1999.
The agreement obliges the new owner to create 1,000 jobs and invest 20 million euros in the first three years.
Lamnakos said mine reserves were sufficient until 2010-13. "That means that before then we have to start exploration for new mines."
The U.N. frequently cites Kosovo's mineral wealth as a future source of prosperity, as the major powers near a decision on its "final status" in talks expected to end later this year. The ethnic Albanian majority is pushing for independence.
Kosovo is rich in nickel and lignite. U.N. officials say the mining sector has the potential to create 35,000 jobs and attract 1.8 billion euros in foreign direct investment.
A Zurich-based consortium of International Mining Resources (IMR), part of the Eurasian Natural Resources group, and the Alferon management company paid 30.5 million euros for Ferronikeli, which is estimated to have 13 million tonnes of nickel ore -- used to produce steel -- in three open-pit nickel laterite mines. Kostas Lamnatos, Ferronikeli's new general manager, said on Wednesday he hoped to have one of the two production lines operational within the year, but wartime bomb damage and disrepair could force a delay.
"The target is November, but we may face some problems and start in late December or January," he told Reuters during a trip to one of the company's other mines in the town of Kavadarci in neighbouring Macedonia.
"The second production line is expected to become operational between three and six months after the first."
Lamnatos said each production line was capable of producing 5,000 tonnes of nickel per year.
Ferronikeli, located in the run-down town of Glogovac in central Kosovo, was badly damaged in NATO's 1999 bombing campaign to drive out Serb forces accused of atrocities against the ethnic Albanian majority.
IMF/Alferon signed a final sales deal with the U.N. mission running Kosovo in November last year. But the deal only officially went through last month following lengthy negotiations on the electricity supply to the complex. Kosovo is still plagued by power restrictions.
The sale represented the largest single private investment in Kosovo since the United nations placed the province of two million people under international stewardship in 1999.
The agreement obliges the new owner to create 1,000 jobs and invest 20 million euros in the first three years.
Lamnakos said mine reserves were sufficient until 2010-13. "That means that before then we have to start exploration for new mines."
The U.N. frequently cites Kosovo's mineral wealth as a future source of prosperity, as the major powers near a decision on its "final status" in talks expected to end later this year. The ethnic Albanian majority is pushing for independence.
Kosovo is rich in nickel and lignite. U.N. officials say the mining sector has the potential to create 35,000 jobs and attract 1.8 billion euros in foreign direct investment.
Kosovo group drafts proposals for cultural heritage talks in Vienna
Excerpt from report by Gazmend Syla entitled "Work on cultural heritage intensifies" published by Kosovo Albanian newspaper Koha Ditore on 10 May
Prishtina [Pristina], 9 May: The Kosova [Kosovo] negotiating team's political-strategic group has continued preparations for the next round of talks in Vienna on the topic of protection of cultural and religious heritage, scheduled for 23 May.
"We are preparing draft proposals," Ylber Hysa, head of the sub-group on cultural heritage, told Koha Ditore. "Preparations for the 23 May meeting have been going on for over three months now. We have established a good channel of communications with the Orthodox Church and other interlocutors," he added.
On behalf of the group, Hysa has made a number of visits abroad. In March, he visited UNESCO to discuss the issue of cultural heritage in Kosova, and he has also had discussions with officials of the French Culture, Foreign and Interior Ministries. The issue of protection of the cultural and religious sites of the Serbs in Kosova will be the top priority of the forthcoming meeting.
Hysa explained that as far as the Kosovar side is concerned, two issues are most important at this phase. "The first has to do with avoiding the status of exterritoriality for Serbian Orthodox sites, as was also confirmed by their representatives. The second has to do with the return of archaeological treasures to Kosova from Belgrade. We have indications that this issue was included on their [Serbian] agenda for the talks following our request," he said.
It has been learned that a team of experts has been set up to deal with this topic, and that experts from the countries of the region, and from Sarajevo in particular, have been brought in to bring to Kosova their experience from the discussions they had in Bosnia on the same issue.
Ministry is prepared
Culture Minister Astrit Haracia stated several days ago that the institution he leads is ready for the discussions in Vienna, and that it has already drafted its proposal. Earlier, this ministry was assigned to lead the process of the reconstruction of Serb religious and cultural sites destroyed during the March 2004 riots. [Passage omitted]
Work on the document has lasted for over four months, and experts from outside Kosova were also involved in drafting it. According to the minister, not only the sites damaged or destroyed during the March 2004 riots but all other heritage assets and sites are dealt with in the document.
"Not only the cultural sites that were damaged during March 2004 but also those destroyed during the 1998-99 war were included, and we should not forget those that were systematically destroyed during the period 1990-98," Minister Haracia said.
Islamic Community "ignored"
Most of the facilities destroyed during the period 1990-98 belong to the Islamic heritage of Albanians. The Islamic Community of Kosova [BIK] has expressed astonishment that no one has asked then to become involved in addressing this issue. Resul Rexhepi, an adviser to the BIK Council chairman, said: "Absolutely no one has asked us about anything, while we could have offered important documentation on the destruction of monuments of the cultural and Islamic heritage in Kosova."
"Without ignoring the [heritage of] Orthodox provenance, the cultural heritage of Islamic provenance in Kosova should have been treated as a priority. The entire cultural and religious heritage, without exception, should be included," he said.
Veton Surroi, member of the Kosova status negotiating team, and Ylber Hysa met Mufti Naim Ternava at the BIK premises on 23 February to discuss this issue. A statement issued by the BIK on that day advised that Mufti Ternava had requested that the Islamic spiritual and material heritage in Kosova be treated fully, just as the Orthodox heritage is being treated.
"I have requested from the Kosova institutions that representatives of the Islamic Community of Kosova and those of the Catholic Church be present along with representatives of the Serbian Orthodox Church," the statement quoted Mufti Ternava as saying.
The same statement cited Ylber Hysa as saying: "Work is being done to treat all objects of cultural and religious heritage according to their historic importance and the values they represent for our people." [Passage omitted]
Source: Koha Ditore, Pristina, in Albanian 10 May 06 p 2
Prishtina [Pristina], 9 May: The Kosova [Kosovo] negotiating team's political-strategic group has continued preparations for the next round of talks in Vienna on the topic of protection of cultural and religious heritage, scheduled for 23 May.
"We are preparing draft proposals," Ylber Hysa, head of the sub-group on cultural heritage, told Koha Ditore. "Preparations for the 23 May meeting have been going on for over three months now. We have established a good channel of communications with the Orthodox Church and other interlocutors," he added.
On behalf of the group, Hysa has made a number of visits abroad. In March, he visited UNESCO to discuss the issue of cultural heritage in Kosova, and he has also had discussions with officials of the French Culture, Foreign and Interior Ministries. The issue of protection of the cultural and religious sites of the Serbs in Kosova will be the top priority of the forthcoming meeting.
Hysa explained that as far as the Kosovar side is concerned, two issues are most important at this phase. "The first has to do with avoiding the status of exterritoriality for Serbian Orthodox sites, as was also confirmed by their representatives. The second has to do with the return of archaeological treasures to Kosova from Belgrade. We have indications that this issue was included on their [Serbian] agenda for the talks following our request," he said.
It has been learned that a team of experts has been set up to deal with this topic, and that experts from the countries of the region, and from Sarajevo in particular, have been brought in to bring to Kosova their experience from the discussions they had in Bosnia on the same issue.
Ministry is prepared
Culture Minister Astrit Haracia stated several days ago that the institution he leads is ready for the discussions in Vienna, and that it has already drafted its proposal. Earlier, this ministry was assigned to lead the process of the reconstruction of Serb religious and cultural sites destroyed during the March 2004 riots. [Passage omitted]
Work on the document has lasted for over four months, and experts from outside Kosova were also involved in drafting it. According to the minister, not only the sites damaged or destroyed during the March 2004 riots but all other heritage assets and sites are dealt with in the document.
"Not only the cultural sites that were damaged during March 2004 but also those destroyed during the 1998-99 war were included, and we should not forget those that were systematically destroyed during the period 1990-98," Minister Haracia said.
Islamic Community "ignored"
Most of the facilities destroyed during the period 1990-98 belong to the Islamic heritage of Albanians. The Islamic Community of Kosova [BIK] has expressed astonishment that no one has asked then to become involved in addressing this issue. Resul Rexhepi, an adviser to the BIK Council chairman, said: "Absolutely no one has asked us about anything, while we could have offered important documentation on the destruction of monuments of the cultural and Islamic heritage in Kosova."
"Without ignoring the [heritage of] Orthodox provenance, the cultural heritage of Islamic provenance in Kosova should have been treated as a priority. The entire cultural and religious heritage, without exception, should be included," he said.
Veton Surroi, member of the Kosova status negotiating team, and Ylber Hysa met Mufti Naim Ternava at the BIK premises on 23 February to discuss this issue. A statement issued by the BIK on that day advised that Mufti Ternava had requested that the Islamic spiritual and material heritage in Kosova be treated fully, just as the Orthodox heritage is being treated.
"I have requested from the Kosova institutions that representatives of the Islamic Community of Kosova and those of the Catholic Church be present along with representatives of the Serbian Orthodox Church," the statement quoted Mufti Ternava as saying.
The same statement cited Ylber Hysa as saying: "Work is being done to treat all objects of cultural and religious heritage according to their historic importance and the values they represent for our people." [Passage omitted]
Source: Koha Ditore, Pristina, in Albanian 10 May 06 p 2
Wednesday, May 10, 2006
Contact Group to make status decision that will "favour majority" in Kosovo
Excerpt from report by Radio-Television Kosovo TV on 9 May
[Announcer] The Contact Group is going to impose a solution for Kosova's [Kosovo] status and this solution is going to be in favour of the majority in Kosova, it was said today in a debate "Kosova During and After the Talks" organized by the private university Academy of Fine Arts - AAB.
[Reporter] Some sound minds are knocking at the doors of Belgrade to prepare its people for two traumas that they will be facing very soon - the independence of Montenegro and of Kosova, Deputy Prime Minister Lutfi Haziri said today before AAB students. Other participants were former Prime Minister Bajram Rexhepi and Kosova Serb leader Oliver Ivanovic. According to Haziri, Kosova is in the year of status and talks are inevitable. Even though the first round of talks with Belgrade has been deemed unsuccessful, Haziri believes they were successful when differences in principle are huge.
[Deputy Prime Minister Lutfi Haziri] The talks are being conducted under the principle: There can be no agreement until there is an overall agreement. The document on decentralization will be frozen; it will be part of the final package on status that will be discussed at the so-called meeting of elephants, the major meeting that will deal with the final status and internal dispositions. What is Kosova offering in this context? It is offering constitutional guarantees for ethnic groups.
[Reporter] The Prishtina [Pristina]-Belgrade talks are proving that they cannot end, thus the Contact Group in the end is going to impose a solution for Kosova status which will be in favour of the majority, said former Prime Minister Rexhepi who compiled the plan on Mitrovica [Kosovska Mitrovica] that was presented at the Vienna talks.
[Bajram Rexhepi] A realistic request was made to have an urban centre where they could have different public services. The issue of health is solved with the regional hospital, the issue of the university and many other services. There is no perfect plan for Mitrovica; this was perhaps a plan which both sides would have accepted.
[Reporter] According to Ivanovic there are very few chances of accepting an imposed solution. The problem lies in the fact of what is going to happen after the definition of status.
[Kosovo Serb leader Oliver Ivanovic in Albanian] One should not bet everything on one card, that is not how you play. That is not risk, it is stupidity. To tell you the truth this is not how people should be treated. Think of what is going to happen in the autumn, if there is independence and what if there is no independence? What will you have to eat? Think today, because autumn will arrive very quickly. [Passage omitted]
Source: RTK TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1730 gmt 9 May 06
[Announcer] The Contact Group is going to impose a solution for Kosova's [Kosovo] status and this solution is going to be in favour of the majority in Kosova, it was said today in a debate "Kosova During and After the Talks" organized by the private university Academy of Fine Arts - AAB.
[Reporter] Some sound minds are knocking at the doors of Belgrade to prepare its people for two traumas that they will be facing very soon - the independence of Montenegro and of Kosova, Deputy Prime Minister Lutfi Haziri said today before AAB students. Other participants were former Prime Minister Bajram Rexhepi and Kosova Serb leader Oliver Ivanovic. According to Haziri, Kosova is in the year of status and talks are inevitable. Even though the first round of talks with Belgrade has been deemed unsuccessful, Haziri believes they were successful when differences in principle are huge.
[Deputy Prime Minister Lutfi Haziri] The talks are being conducted under the principle: There can be no agreement until there is an overall agreement. The document on decentralization will be frozen; it will be part of the final package on status that will be discussed at the so-called meeting of elephants, the major meeting that will deal with the final status and internal dispositions. What is Kosova offering in this context? It is offering constitutional guarantees for ethnic groups.
[Reporter] The Prishtina [Pristina]-Belgrade talks are proving that they cannot end, thus the Contact Group in the end is going to impose a solution for Kosova status which will be in favour of the majority, said former Prime Minister Rexhepi who compiled the plan on Mitrovica [Kosovska Mitrovica] that was presented at the Vienna talks.
[Bajram Rexhepi] A realistic request was made to have an urban centre where they could have different public services. The issue of health is solved with the regional hospital, the issue of the university and many other services. There is no perfect plan for Mitrovica; this was perhaps a plan which both sides would have accepted.
[Reporter] According to Ivanovic there are very few chances of accepting an imposed solution. The problem lies in the fact of what is going to happen after the definition of status.
[Kosovo Serb leader Oliver Ivanovic in Albanian] One should not bet everything on one card, that is not how you play. That is not risk, it is stupidity. To tell you the truth this is not how people should be treated. Think of what is going to happen in the autumn, if there is independence and what if there is no independence? What will you have to eat? Think today, because autumn will arrive very quickly. [Passage omitted]
Source: RTK TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1730 gmt 9 May 06
Ahtisaari preparing China and Russia for status
Prishtina [Pristina], 9 May: After receiving initial signals from the UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] administration about the Kosovars' "quite positive" progress in the implementation of the Standards [for Kosovo], the international team involved in resolving the status of Kosova [Kosovo] has started to prepare the ground for the start of talks on status. Diplomats from the Contact Group country members say that Kosova has already entered the phase of "bringing friends closer" or gaining the support of the most important factors in order to open the status issue as soon as possible.
"We have seen ups and downs in the negotiations on technical issues, especially in the area of decentralization. We expect to have more or less the same situation on the issue of religious heritage on 23 May, and on the economy - though no exact date has been set - this is expected to happen on 29 May and 2 June. Even though it seems to us that 31 May would be more appropriate, we will see what Albert Rohan [UN deputy envoy on Kosovo status] brings after his visit to the two capitals," a Contact Group source told Koha Ditore.
There will be parallel visits that are expected to start by mid-May, where on one side Albert Rohan will start to "negotiate the first compromise" on the issue of decentralization, while Stefan Lehne [EU envoy on Kosovo status], on the other, will explore all the possibilities to ensure that there are no wasted meetings before UNMIK chief Soeren Jessen-Petersen reports to the UN Security Council session, in order to strengthen the position of [UN] chief negotiator Martti Ahtisaari.
"President Ahtisaari is expected to line up the five permanent UN members in his support. He will have the most difficult part of his job in Moscow and Beijing. In the meantime, we in the Contact Group can only offer our support and wait for the conclusions of these meetings," Contact Group officials said.
According to the office of Martti Ahtisaari, their chief plans to visit Moscow first, on 25 May, and Beijing on 5-6 June. Before the visits to Moscow and Beijing, Ahtisaari is expected to conclude a cycle of visits in the region within the next 10 days. On Friday [12 May] he will visit Prague, while next week he will be in Bucharest.
The diplomats do not hide their fear that not everything can go as foreseen by them. According to them, if Prishtina slows down or stagnates in the fulfilment of the priority Standards, then the Kosovars themselves will be responsible for the postponement of the status definition process.
"These things will be clear after Mr Rohan returns from Belgrade and Prishtina. At this moment we do not expect he will be able to get anything from Belgrade. But who knows, we are very much satisfied that there is an agreement on three new municipalities - Ranillug [Ranilug], Gracanice [Gracanica] and Novoberde [Novo Brdo] - and here we expect compromises. We cannot say from whom, but this is what Albert Rohan has tasked himself to do in the Balkans. We do not expect an agreement, but a compromise, and Rohan is aware of this," diplomats told Koha Ditore.
The Contact Group diplomats say that they will discuss and assess the situation in the technical talks by themselves in the French capital on 25 May. According to them, the final version of the UNMIK report on the technical evaluation of fulfilment of the Standards, as well as a personal report by Rohan on the talks on decentralization, will be on the table at this meeting. During the meeting a conclusion will be drawn as to "which doors must be knocked on to exert pressure". Diplomats say that that meeting will be the final chance for Prishtina and Belgrade to take the negotiations seriously.
"We cannot say that we are not satisfied with the course of talks, but neither side has shown sufficient seriousness. In the last round of talks in Vienna we had the impression that we were in a circus, since both sides made fun and laughed at the stance of the other side. We hope that they will laugh when it is all over," a Western diplomat, who insisted on not being named, said.
Source: Koha Ditore, Pristina, in Albanian 10 May 06 p 1
"We have seen ups and downs in the negotiations on technical issues, especially in the area of decentralization. We expect to have more or less the same situation on the issue of religious heritage on 23 May, and on the economy - though no exact date has been set - this is expected to happen on 29 May and 2 June. Even though it seems to us that 31 May would be more appropriate, we will see what Albert Rohan [UN deputy envoy on Kosovo status] brings after his visit to the two capitals," a Contact Group source told Koha Ditore.
There will be parallel visits that are expected to start by mid-May, where on one side Albert Rohan will start to "negotiate the first compromise" on the issue of decentralization, while Stefan Lehne [EU envoy on Kosovo status], on the other, will explore all the possibilities to ensure that there are no wasted meetings before UNMIK chief Soeren Jessen-Petersen reports to the UN Security Council session, in order to strengthen the position of [UN] chief negotiator Martti Ahtisaari.
"President Ahtisaari is expected to line up the five permanent UN members in his support. He will have the most difficult part of his job in Moscow and Beijing. In the meantime, we in the Contact Group can only offer our support and wait for the conclusions of these meetings," Contact Group officials said.
According to the office of Martti Ahtisaari, their chief plans to visit Moscow first, on 25 May, and Beijing on 5-6 June. Before the visits to Moscow and Beijing, Ahtisaari is expected to conclude a cycle of visits in the region within the next 10 days. On Friday [12 May] he will visit Prague, while next week he will be in Bucharest.
The diplomats do not hide their fear that not everything can go as foreseen by them. According to them, if Prishtina slows down or stagnates in the fulfilment of the priority Standards, then the Kosovars themselves will be responsible for the postponement of the status definition process.
"These things will be clear after Mr Rohan returns from Belgrade and Prishtina. At this moment we do not expect he will be able to get anything from Belgrade. But who knows, we are very much satisfied that there is an agreement on three new municipalities - Ranillug [Ranilug], Gracanice [Gracanica] and Novoberde [Novo Brdo] - and here we expect compromises. We cannot say from whom, but this is what Albert Rohan has tasked himself to do in the Balkans. We do not expect an agreement, but a compromise, and Rohan is aware of this," diplomats told Koha Ditore.
The Contact Group diplomats say that they will discuss and assess the situation in the technical talks by themselves in the French capital on 25 May. According to them, the final version of the UNMIK report on the technical evaluation of fulfilment of the Standards, as well as a personal report by Rohan on the talks on decentralization, will be on the table at this meeting. During the meeting a conclusion will be drawn as to "which doors must be knocked on to exert pressure". Diplomats say that that meeting will be the final chance for Prishtina and Belgrade to take the negotiations seriously.
"We cannot say that we are not satisfied with the course of talks, but neither side has shown sufficient seriousness. In the last round of talks in Vienna we had the impression that we were in a circus, since both sides made fun and laughed at the stance of the other side. We hope that they will laugh when it is all over," a Western diplomat, who insisted on not being named, said.
Source: Koha Ditore, Pristina, in Albanian 10 May 06 p 1
German police detain suspected Kosovo war criminal
Text of report by German news agency ddp
Wiesbaden: Special investigators of the Federal Office of Criminal Investigation (BKA) have caught in Hesse a long-sought war criminal from Kosovo. Arrested on Monday [8 May] evening in Seeheim-Jugenheim (Darmstadt-Dieburg district), the man is a presumed ringleader of the underground army UCK [Kosovo Liberation Army], who has been internationally sought for genocide, the BKA announced in Wiesbaden on Wednesday.
Between June and October 1998, the 38-year-old, together with other accomplices, is said to have abducted many people to a prison camp in Kosovo and to have mistreated or even killed them. Today there is not a trace of the victims, kidnapped from their homes and work places.
The UN mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) meanwhile has requested the extradition of the 38-year-old. It is the first time that UNMIK has sent such a request to German authorities, the Frankfurt attorney-general's office stated. It has not yet bee established when the 38-year-old will be extradited. At this time, the man is still being interrogated. The 38-year-old, who is a citizen of Serbia and Montenegro, offered no resistance when arrested.
Source: ddp news agency, Berlin, in German 1334 gmt 10 May 06
Wiesbaden: Special investigators of the Federal Office of Criminal Investigation (BKA) have caught in Hesse a long-sought war criminal from Kosovo. Arrested on Monday [8 May] evening in Seeheim-Jugenheim (Darmstadt-Dieburg district), the man is a presumed ringleader of the underground army UCK [Kosovo Liberation Army], who has been internationally sought for genocide, the BKA announced in Wiesbaden on Wednesday.
Between June and October 1998, the 38-year-old, together with other accomplices, is said to have abducted many people to a prison camp in Kosovo and to have mistreated or even killed them. Today there is not a trace of the victims, kidnapped from their homes and work places.
The UN mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) meanwhile has requested the extradition of the 38-year-old. It is the first time that UNMIK has sent such a request to German authorities, the Frankfurt attorney-general's office stated. It has not yet bee established when the 38-year-old will be extradited. At this time, the man is still being interrogated. The 38-year-old, who is a citizen of Serbia and Montenegro, offered no resistance when arrested.
Source: ddp news agency, Berlin, in German 1334 gmt 10 May 06
Tuesday, May 09, 2006
Kosovo government to focus on EU Standards after status
Text of report in English by independent internet news agency KosovaLive
Prishtina [Pristina], 8 May: Prime Minister Agim Ceku said today that, after the status, the government will focus all its efforts in implementing of the tasks for European Union [EU] membership.
He made these comments at a ceremony on the Europe Day, which was attended by international and local representatives.
Prime Minister Ceku said that, at this moment, Kosova [Kosovo] is facing a historical opportunity, adding that "in few years we could become part of the European family."
He said that the EU integration is not a dream which cannot be fulfilled, however the experience in standard implementation will help accomplishing the membership obligations.
"The government today embraces similar values with those of EU: peace, economic development, solidarity, freedom of movement for all the citizens," he said.
Ceku said that the future of Kosova is identified with status settlement, standards implementation and very often with education, which is a crucial mechanism in making decisions.
The international representatives attending today's ceremony called on Kosovars to work harder on their path towards EU integration.
Giorgio Mamberto, the Head of the European Commission Liaison Office in Prishtina said that European Union is open for all the countries which make great integrations, including Kosova.
"You must work and engage to become part of the European values," said Alexander Bayerl, the Chief of the Austrian Liaison Office in Prishtina.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 9 May 06
Prishtina [Pristina], 8 May: Prime Minister Agim Ceku said today that, after the status, the government will focus all its efforts in implementing of the tasks for European Union [EU] membership.
He made these comments at a ceremony on the Europe Day, which was attended by international and local representatives.
Prime Minister Ceku said that, at this moment, Kosova [Kosovo] is facing a historical opportunity, adding that "in few years we could become part of the European family."
He said that the EU integration is not a dream which cannot be fulfilled, however the experience in standard implementation will help accomplishing the membership obligations.
"The government today embraces similar values with those of EU: peace, economic development, solidarity, freedom of movement for all the citizens," he said.
Ceku said that the future of Kosova is identified with status settlement, standards implementation and very often with education, which is a crucial mechanism in making decisions.
The international representatives attending today's ceremony called on Kosovars to work harder on their path towards EU integration.
Giorgio Mamberto, the Head of the European Commission Liaison Office in Prishtina said that European Union is open for all the countries which make great integrations, including Kosova.
"You must work and engage to become part of the European values," said Alexander Bayerl, the Chief of the Austrian Liaison Office in Prishtina.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 9 May 06
osovo's Q1 Trade Gap Narrows by 5.17% Y/Y to 92.1 Mln Euro
PRISTINA (Serbia and Montenegro), May 9 (SeeNews) - The trade deficit of the U.N.-administered Serbian province of Kosovo for the first quarter fell by 5.17% year-on-year to 92.1 million euro ($117.08 million), as exports rose, while imports fell, the Kosovo Statistics Office said on Tuesday.
Kosovo's main exports were the raw materials, or 54.8% of all exports. Leather and leather products made 16.2% of all exports and food and beverages contributed 11.5% of the total.
Kosovo imported mainly raw materials - 19.0% of all imports - followed by food, beverages and tobacco with 13.2%. Machines and electrical appliances made 12.0% of all imports.
Italy and Macedonia were Kosovo's main exports destinations in the first quarter of 2006. Exports to Italy totalled 1.09 million euro, or 15.2% of all exports. Exports to Macedonia were 1.04 million euro, or 14.6% of the total.
Macedonia remained Kosovo's main trading partner in terms of imports, followed by Serbia and Montenegro. Even though Kosovo remains part of the loose union of Serbia and Montenegro, which succeeded rump Yugoslavia in 2003, the province operates customs offices at its borders with the rest of Serbia and Montenegro.
Imports from Macedonia through March were 28.5% of Kosovo's imports and imports from Serbia and Montenegro contributed 19.5% of the total.
KOSOVO Q1 TRADE BALANCE (in millions of euro):
.....................Q1'06..........y/y pct change..........Q1'05
Exports.........7.16.................+72.11..................4.16
Imports........99.26.................-1.9....................101.19
Balance........-92.1..................-5.17..................-97.13
NOTE: Kosovo, population circa two million has been administered by the United Nations since 1999.
Kosovo's main exports were the raw materials, or 54.8% of all exports. Leather and leather products made 16.2% of all exports and food and beverages contributed 11.5% of the total.
Kosovo imported mainly raw materials - 19.0% of all imports - followed by food, beverages and tobacco with 13.2%. Machines and electrical appliances made 12.0% of all imports.
Italy and Macedonia were Kosovo's main exports destinations in the first quarter of 2006. Exports to Italy totalled 1.09 million euro, or 15.2% of all exports. Exports to Macedonia were 1.04 million euro, or 14.6% of the total.
Macedonia remained Kosovo's main trading partner in terms of imports, followed by Serbia and Montenegro. Even though Kosovo remains part of the loose union of Serbia and Montenegro, which succeeded rump Yugoslavia in 2003, the province operates customs offices at its borders with the rest of Serbia and Montenegro.
Imports from Macedonia through March were 28.5% of Kosovo's imports and imports from Serbia and Montenegro contributed 19.5% of the total.
KOSOVO Q1 TRADE BALANCE (in millions of euro):
.....................Q1'06..........y/y pct change..........Q1'05
Exports.........7.16.................+72.11..................4.16
Imports........99.26.................-1.9....................101.19
Balance........-92.1..................-5.17..................-97.13
NOTE: Kosovo, population circa two million has been administered by the United Nations since 1999.
Status to be decided in November with or without Serbs (Koha Ditore)
Koha Ditore reports in its lead story that the key international mediator Martti Ahtisaari is convinced that the issue of Kosovo will be concluded this year.
Quoting a ‘reliable’ source from Vienna, Koha Ditore reports that the negotiations on Kosovo status will be concluded at the end of November and the solution that will be decided will be applied even if Belgrade does not accept it.
“Ahtisaari is convinced to conclude the work by the end of November,” said the senior European official, says the paper.
The unnamed official said in an informal meeting where Koha Ditore was present that Serbs should sober up and face the messages related to Kosovo status that the internationals have been sending for months now, because the prevailing opinion in Ahtisaari’s team and also among other key international factors is that Belgrade will not accept the solution and that the international community is preparing to move forward even without Serbian consent.
According to the same source some Kosovo Serb representatives have told Ahtisaari that they are ‘fed up’ with the current situation and that they just ask for ‘guarantees for security and autonomy’ and they would accept the solution agreed in Vienna.
The source further said that it is essential that Russia has changed its stance and that it no longer supports the division of Kosovo. “Until recently Russia supported the option of dividing Kosovo in two parts, but now they have changed their position and are no longer an obstacle,” it said. Furthermore, the Russians have made it clear to Kostunica, but he pretends not to hear, says the source.
In a separate box within the article Koha Ditore says that, according to a senior diplomatic source, Serbs complained to Ahtisaari that Kosovo shouldn’t be taken away from them because of Milosevic as it would be unfair. “You cannot punish us for something Milosevic did,” they told him. “But we cannot reward you, either,” Ahtisaari is quoted as replying.
Quoting a ‘reliable’ source from Vienna, Koha Ditore reports that the negotiations on Kosovo status will be concluded at the end of November and the solution that will be decided will be applied even if Belgrade does not accept it.
“Ahtisaari is convinced to conclude the work by the end of November,” said the senior European official, says the paper.
The unnamed official said in an informal meeting where Koha Ditore was present that Serbs should sober up and face the messages related to Kosovo status that the internationals have been sending for months now, because the prevailing opinion in Ahtisaari’s team and also among other key international factors is that Belgrade will not accept the solution and that the international community is preparing to move forward even without Serbian consent.
According to the same source some Kosovo Serb representatives have told Ahtisaari that they are ‘fed up’ with the current situation and that they just ask for ‘guarantees for security and autonomy’ and they would accept the solution agreed in Vienna.
The source further said that it is essential that Russia has changed its stance and that it no longer supports the division of Kosovo. “Until recently Russia supported the option of dividing Kosovo in two parts, but now they have changed their position and are no longer an obstacle,” it said. Furthermore, the Russians have made it clear to Kostunica, but he pretends not to hear, says the source.
In a separate box within the article Koha Ditore says that, according to a senior diplomatic source, Serbs complained to Ahtisaari that Kosovo shouldn’t be taken away from them because of Milosevic as it would be unfair. “You cannot punish us for something Milosevic did,” they told him. “But we cannot reward you, either,” Ahtisaari is quoted as replying.
Monday, May 08, 2006
UN Kosovo Envoy: Optimistic On Resolving Status By Yr End
SOFIA, Bulgaria (AP)--The U.N. envoy mediating the Kosovo talks said Monday he was still hopeful a solution for the status of the breakaway province could be found by the year's end despite the lack of progress so far.
Four rounds of talks in Vienna between the ethnic Albanian and Serb sides on the future of the breakaway province have failed to yield results. A fifth is expected to start May 22 and to tackle the issue of protection of Serb religious sites in the province.
"It is not surprising...that immediately we can't see that everyone agrees," Martti Ahtisaari told reporters in Sofia after meeting Bulgarian Foreign Minister Ivailo Kalfin.
But the target of having a solution by the end of the year "is the only time frame we have for the moment and we are trying to follow it," he said.
Ahtisaari conceded there had been no change in the positions of the two sides since the beginning of the talks in Vienna in November, but stressed the meetings were just "practical discussions."
"What is important is that we will see is it possible to create conditions in Kosovo where the minority - not only the Serb minority, but the other minorities as well - can live comfortably before we move to status discussions," he said.
Ahtisaari once again urged the Kosovo Serb minority to end its boycott of the province's institutions. "It's important...that everyone participates," he said.
Kalfin, the Bulgarian foreign minister, said the fact that the Kosovo Albanians and the Serbs had engaged in talks was "a huge progress."
He repeated Bulgaria's position that any outcome of the status talks would be positive as long as it guarantees border stability in the region and suits both Belgrade and Kosovo's ethnic Albanians.
Kosovo has been administered by the U.N. since a 1999 North Atlantic Treaty Organization air war halted a Serbian crackdown on ethnic Albanian separatists. The ethnic Albanian majority now wants independence, while the Serbs living in Kosovo demand that it remain part of Serbia.
Four rounds of talks in Vienna between the ethnic Albanian and Serb sides on the future of the breakaway province have failed to yield results. A fifth is expected to start May 22 and to tackle the issue of protection of Serb religious sites in the province.
"It is not surprising...that immediately we can't see that everyone agrees," Martti Ahtisaari told reporters in Sofia after meeting Bulgarian Foreign Minister Ivailo Kalfin.
But the target of having a solution by the end of the year "is the only time frame we have for the moment and we are trying to follow it," he said.
Ahtisaari conceded there had been no change in the positions of the two sides since the beginning of the talks in Vienna in November, but stressed the meetings were just "practical discussions."
"What is important is that we will see is it possible to create conditions in Kosovo where the minority - not only the Serb minority, but the other minorities as well - can live comfortably before we move to status discussions," he said.
Ahtisaari once again urged the Kosovo Serb minority to end its boycott of the province's institutions. "It's important...that everyone participates," he said.
Kalfin, the Bulgarian foreign minister, said the fact that the Kosovo Albanians and the Serbs had engaged in talks was "a huge progress."
He repeated Bulgaria's position that any outcome of the status talks would be positive as long as it guarantees border stability in the region and suits both Belgrade and Kosovo's ethnic Albanians.
Kosovo has been administered by the U.N. since a 1999 North Atlantic Treaty Organization air war halted a Serbian crackdown on ethnic Albanian separatists. The ethnic Albanian majority now wants independence, while the Serbs living in Kosovo demand that it remain part of Serbia.
"Kosovo Status Determination Will Build Regional Security," Ahtisaari Says in Sofia
Sofia, May 8 (BTA) - "The determination of Kosovo's future status will build security in the region," the UN Secretary General's Special Envoy for Kosovo, Martti Ahtisaari, said after conferring here on Monday with Bulgarian Foreign Minister Ivailo Kalfin.
"There is clear understanding in the international community that when the status of Kosovo is determined, which we hope will happen before the end of this year, this determination will build security in the region," Ahtisaari said. "I hope that whatever the status it will not endanger anybody," he added.
The Special Envoy stressed that it is too early to say what specific status Kosovo will have. "The international community will stay in Kosovo for some more time, the negotiating process is continuing," Ahtisaari said.
"Bulgaria fully supports the efforts of the UN envoy for resolution of the Kosovo question," Kalfin said. Considerable progress has been achieved since Ahtisaari took office. "We expressed support for the approach that has been opted for: to negotiate first on technical matters, such as decentralization, conservation of cultural and religious heritage, and minority rights and then start talks on the status in the far more favourable environment created by the settlement of the other issues," Kalfin said.
He stressed that it is important that the negotiating process should go on without setting a formal deadline for its completion.
"We expect the Serbian Government to be much more insistent that the Serbian minority in Kosovo be actively involved in the political processes, we expect Belgrade to review its current position," the Bulgarian Foreign Minister said. As he put it, the new leaders of the most important institutions in Kosovo should demonstrate that they can assume commitments and implement them in practice.
Kalfin recalled the principles of the Bulgarian position on the status of Kosovo: that the stability of borders should be guaranteed, excluding the possibility that the settlement of the issue would cause problems in neighbouring regions and countries; that conditions be created in Kosovo for real functioning of a multi-ethnic society; and that the dialogue on the status be conducted with the maximum support of both Pristina and Belgrade."
Later on Monday, Ahtisaari conferred with National Assembly Chairman Georgi Pirinski, BTA learnt from the Parliamentary Press Centre. The two discussed the finding of a durable solution to the Kosovo status that would comply with the international human rights standards, democracy and international law and that would contribute to security in the region, as well as Bulgaria's role in this process.
An emphasis was laid on the importance of the constructive dialogue between the Kosovo contact group and the countries of the region, and the role of Bulgaria in regional cooperation received high marks.
"Bulgaria could be useful with its regional experience in the negotiations on Kosovo's future statuts," Prime Minister Sergei Stanishev told Ahtisaari when they conferred here on Monday.
The PM stressed Bulgaria's readiness to share actively in the diplomatic efforts seeking a settlement of the Kosovo question. In his opinion, regardless of the initially irreconcilable positions, both parties should make certain concessions so that practical results could be achieved. The areas of cultural heritage, decentralization and human rights can give an impetus to the further negotiations. "Any solution should have as an objective the stability of both Kosovo and Serbia," Stanishev said, stressing that Bulgaria is directly interested in this process.
The PM confirmed his country's readiness for further useful contacts at various levels. "The idea is to have the voice of the region heard, which would contribute to its stability," he argued. He expects achievement of tangible results during the Finnish Presidency of the EU.
Ahtisaari thanked for Bulgaria's consistent support for the search of a resolution of the Kosovo question, as well as for the emphasis that Stanishev laid in his speech at the SEECP Summit in Thessaloniki on the European prospect of the countries of Southeastern Europe as a component of regional cooperation. The Special Envoy said that the contribution of each country is taken into consideration and that after Bulgaria, he will hold consultations in Moscow and Beijng. Ahtisaari said that he is working closely with the contact group but it is difficult to comply with all conditions to attain the standards set by the international community. One of the principal objectives now is to prevent a division of the international community on the matter of Kosovo before the next phase of the negotiations. In this connection, the guest stressed the importance of the consultations with Bulgaria at this point and commended highly Bulgaria's contribution. ZH, IT/LG
"There is clear understanding in the international community that when the status of Kosovo is determined, which we hope will happen before the end of this year, this determination will build security in the region," Ahtisaari said. "I hope that whatever the status it will not endanger anybody," he added.
The Special Envoy stressed that it is too early to say what specific status Kosovo will have. "The international community will stay in Kosovo for some more time, the negotiating process is continuing," Ahtisaari said.
"Bulgaria fully supports the efforts of the UN envoy for resolution of the Kosovo question," Kalfin said. Considerable progress has been achieved since Ahtisaari took office. "We expressed support for the approach that has been opted for: to negotiate first on technical matters, such as decentralization, conservation of cultural and religious heritage, and minority rights and then start talks on the status in the far more favourable environment created by the settlement of the other issues," Kalfin said.
He stressed that it is important that the negotiating process should go on without setting a formal deadline for its completion.
"We expect the Serbian Government to be much more insistent that the Serbian minority in Kosovo be actively involved in the political processes, we expect Belgrade to review its current position," the Bulgarian Foreign Minister said. As he put it, the new leaders of the most important institutions in Kosovo should demonstrate that they can assume commitments and implement them in practice.
Kalfin recalled the principles of the Bulgarian position on the status of Kosovo: that the stability of borders should be guaranteed, excluding the possibility that the settlement of the issue would cause problems in neighbouring regions and countries; that conditions be created in Kosovo for real functioning of a multi-ethnic society; and that the dialogue on the status be conducted with the maximum support of both Pristina and Belgrade."
Later on Monday, Ahtisaari conferred with National Assembly Chairman Georgi Pirinski, BTA learnt from the Parliamentary Press Centre. The two discussed the finding of a durable solution to the Kosovo status that would comply with the international human rights standards, democracy and international law and that would contribute to security in the region, as well as Bulgaria's role in this process.
An emphasis was laid on the importance of the constructive dialogue between the Kosovo contact group and the countries of the region, and the role of Bulgaria in regional cooperation received high marks.
"Bulgaria could be useful with its regional experience in the negotiations on Kosovo's future statuts," Prime Minister Sergei Stanishev told Ahtisaari when they conferred here on Monday.
The PM stressed Bulgaria's readiness to share actively in the diplomatic efforts seeking a settlement of the Kosovo question. In his opinion, regardless of the initially irreconcilable positions, both parties should make certain concessions so that practical results could be achieved. The areas of cultural heritage, decentralization and human rights can give an impetus to the further negotiations. "Any solution should have as an objective the stability of both Kosovo and Serbia," Stanishev said, stressing that Bulgaria is directly interested in this process.
The PM confirmed his country's readiness for further useful contacts at various levels. "The idea is to have the voice of the region heard, which would contribute to its stability," he argued. He expects achievement of tangible results during the Finnish Presidency of the EU.
Ahtisaari thanked for Bulgaria's consistent support for the search of a resolution of the Kosovo question, as well as for the emphasis that Stanishev laid in his speech at the SEECP Summit in Thessaloniki on the European prospect of the countries of Southeastern Europe as a component of regional cooperation. The Special Envoy said that the contribution of each country is taken into consideration and that after Bulgaria, he will hold consultations in Moscow and Beijng. Ahtisaari said that he is working closely with the contact group but it is difficult to comply with all conditions to attain the standards set by the international community. One of the principal objectives now is to prevent a division of the international community on the matter of Kosovo before the next phase of the negotiations. In this connection, the guest stressed the importance of the consultations with Bulgaria at this point and commended highly Bulgaria's contribution. ZH, IT/LG