Text of report in English by independent internet news agency KosovaLive
Prishtina [Pristina], 31 Dec (KosovaLive) - The head of UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo], Soren Jessen-Petersen, from his homeland, Denmark, has sent his wishes for the New Year to Kosova [Kosovo] citizens, expressing his belief that 2006 will see finalization of the status process.
"We are at the end of one momentous year for Kosova and the beginning of another. The past twelve months, like every year, have had their ups and their downs - their triumphs and their tragedies. But they have ended on a high with the opening of the process to determine the status of Kosova. The coming year will more likely see the end of that process," Jessen Petersen stated.
He said that Kosova has seen challenges this year and it has risen to those challenges with political maturity and dignity. "The peaceful transition when the prime minister resigned in March and the rallying in support around the president following his announcement of his health problem. These and many other instances showed to the world that the people of Kosova are looking to the future, not to the past."
"In partnership with the institutions of Kosova as a whole, the international community has continued to work on some of the challenges I spoke of a year ago: the rule of law, the protection of minorities, freedom of movement, return of displaced persons, and decentralization."
He emphasized that there was progress on these issues there can be no doubt - the opening of the status process is itself evidence of that. "But that there could have and needs to be more progress is also plain," he added.
He stressed that many of those issues that were priorities a year ago remain priorities today. The vehicle for achieving progress remains the Standards framework - a framework that will increasingly be geared towards your European goal.
"The standards implementation and improvements in the economy which are, I know, a principle concern for all of you will stay at the front and centre of the international community's efforts in Kosova. They will, I know, be at the heart of the IPVQ [Provisional Institutions of Self-government] policy as well. But for us all, the year, next year, 2006 will be dominated by the status talks."
He said that a sustainable status settlement must be based fundamentally on the desire of the majority in Kosova. "That desire is plain to all. But it is equally important that what the majority seeks for itself it must also seek for the minority communities and that is peace, stability, security, and economic prosperity."
Minority groups often feel, and often with reason, that they and their cultures are under threat. "I would like to look forward to a year when everyone in Kosovo can live freely and at ease with their and each other's culture and have no reason to fear the future."
"For this dream to be made real, the majority must extend the hand of friendship to the minorities and the minorities must take that hand. Another hope for Kosova in 2006, then, must be that it is the year when true political cooperation between all communities becomes a reality," said Kosova's chief administrator.
Saturday, December 31, 2005
Friday, December 30, 2005
Serbia-Montenegro faces tough 2006 over war crimes, division
BELGRADE, Dec 30 (AFP) -
The loose union of Serbia and Montenegro faces a tough year ahead with mounting pressure to arrest top war crimes fugitives, talks on Kosovo's future status, and even its possible dissolution.
The Balkan federation, which replaced Yugoslavia in 2003 in a bid to shake off the legacy of former Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic's regime, has a difficult task to fulfil its aspirations to join the Euro-Atlantic bloc.
Calls for the arrest of top war crimes fugitives, former Bosnian Serb general Ratko Mladic and his political leader Radovan Karadzic, who are believed to be within reach of Serbian security forces, have conditioned talks on Belgrade's closer ties with the European Union and NATO.
Brussels warned recently the next round of EU integration talks in February would only be held if Serbia-Montenegro's cooperation with the UN war crimes tribunal is "fully realised" -- a diplomatic way of insisting on the arrest of the six remaining Serb fugitives.
Belgrade has since responded with a string of announcements in an effort to show it is doing its utmost to locate and hand over Mladic, the highest profile fugitive believed to be hiding in Serbia, by targeting his supporters.
"There is no doubt that the solution of Mladic's case is a precondition to solve all the problems" Serbia is facing, said President Boris Tadic.
Serbia-Montenegro Foreign Minister Vuk Draskovic said no other state in the world "faces such challenges" in the coming year.
Apart from the war crimes burden, the sensitive issue of the status of Kosovo is to be tackled in talks between Belgrade and the territory's Albanian leaders.
Kosovo, legally still a part of Serbia, has been administered by the United Nations since a NATO bombing campaign ousted Belgrade-controlled forces in 1999 to end a Serbian crackdown against separatist Albanian rebels.
Negotiation teams representing Belgrade and Pristina are to begin direct talks on Kosovo in January, with the key issue being whether to grant it the independence demanded by Albanians but strongly opposed by Belgrade.
"These talks will probably be the most difficult even for veteran diplomats as both Belgrade and Pristina are firmly stuck in their completely opposite positions," said a source close to the mediators.
Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova, like all ethnic Albanian leaders, has insisted that "independence remains our main objective in the next year."
"The independence of Kosovo is not negotiable," said Rugova, who is battling the advanced stages of lung cancer and whose death would further complicate the situation.
Belgrade says it is only prepared to offer "more than autonomy, less than independence" in the talks, giving Albanians their own institutions but preserving Serbia's territorial integrity.
Kosovo could have "some kind of international representatives, but no seat in the United Nations, no defence sector and no ministry of foreign affairs," with an "international presence" needed at borders, Tadic told AFP in a recent interview.
The other major problem facing Serbia is a plan by Montenegro's government to hold a referendum on independence in the first few months of 2006.
Brussels fears that such a divorce could undermine both Belgrade's and Podgorica's EU entry bids, and officials also worry that another independence push, just as the Kosovo talks enter a delicate phase, could stir up regional tensions.
Undaunted, "my message to all of our friends in the international community is that they should be prepared for a new political reality in the Balkans in May next year and that will be the existence of a new state -- independent Montenegro," said the republic's Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic.
Montenegro is about a tenth the size of Serbia and has a population of about 650,000, but its people share the same language and religion as Serbians.
The loose union of Serbia and Montenegro faces a tough year ahead with mounting pressure to arrest top war crimes fugitives, talks on Kosovo's future status, and even its possible dissolution.
The Balkan federation, which replaced Yugoslavia in 2003 in a bid to shake off the legacy of former Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic's regime, has a difficult task to fulfil its aspirations to join the Euro-Atlantic bloc.
Calls for the arrest of top war crimes fugitives, former Bosnian Serb general Ratko Mladic and his political leader Radovan Karadzic, who are believed to be within reach of Serbian security forces, have conditioned talks on Belgrade's closer ties with the European Union and NATO.
Brussels warned recently the next round of EU integration talks in February would only be held if Serbia-Montenegro's cooperation with the UN war crimes tribunal is "fully realised" -- a diplomatic way of insisting on the arrest of the six remaining Serb fugitives.
Belgrade has since responded with a string of announcements in an effort to show it is doing its utmost to locate and hand over Mladic, the highest profile fugitive believed to be hiding in Serbia, by targeting his supporters.
"There is no doubt that the solution of Mladic's case is a precondition to solve all the problems" Serbia is facing, said President Boris Tadic.
Serbia-Montenegro Foreign Minister Vuk Draskovic said no other state in the world "faces such challenges" in the coming year.
Apart from the war crimes burden, the sensitive issue of the status of Kosovo is to be tackled in talks between Belgrade and the territory's Albanian leaders.
Kosovo, legally still a part of Serbia, has been administered by the United Nations since a NATO bombing campaign ousted Belgrade-controlled forces in 1999 to end a Serbian crackdown against separatist Albanian rebels.
Negotiation teams representing Belgrade and Pristina are to begin direct talks on Kosovo in January, with the key issue being whether to grant it the independence demanded by Albanians but strongly opposed by Belgrade.
"These talks will probably be the most difficult even for veteran diplomats as both Belgrade and Pristina are firmly stuck in their completely opposite positions," said a source close to the mediators.
Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova, like all ethnic Albanian leaders, has insisted that "independence remains our main objective in the next year."
"The independence of Kosovo is not negotiable," said Rugova, who is battling the advanced stages of lung cancer and whose death would further complicate the situation.
Belgrade says it is only prepared to offer "more than autonomy, less than independence" in the talks, giving Albanians their own institutions but preserving Serbia's territorial integrity.
Kosovo could have "some kind of international representatives, but no seat in the United Nations, no defence sector and no ministry of foreign affairs," with an "international presence" needed at borders, Tadic told AFP in a recent interview.
The other major problem facing Serbia is a plan by Montenegro's government to hold a referendum on independence in the first few months of 2006.
Brussels fears that such a divorce could undermine both Belgrade's and Podgorica's EU entry bids, and officials also worry that another independence push, just as the Kosovo talks enter a delicate phase, could stir up regional tensions.
Undaunted, "my message to all of our friends in the international community is that they should be prepared for a new political reality in the Balkans in May next year and that will be the existence of a new state -- independent Montenegro," said the republic's Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic.
Montenegro is about a tenth the size of Serbia and has a population of about 650,000, but its people share the same language and religion as Serbians.
Austria urges respect for Serbs in talks on Kosovo
BERLIN (AP) - Austrian Chancellor Wolfgang Schuessel called in remarks released Friday for the "dignity of the Serbs" to be respected in talks over the future status of Kosovo.
Efforts to stabilize the Balkans are expected to be a focus of Austria's six-month presidency of the European Union, which begins on Jan. 1.
In a newspaper interview, Schuessel said Serbia faced difficult problems, from international pressure to hand over suspected war criminals to the future of its federation with Montenegro and efforts to revive the economy.
"I urge that we take the dignity of the Serbs very seriously," Schuessel was quoted as saying in an interview to appear in Saturday's Sueddeutsche Zeitung.
"Finding a new status for Kosovo will be unavoidable. But that can only happen in dialogue with the partners," Schuessel said.
U.N.-mediated talks are expected to begin in January on whether Kosovo becomes independent as demanded by ethnic Albanians or remains under the formal control of Serbia.
Kosovo, officially a province of Serbia-Montenegro, has been administered by the United Nations since a 1999 NATO bombing campaign halted the Serbian crackdown on independence-seeking ethnic Albanians.
Some 17,500 NATO-led peacekeepers are deployed in the province.
Efforts to stabilize the Balkans are expected to be a focus of Austria's six-month presidency of the European Union, which begins on Jan. 1.
In a newspaper interview, Schuessel said Serbia faced difficult problems, from international pressure to hand over suspected war criminals to the future of its federation with Montenegro and efforts to revive the economy.
"I urge that we take the dignity of the Serbs very seriously," Schuessel was quoted as saying in an interview to appear in Saturday's Sueddeutsche Zeitung.
"Finding a new status for Kosovo will be unavoidable. But that can only happen in dialogue with the partners," Schuessel said.
U.N.-mediated talks are expected to begin in January on whether Kosovo becomes independent as demanded by ethnic Albanians or remains under the formal control of Serbia.
Kosovo, officially a province of Serbia-Montenegro, has been administered by the United Nations since a 1999 NATO bombing campaign halted the Serbian crackdown on independence-seeking ethnic Albanians.
Some 17,500 NATO-led peacekeepers are deployed in the province.
Rugova’s faction against Daci (Lajm)
Lajm reports that Assembly Speaker Nexhat Daci is secretly trying to ‘cook’ the merger of LDK with the AAK into a ‘big union’. On the other hand, the faction of President Ibrahim Rugova fiercely opposes Daci’s actions, says the article adding that Nexhat Daci’s office has become a kitchen of all government coalitions and of party unions.
Nexhat Daci is close to concluding talks on merger of LDK and AAK into one single party the Democratic Union of Kosovo (UDK). His political advisor, Ramush Tahiri, who is the key negotiator in the process, has accepted, according to the paper, that talks are moving fast.
The article further reports that a few weeks ago, Daci brought together in his villa in Brezovica the key AAK officials, except Haradinaj. A source present in the meeting told the paper that Daci briefed AAK representatives that he had the support of 11 LDK MPs who were willing to break out of Rugova’s faction.
Daci’s idea was created when Rugova’s health deteriorated and the mission was entrusted to Ramush Tahiri and AAK official Ramiz Lladrovci.
Lutfi Haziri, Melihate Termkolli, Astrit Haraqija and other LDK members, including Sabri Hamiti’s ‘clan’, as the paper refers to it, are against the union.
“A big and well structured party as LDK does not need to merge with any small party, in this case the AAK,” Haziri is quoted as telling the paper.
The article quotes a source close to the British Office in Pristina as saying that such a union has been supported by most of the Western representatives in Pristina, because the international community is interested is eliminating the differences between the parties that emerged from the war and the pacifists, Lajm says.
AAK Secretary General, Ahmet Isufi, told the paper that there is no interest in either party for such a union and added that he is not aware of such negotiations taking place.
Nexhat Daci is close to concluding talks on merger of LDK and AAK into one single party the Democratic Union of Kosovo (UDK). His political advisor, Ramush Tahiri, who is the key negotiator in the process, has accepted, according to the paper, that talks are moving fast.
The article further reports that a few weeks ago, Daci brought together in his villa in Brezovica the key AAK officials, except Haradinaj. A source present in the meeting told the paper that Daci briefed AAK representatives that he had the support of 11 LDK MPs who were willing to break out of Rugova’s faction.
Daci’s idea was created when Rugova’s health deteriorated and the mission was entrusted to Ramush Tahiri and AAK official Ramiz Lladrovci.
Lutfi Haziri, Melihate Termkolli, Astrit Haraqija and other LDK members, including Sabri Hamiti’s ‘clan’, as the paper refers to it, are against the union.
“A big and well structured party as LDK does not need to merge with any small party, in this case the AAK,” Haziri is quoted as telling the paper.
The article quotes a source close to the British Office in Pristina as saying that such a union has been supported by most of the Western representatives in Pristina, because the international community is interested is eliminating the differences between the parties that emerged from the war and the pacifists, Lajm says.
AAK Secretary General, Ahmet Isufi, told the paper that there is no interest in either party for such a union and added that he is not aware of such negotiations taking place.
Serbia-Montenegro faces tough 2006 over war crimes, division
BELGRADE, Dec 30 (AFP) -
The loose union of Serbia and Montenegro faces a tough year ahead with mounting pressure to arrest top war crimes fugitives, talks on Kosovo's future status, and even its possible dissolution.
The Balkan federation, which replaced Yugoslavia in 2003 in a bid to shake off the legacy of former Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic's regime, has a difficult task to fulfil its aspirations to join the Euro-Atlantic bloc.
Calls for the arrest of top war crimes fugitives, former Bosnian Serb general Ratko Mladic and his political leader Radovan Karadzic, who are believed to be within reach of Serbian security forces, have conditioned talks on Belgrade's closer ties with the European Union and NATO.
Brussels warned recently the next round of EU integration talks in February would only be held if Serbia-Montenegro's cooperation with the UN war crimes tribunal is "fully realised" -- a diplomatic way of insisting on the arrest of the six remaining Serb fugitives.
Belgrade has since responded with a string of announcements in an effort to show it is doing its utmost to locate and hand over Mladic, the highest profile fugitive believed to be hiding in Serbia, by targeting his supporters.
"There is no doubt that the solution of Mladic's case is a precondition to solve all the problems" Serbia is facing, said President Boris Tadic.
Serbia-Montenegro Foreign Minister Vuk Draskovic said no other state in the world "faces such challenges" in the coming year.
Apart from the war crimes burden, the sensitive issue of the status of Kosovo is to be tackled in talks between Belgrade and the territory's Albanian leaders.
Kosovo, legally still a part of Serbia, has been administered by the United Nations since a NATO bombing campaign ousted Belgrade-controlled forces in 1999 to end a Serbian crackdown against separatist Albanian rebels.
Negotiation teams representing Belgrade and Pristina are to begin direct talks on Kosovo in January, with the key issue being whether to grant it the independence demanded by Albanians but strongly opposed by Belgrade.
"These talks will probably be the most difficult even for veteran diplomats as both Belgrade and Pristina are firmly stuck in their completely opposite positions," said a source close to the mediators.
Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova, like all ethnic Albanian leaders, has insisted that "independence remains our main objective in the next year."
"The independence of Kosovo is not negotiable," said Rugova, who is battling the advanced stages of lung cancer and whose death would further complicate the situation.
Belgrade says it is only prepared to offer "more than autonomy, less than independence" in the talks, giving Albanians their own institutions but preserving Serbia's territorial integrity.
Kosovo could have "some kind of international representatives, but no seat in the United Nations, no defence sector and no ministry of foreign affairs," with an "international presence" needed at borders, Tadic told AFP in a recent interview.
The other major problem facing Serbia is a plan by Montenegro's government to hold a referendum on independence in the first few months of 2006.
Brussels fears that such a divorce could undermine both Belgrade's and Podgorica's EU entry bids, and officials also worry that another independence push, just as the Kosovo talks enter a delicate phase, could stir up regional tensions.
Undaunted, "my message to all of our friends in the international community is that they should be prepared for a new political reality in the Balkans in May next year and that will be the existence of a new state -- independent Montenegro," said the republic's Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic.
Montenegro is about a tenth the size of Serbia and has a population of about 650,000, but its people share the same language and religion as Serbians.
The loose union of Serbia and Montenegro faces a tough year ahead with mounting pressure to arrest top war crimes fugitives, talks on Kosovo's future status, and even its possible dissolution.
The Balkan federation, which replaced Yugoslavia in 2003 in a bid to shake off the legacy of former Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic's regime, has a difficult task to fulfil its aspirations to join the Euro-Atlantic bloc.
Calls for the arrest of top war crimes fugitives, former Bosnian Serb general Ratko Mladic and his political leader Radovan Karadzic, who are believed to be within reach of Serbian security forces, have conditioned talks on Belgrade's closer ties with the European Union and NATO.
Brussels warned recently the next round of EU integration talks in February would only be held if Serbia-Montenegro's cooperation with the UN war crimes tribunal is "fully realised" -- a diplomatic way of insisting on the arrest of the six remaining Serb fugitives.
Belgrade has since responded with a string of announcements in an effort to show it is doing its utmost to locate and hand over Mladic, the highest profile fugitive believed to be hiding in Serbia, by targeting his supporters.
"There is no doubt that the solution of Mladic's case is a precondition to solve all the problems" Serbia is facing, said President Boris Tadic.
Serbia-Montenegro Foreign Minister Vuk Draskovic said no other state in the world "faces such challenges" in the coming year.
Apart from the war crimes burden, the sensitive issue of the status of Kosovo is to be tackled in talks between Belgrade and the territory's Albanian leaders.
Kosovo, legally still a part of Serbia, has been administered by the United Nations since a NATO bombing campaign ousted Belgrade-controlled forces in 1999 to end a Serbian crackdown against separatist Albanian rebels.
Negotiation teams representing Belgrade and Pristina are to begin direct talks on Kosovo in January, with the key issue being whether to grant it the independence demanded by Albanians but strongly opposed by Belgrade.
"These talks will probably be the most difficult even for veteran diplomats as both Belgrade and Pristina are firmly stuck in their completely opposite positions," said a source close to the mediators.
Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova, like all ethnic Albanian leaders, has insisted that "independence remains our main objective in the next year."
"The independence of Kosovo is not negotiable," said Rugova, who is battling the advanced stages of lung cancer and whose death would further complicate the situation.
Belgrade says it is only prepared to offer "more than autonomy, less than independence" in the talks, giving Albanians their own institutions but preserving Serbia's territorial integrity.
Kosovo could have "some kind of international representatives, but no seat in the United Nations, no defence sector and no ministry of foreign affairs," with an "international presence" needed at borders, Tadic told AFP in a recent interview.
The other major problem facing Serbia is a plan by Montenegro's government to hold a referendum on independence in the first few months of 2006.
Brussels fears that such a divorce could undermine both Belgrade's and Podgorica's EU entry bids, and officials also worry that another independence push, just as the Kosovo talks enter a delicate phase, could stir up regional tensions.
Undaunted, "my message to all of our friends in the international community is that they should be prepared for a new political reality in the Balkans in May next year and that will be the existence of a new state -- independent Montenegro," said the republic's Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic.
Montenegro is about a tenth the size of Serbia and has a population of about 650,000, but its people share the same language and religion as Serbians.
SRSG Søren Jessen-Petersen’s New Year Message
We are at the end of one momentous year for Kosovo and the beginning of another. The past twelve months, like every year, have had their ups and their downs – their triumphs and their tragedies. But they have ended on a high – with the opening of the process to determine the status of Kosovo. The coming year will more likely see the end of that process.
Kosovo has seen challenges this year – and it has risen to those challenges with political maturity and dignity. The peaceful transition when the Prime Minister resigned in March; the rallying in support around the President following his announcement of his health problem. These and many other instances showed to the world that the people of Kosovo are looking to the future, not to the past.
In partnership with the institutions of Kosovo as a whole, the international community has continued to work on some of the challenges I spoke of a year ago: the rule of law; the protection of minorities; freedom of movement; return of displaced persons; decentralisation.
That there was progress on these issues there can be no doubt – the opening of the status process is itself evidence of that. But that there could have – and needs to be – more progress is also plain. Many of those issues that were priorities a year ago remain priorities today. The vehicle for achieving progress remains the Standards framework – a framework which will increasingly be geared towards your European goal.
Standards implementation – and improvements in the economy which are, I know, a principle concern for all of you – will stay at the front and centre of the international community’s efforts in Kosovo. They will, I know, be at the heart of the PISG’s policy as well. But for us all, the year, next year, 2006 will be dominated by the status talks.
What will the process bring? I have said before that it is to me self-evident that a sustainable status settlement must be based fundamentally on the desire of the majority in Kosovo. That desire is plain to all. But it is equally important that what the majority seeks for itself it must also seek for the minority communities – that is peace, stability, security and economic prosperity.
Minority groups often feel, and often with reason, that they and their cultures are under threat. I would like to look forward to a year when everyone in Kosovo can live freely and at ease with their and each other’s culture – and have no reason to fear the future.
For this dream to be made real, the majority must extend the hand of friendship to the minorities; and the minorities must take that hand. Another hope for Kosovo in 2006, then, must be that it is the year when true political co-operation between all communities become a reality.
These are earnest hopes – and they will be difficult to realise – but in December 2004, twelve months ago – it was equally hard to see Kosovo reaching the point it has achieved today; so if hopes can act as spurs to achievement, they are worth keeping hold of.
And so, with this happy vision in mind, I would like to wish Gëzuar Vitin i Ri, Srecna Nova Godina and Happy New Year to you all.
Kosovo has seen challenges this year – and it has risen to those challenges with political maturity and dignity. The peaceful transition when the Prime Minister resigned in March; the rallying in support around the President following his announcement of his health problem. These and many other instances showed to the world that the people of Kosovo are looking to the future, not to the past.
In partnership with the institutions of Kosovo as a whole, the international community has continued to work on some of the challenges I spoke of a year ago: the rule of law; the protection of minorities; freedom of movement; return of displaced persons; decentralisation.
That there was progress on these issues there can be no doubt – the opening of the status process is itself evidence of that. But that there could have – and needs to be – more progress is also plain. Many of those issues that were priorities a year ago remain priorities today. The vehicle for achieving progress remains the Standards framework – a framework which will increasingly be geared towards your European goal.
Standards implementation – and improvements in the economy which are, I know, a principle concern for all of you – will stay at the front and centre of the international community’s efforts in Kosovo. They will, I know, be at the heart of the PISG’s policy as well. But for us all, the year, next year, 2006 will be dominated by the status talks.
What will the process bring? I have said before that it is to me self-evident that a sustainable status settlement must be based fundamentally on the desire of the majority in Kosovo. That desire is plain to all. But it is equally important that what the majority seeks for itself it must also seek for the minority communities – that is peace, stability, security and economic prosperity.
Minority groups often feel, and often with reason, that they and their cultures are under threat. I would like to look forward to a year when everyone in Kosovo can live freely and at ease with their and each other’s culture – and have no reason to fear the future.
For this dream to be made real, the majority must extend the hand of friendship to the minorities; and the minorities must take that hand. Another hope for Kosovo in 2006, then, must be that it is the year when true political co-operation between all communities become a reality.
These are earnest hopes – and they will be difficult to realise – but in December 2004, twelve months ago – it was equally hard to see Kosovo reaching the point it has achieved today; so if hopes can act as spurs to achievement, they are worth keeping hold of.
And so, with this happy vision in mind, I would like to wish Gëzuar Vitin i Ri, Srecna Nova Godina and Happy New Year to you all.
Thursday, December 29, 2005
Kosovo premier appoints advisor for relations with Serbia
Belgrade, 28 December: A former high official of Kosovo and SFRJ [Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia], lawyer Azem Vlasi, has accepted to be Kosovo Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi's advisor during talks on Kosovo status, the International Press Centre in Kosovska Mitrovica has stated.
[Passage omitted]
Vlasi has said, as local media have reported, that it has been agreed with the premier that he be the advisor for relations with Serbia and some neighbouring countries where Kosovo has interests, mentioning Montenegro and Bosnia-Hercegovina in that context.
Source: FoNet news agency, Belgrade, in Serbian 1758 gmt 28 Dec 05
[Passage omitted]
Vlasi has said, as local media have reported, that it has been agreed with the premier that he be the advisor for relations with Serbia and some neighbouring countries where Kosovo has interests, mentioning Montenegro and Bosnia-Hercegovina in that context.
Source: FoNet news agency, Belgrade, in Serbian 1758 gmt 28 Dec 05
Wednesday, December 28, 2005
LDK gets interior ministry, AAK justice ministry (Dailies)
The Ministry of Interior will be headed by LDK while the Ministry of Justice by AAK, Kosova Sot quotes a source as saying. The paper further says that now we are just waiting for the names of the ministers to be announced.
Under a big front-page headline Formulas for new ministries, Express reports that the problem with allocation of ministries between LDK and AAK will be solved through the creation of a new ministry for Euro-Atlantic Integrations. According to the first scenario the interior ministry and the ministry for Euro-Atlantic integrations will be headed by LDK, while the ministry of Justice by AAK. According to the second formula LDK gets ministries of interior and justice while AAK gets the ministry of integrations. The paper says that Ramë Maraj has been opposed to by the internationals, and quotes an unnamed diplomat in Pristina as saying that there is no chance that Maraj will lead the ministry as it needs professional and apolitical people. Express quotes sources as saying that LDK has a second option: the appointment of Çelëj Çelaj, an officer currently in the US.
Under a big front-page headline Formulas for new ministries, Express reports that the problem with allocation of ministries between LDK and AAK will be solved through the creation of a new ministry for Euro-Atlantic Integrations. According to the first scenario the interior ministry and the ministry for Euro-Atlantic integrations will be headed by LDK, while the ministry of Justice by AAK. According to the second formula LDK gets ministries of interior and justice while AAK gets the ministry of integrations. The paper says that Ramë Maraj has been opposed to by the internationals, and quotes an unnamed diplomat in Pristina as saying that there is no chance that Maraj will lead the ministry as it needs professional and apolitical people. Express quotes sources as saying that LDK has a second option: the appointment of Çelëj Çelaj, an officer currently in the US.
Tuesday, December 27, 2005
FINI: INDEPENDENCE FOR KOSOVO POSSIBLE IF CONDITIONS ARE MET
is possible provided that specific conditions are met. Fini stressed the need for Italy to play an active role in the region and the outcome of the talks on the region's status can contribute so much to its stability. Kosovo is a Serbian province in which a majority of ethnic Albanians live and is currently administered by the United Nations. (AGI) -
Serbia 'cannot locate' fugitive
Serbia has denied reports that it knows the whereabouts of key war crimes fugitive Ratko Mladic.
Gen Mladic, on the run since 1995, has been charged with genocide and other crimes over the Bosnian war.
The interior minister said authorities had information on Gen Mladic, but they did not have enough to locate him.
Correspondents says the comments come amid growing speculation that Belgrade has been negotiating with Gen Mladic on his surrender to the Hague tribunal.
The government has faced international pressure to find and extradite Gen Mladic and former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic.
UN war crimes prosecutor Carla del Ponte has urged Serbia to arrest the two by the end of this month.
Interior Minister Dragan Jocic told a parliamentary body in charge of Serbian security there was a "realistic possibility" that war crimes suspects including Gen Mladic were hiding in Serbia.
"But they are experienced warriors, the men who survived the war under difficult circumstances and they know how to do it," he said.
The BBC's Nick Hawton in Sarajevo says local media reports have suggested for some time that Gen Mladic has been in negotiations for his handover to the UN war crimes tribunal.
This weekend, a well-connected former police chief of Belgrade was reported as saying decisive talks were taking place for a surrender, and Gen Mladic was seeking guarantees for his family and supporters.
However, our correspondent says there have been many false dawns regarding the arrest of Gen Mladic and Mr Karadzic - and it is not yet clear whether the latest reports will lead to a breakthrough.
Gen Mladic, on the run since 1995, has been charged with genocide and other crimes over the Bosnian war.
The interior minister said authorities had information on Gen Mladic, but they did not have enough to locate him.
Correspondents says the comments come amid growing speculation that Belgrade has been negotiating with Gen Mladic on his surrender to the Hague tribunal.
The government has faced international pressure to find and extradite Gen Mladic and former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic.
UN war crimes prosecutor Carla del Ponte has urged Serbia to arrest the two by the end of this month.
Interior Minister Dragan Jocic told a parliamentary body in charge of Serbian security there was a "realistic possibility" that war crimes suspects including Gen Mladic were hiding in Serbia.
"But they are experienced warriors, the men who survived the war under difficult circumstances and they know how to do it," he said.
The BBC's Nick Hawton in Sarajevo says local media reports have suggested for some time that Gen Mladic has been in negotiations for his handover to the UN war crimes tribunal.
This weekend, a well-connected former police chief of Belgrade was reported as saying decisive talks were taking place for a surrender, and Gen Mladic was seeking guarantees for his family and supporters.
However, our correspondent says there have been many false dawns regarding the arrest of Gen Mladic and Mr Karadzic - and it is not yet clear whether the latest reports will lead to a breakthrough.
Albanian parties in southern Serbia draft platform demanding autonomy
Text of report by Serbian news agency Beta
Presevo, 26 December: Representatives of Albanian parties and local institutions in Presevo, Bujanovac, and Medvedja have today completed a draft political platform demanding autonomy for the three municipalities within the borders of Serbia.
Mithat Shaqipi, representative of the biggest Albanian party in southern Serbia, the Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA), told BETA that the new platform was based on a "referendum on the political and territorial autonomy of Albanians, held on 1 and 2 March 1992.
"The Albanians' demand in the proposed platform is therefore autonomy for the region of Presevo, Bujanovac, and Medvedja within the borders of Serbia," said Shaqipi, who is a member of the working group that drafted the platform.
Asked when the platform would be presented to the public, Shaqipi said the working group would meet tomorrow in Pristina meet with Veton Surroi and present him the platform. Surroi is a member of the negotiating team of Kosovo.
The platform contains an annex that says that Albanians in southern Serbia would demand unification with Kosovo should there be a chance in Kosovo's borders, BETA was told by a source from the five-member working group that comprises representatives of Albanian parties from southern Serbia.
Source: Beta news agency, Belgrade, in Serbian 1938 gmt 26 Dec 05
Presevo, 26 December: Representatives of Albanian parties and local institutions in Presevo, Bujanovac, and Medvedja have today completed a draft political platform demanding autonomy for the three municipalities within the borders of Serbia.
Mithat Shaqipi, representative of the biggest Albanian party in southern Serbia, the Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA), told BETA that the new platform was based on a "referendum on the political and territorial autonomy of Albanians, held on 1 and 2 March 1992.
"The Albanians' demand in the proposed platform is therefore autonomy for the region of Presevo, Bujanovac, and Medvedja within the borders of Serbia," said Shaqipi, who is a member of the working group that drafted the platform.
Asked when the platform would be presented to the public, Shaqipi said the working group would meet tomorrow in Pristina meet with Veton Surroi and present him the platform. Surroi is a member of the negotiating team of Kosovo.
The platform contains an annex that says that Albanians in southern Serbia would demand unification with Kosovo should there be a chance in Kosovo's borders, BETA was told by a source from the five-member working group that comprises representatives of Albanian parties from southern Serbia.
Source: Beta news agency, Belgrade, in Serbian 1938 gmt 26 Dec 05
Kosovo premier vows to insist on independence despite pressure
Excerpt from report in English by independent internet news agency KosovaLive
Prishtina [Pristina], 26 December: Kosova [Kosovo] Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi said that even if the international community insisted on a compromise he would not sign anything less than full independence.
"I will not accept such a thing and believe that other members of the delegation will do the same," Kosumi said in an interview to KosovaLive.
He said that all political parties in the parliament had the mandate to create an independent and sovereign state, and anyone who accepted making a deal on this issue went beyond that mandate. "There is no compromise about independence," Kosumi added.
He emphasized that there were some other issues to be discussed with Serbia, such as religious heritage in Kosova or individual links of Kosova Serbs with Serbia.
As for the status talks and their length, the prime minister said that there was a general consensus between the Contact Group member states, Kosova political factor and the neighbouring countries that this process should not last too long.
The prime minister said that they have achieved significant results in the implementation of standards, stabilization of democracy, privatization, attracting of foreign investments, and economic capacity building. "There is no doubt that we have invested a lot in the fulfilment of our dream," said Kosumi, adding that the beginning of the status talks was a result of the government's work.
Prishtina [Pristina], 26 December: Kosova [Kosovo] Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi said that even if the international community insisted on a compromise he would not sign anything less than full independence.
"I will not accept such a thing and believe that other members of the delegation will do the same," Kosumi said in an interview to KosovaLive.
He said that all political parties in the parliament had the mandate to create an independent and sovereign state, and anyone who accepted making a deal on this issue went beyond that mandate. "There is no compromise about independence," Kosumi added.
He emphasized that there were some other issues to be discussed with Serbia, such as religious heritage in Kosova or individual links of Kosova Serbs with Serbia.
As for the status talks and their length, the prime minister said that there was a general consensus between the Contact Group member states, Kosova political factor and the neighbouring countries that this process should not last too long.
The prime minister said that they have achieved significant results in the implementation of standards, stabilization of democracy, privatization, attracting of foreign investments, and economic capacity building. "There is no doubt that we have invested a lot in the fulfilment of our dream," said Kosumi, adding that the beginning of the status talks was a result of the government's work.
Serbs protest Kosovo shootings
KOSOVSKA MITROVICA, Serbia-Montenegro, Dec 27 (AFP) -
Some 1,000 Serbs took to the streets of Mitrovica on Tuesday, voicing their anger after two Serbs were shot and wounded in the ethnically divided town in Kosovo.
"The latest attacks show that ethnic cleansing is happening," shouted protesters at the demonstration in the centre of the mainly Serb-populated northern part of the town.
"If UNMIK (the UN mission in Kosovo) cannot guarantee our security, there is only solution left -- the return of Serbian military and police" to the province of Kosovo, they said.
The gathering was held in response to the shooting of two ethnic Serbs in Mitrovica early Monday. Both victims were taken to hospital, and one of them is recovering from an operation on gunshot wounds to his stomach.
Kosovo has been administered by the United Nations and NATO since June 1999, when the alliance's intervention ended a crackdown by Belgrade-controlled forces against separatist ethnic Albanian rebels.
More than 200,000 ethnic Serbs have since fled the province fearing reprisals from Albanians after the 1998-1999 conflict, according to Serbia's government.
Out of the estimated 80,000 Serbs who remain in Kosovo, some 30,000 live in enclaves in the central part of the province, as ethnic tensions remain high.
Albanians, who outnumber Serbs and other minorities in Kosovo by more than nine to one, are seeking independence from Serbia in the recently opened talks on the province's future status.
Some 1,000 Serbs took to the streets of Mitrovica on Tuesday, voicing their anger after two Serbs were shot and wounded in the ethnically divided town in Kosovo.
"The latest attacks show that ethnic cleansing is happening," shouted protesters at the demonstration in the centre of the mainly Serb-populated northern part of the town.
"If UNMIK (the UN mission in Kosovo) cannot guarantee our security, there is only solution left -- the return of Serbian military and police" to the province of Kosovo, they said.
The gathering was held in response to the shooting of two ethnic Serbs in Mitrovica early Monday. Both victims were taken to hospital, and one of them is recovering from an operation on gunshot wounds to his stomach.
Kosovo has been administered by the United Nations and NATO since June 1999, when the alliance's intervention ended a crackdown by Belgrade-controlled forces against separatist ethnic Albanian rebels.
More than 200,000 ethnic Serbs have since fled the province fearing reprisals from Albanians after the 1998-1999 conflict, according to Serbia's government.
Out of the estimated 80,000 Serbs who remain in Kosovo, some 30,000 live in enclaves in the central part of the province, as ethnic tensions remain high.
Albanians, who outnumber Serbs and other minorities in Kosovo by more than nine to one, are seeking independence from Serbia in the recently opened talks on the province's future status.
Monday, December 26, 2005
Ex-premier insists on Kosovo independence
Former Kosovo Prime Minister Bajram Rexhepi has said "there can be no conditional independence", adding that "there can be either independence or nothing". He said Kosovo was demanding independence from Serbia, not from the international community, and that NATO could stay in Kosovo as long as it was necessary. The following is the text of interview with Rexhepi by Edlira Prenga; place and date not given, entitled "Rexhepi: Negotiations at shuttle diplomacy stage", published by Albanian newspaper Koha Jone on 22 December, the first paragraph is Koha Jone introduction:
Former Kosova [Kosovo] Prime Minister Bajram Rexhepi commented yesterday on all the latest developments in Kosova concerning its final status. Rexhepi said that the negotiations were at an initial stage and the most important thing was to ensure that this stage would end with the establishment of an international group, which would provide a final solution to this process. Referring to the constitution, among other things, he said that the Serbian minorities in Kosova enjoyed the best status in Europe. However, the problem was that the Serbs were not integrated into the Kosova institutions. On the other hand, he also commented on the role of Albania. He said that Albania had so far displayed mature behaviour, without making strong declarations. As far as the term "conditional independence" is concerned, Rexhepi said that Kosova has already left that stage behind, and what it now needed was independence without conditions.
[Prenga] The talks on defining Kosova's final status have already started. What do you think about the beginning of this important process?
[Rexhepi] After a long, six-year waiting period, the talks on defining Kosova's definitive status have at least begun. At first, we had the visit of Marti Ahtisari, the chief negotiator, with his team to Prishtina [Pristina], Belgrade, Podgorica and Shkup [Skopje] to collect our opinions and proposals. This is described as the initial shuttle diplomacy in which no-one has a clear plan of how these talks will continue. We will wait for another direct meeting between the Kosova and Serbian sides with the mediation of the chief negotiator or other international structures, even though everyone familiar with reality in the Balkans knows that these negotiations will not be successful and might, initially, fail, because we have had enough time, decades on end, and we have not been able to resolve our problems, particularly after the war.
Therefore, it is very likely that the two sides will not be able to agree on high-standing concepts. I think that the process should end with the convocation of an international conference, which might attempt to resolve the question of Kosova's status.
[Prenga] According to some rumours, there are conflicts in the negotiating group on the definition of Kosova's status. You said that the negotiations are at a shuttle stage. What should Kosova politicians practically do?
[Rexhepi] There is full unity in the Kosova negotiating group. In addition to the negotiating group, there is also a political group and expert sub-groups with coordinators, who will prepare the necessary documents and provide strong logistics.
The negotiating group is very clear about its mandate, which is based on the [Kosovo parliamentary] resolution for an independent and sovereign state. There are 11 points [of this resolution], which make clear what can be negotiated and what cannot be negotiated. This is the only mandate for decision-making; there is no other mandate. Every major decision should be subjected to discussion in the assembly. From this point of view, there is not much room for manoeuvre. We have not gone into these negotiations with maximum demands. Our demands are realistic; there are demands for an independent and sovereign Kosova. We have no flexibility, at all, as far as the independence is concerned. We are not ready to make any compromise on that.
Only if we have independence can we have a state claiming to be a functional democratic state, in which there is room for the protection of the human, ethnic, cultural, and religious rights, all at high standards. This is an area in which we have readiness and flexibility.
[Prenga] Referring to the situation and the position taken by Serbia and Greece, one can say that the Balkans is a "hotbed". How do you think can this situation be resolved?
[Rexhepi] It has been a "hotbed" particularly during the war. Now the situation is more peaceful. If, from a political point of view, it is considered a hotbed, I think that the independence of Kosova would stabilize the region, in general. One can expect the Serbs to disagree with Kosova's independence.
However, I do not think that the Greeks would have the same attitude, because Greek official policy is in line with the principles set by the Contact Group. Their view is not different from that of this group. They are interested to know what the status of the religious communities will be. They want us to accept that the religious communities are administered by the clerics themselves. However, we cannot accept the extra-territoriality of these communities. Therefore, I think that the Greeks will be in line with the Contact Group.
[Prenga] Will the Serbian minorities in Kosova be respected?
[Rexhepi] On the basis of the constitutional framework, the position of the Serbian minorities is more advanced than that of the minority communities in Europe. I can give you an example. They have been allotted 10 seats in the parliament irrespective of their election results. In the last parliamentary election they gained an additional 13 seats, which means that they had 23 seats at a time when their percentage [of the total population] is 5 to 6 per cent. They are, thus, well represented. However, the problem is that they are not integrated into the democratic institutions. They do not take part in the election and their dream is to have Kosova returned to Serbia.
[Prenga] What do you think about Albania's role in the settlement of Kosova status?
[Rexhepi] I think that this role has been, generally, positive. Albania has been continuously careful, with a pragmatic policy to ensure that it is a factor of stability in the Balkans, because this is, primarily, in the interest of Albania as well as in the interest of the region, in general. It has never made pompous, nationalist, or similar declarations.
Indeed, one can even say that Tirana's position has been more moderate than it should have been, because we justly expect Albania to come out openly, without hesitation, in favour of Kosova's independence. This position was, in fact, confirmed by [Albanian] Assembly Chairwoman [Jozefina Topalli], the delegation of [Albanian Assembly] foreign policy commission, and the [Albanian Assembly] European Integration [commission] in their meetings with us. This is natural, because we should now feel ourselves at ease. There will be two Albanian states in the Balkans and we will have better relations. This is normal.
[Prenga] Chief Negotiator Ahtisari declared during his recent visit to Albania that Albania can be an important player in these solutions.
[Rexhepi] Ahtisari has said that Albania will not be a decision-making factor and we know that it cannot be a decision-making factor. However, it can play a very active role by providing its support for the settlement of Kosova's definitive status. It cannot be a passive observer. It should play an active role, not a decision-making role, because no neighbouring country will take part in the decision-making process.
[Prenga] Foreign Minister Besnik Mustafaj has used the term of "conditional independence". What does this term really mean?
[Rexhepi] Mustafaj is not alone in using this term. There is speculation with it in Europe and, probably, the United States, depending on where the analysts are located. What does conditional independence mean? None of these analysts has explained whether it is now time for Kosova to acquire its independence. None of them has said what conditions should be set to Kosova.
I think that Kosova has currently a kind of status indicative of conditional independence. Therefore, it is right for us to expect independence, not conditions.
Such declarations can be made by the international community. But we cannot expect Albania to make them. We are ready to ask - and we will ask - for the presence of NATO for as long as necessary, for assistance in the judiciary in order to be more effective, for assistance in the economic structures, and in all the mechanisms of international interest.
In a way, we are demanding independence from Serbia, not from the international community. Therefore, there can be no conditional independence. There can be either independence or nothing.
[Prenga] Do you think that Kosova has sufficient potential to become an independent state?
[Rexhepi] This is relative. Even if you had an abundant budget with no limitations, you need 10 to 15 years to build all the state structures. Kosova is under construction. The government does not have all the potential. However, there are states with democratic institutions at a lower stage than those in Kosova and they are still surviving. A question could be whether Kosova can be economically viable and I think that it can be economically viable.
Source: Koha Jone, Tirana, in Albanian 22 Dec 05
Former Kosova [Kosovo] Prime Minister Bajram Rexhepi commented yesterday on all the latest developments in Kosova concerning its final status. Rexhepi said that the negotiations were at an initial stage and the most important thing was to ensure that this stage would end with the establishment of an international group, which would provide a final solution to this process. Referring to the constitution, among other things, he said that the Serbian minorities in Kosova enjoyed the best status in Europe. However, the problem was that the Serbs were not integrated into the Kosova institutions. On the other hand, he also commented on the role of Albania. He said that Albania had so far displayed mature behaviour, without making strong declarations. As far as the term "conditional independence" is concerned, Rexhepi said that Kosova has already left that stage behind, and what it now needed was independence without conditions.
[Prenga] The talks on defining Kosova's final status have already started. What do you think about the beginning of this important process?
[Rexhepi] After a long, six-year waiting period, the talks on defining Kosova's definitive status have at least begun. At first, we had the visit of Marti Ahtisari, the chief negotiator, with his team to Prishtina [Pristina], Belgrade, Podgorica and Shkup [Skopje] to collect our opinions and proposals. This is described as the initial shuttle diplomacy in which no-one has a clear plan of how these talks will continue. We will wait for another direct meeting between the Kosova and Serbian sides with the mediation of the chief negotiator or other international structures, even though everyone familiar with reality in the Balkans knows that these negotiations will not be successful and might, initially, fail, because we have had enough time, decades on end, and we have not been able to resolve our problems, particularly after the war.
Therefore, it is very likely that the two sides will not be able to agree on high-standing concepts. I think that the process should end with the convocation of an international conference, which might attempt to resolve the question of Kosova's status.
[Prenga] According to some rumours, there are conflicts in the negotiating group on the definition of Kosova's status. You said that the negotiations are at a shuttle stage. What should Kosova politicians practically do?
[Rexhepi] There is full unity in the Kosova negotiating group. In addition to the negotiating group, there is also a political group and expert sub-groups with coordinators, who will prepare the necessary documents and provide strong logistics.
The negotiating group is very clear about its mandate, which is based on the [Kosovo parliamentary] resolution for an independent and sovereign state. There are 11 points [of this resolution], which make clear what can be negotiated and what cannot be negotiated. This is the only mandate for decision-making; there is no other mandate. Every major decision should be subjected to discussion in the assembly. From this point of view, there is not much room for manoeuvre. We have not gone into these negotiations with maximum demands. Our demands are realistic; there are demands for an independent and sovereign Kosova. We have no flexibility, at all, as far as the independence is concerned. We are not ready to make any compromise on that.
Only if we have independence can we have a state claiming to be a functional democratic state, in which there is room for the protection of the human, ethnic, cultural, and religious rights, all at high standards. This is an area in which we have readiness and flexibility.
[Prenga] Referring to the situation and the position taken by Serbia and Greece, one can say that the Balkans is a "hotbed". How do you think can this situation be resolved?
[Rexhepi] It has been a "hotbed" particularly during the war. Now the situation is more peaceful. If, from a political point of view, it is considered a hotbed, I think that the independence of Kosova would stabilize the region, in general. One can expect the Serbs to disagree with Kosova's independence.
However, I do not think that the Greeks would have the same attitude, because Greek official policy is in line with the principles set by the Contact Group. Their view is not different from that of this group. They are interested to know what the status of the religious communities will be. They want us to accept that the religious communities are administered by the clerics themselves. However, we cannot accept the extra-territoriality of these communities. Therefore, I think that the Greeks will be in line with the Contact Group.
[Prenga] Will the Serbian minorities in Kosova be respected?
[Rexhepi] On the basis of the constitutional framework, the position of the Serbian minorities is more advanced than that of the minority communities in Europe. I can give you an example. They have been allotted 10 seats in the parliament irrespective of their election results. In the last parliamentary election they gained an additional 13 seats, which means that they had 23 seats at a time when their percentage [of the total population] is 5 to 6 per cent. They are, thus, well represented. However, the problem is that they are not integrated into the democratic institutions. They do not take part in the election and their dream is to have Kosova returned to Serbia.
[Prenga] What do you think about Albania's role in the settlement of Kosova status?
[Rexhepi] I think that this role has been, generally, positive. Albania has been continuously careful, with a pragmatic policy to ensure that it is a factor of stability in the Balkans, because this is, primarily, in the interest of Albania as well as in the interest of the region, in general. It has never made pompous, nationalist, or similar declarations.
Indeed, one can even say that Tirana's position has been more moderate than it should have been, because we justly expect Albania to come out openly, without hesitation, in favour of Kosova's independence. This position was, in fact, confirmed by [Albanian] Assembly Chairwoman [Jozefina Topalli], the delegation of [Albanian Assembly] foreign policy commission, and the [Albanian Assembly] European Integration [commission] in their meetings with us. This is natural, because we should now feel ourselves at ease. There will be two Albanian states in the Balkans and we will have better relations. This is normal.
[Prenga] Chief Negotiator Ahtisari declared during his recent visit to Albania that Albania can be an important player in these solutions.
[Rexhepi] Ahtisari has said that Albania will not be a decision-making factor and we know that it cannot be a decision-making factor. However, it can play a very active role by providing its support for the settlement of Kosova's definitive status. It cannot be a passive observer. It should play an active role, not a decision-making role, because no neighbouring country will take part in the decision-making process.
[Prenga] Foreign Minister Besnik Mustafaj has used the term of "conditional independence". What does this term really mean?
[Rexhepi] Mustafaj is not alone in using this term. There is speculation with it in Europe and, probably, the United States, depending on where the analysts are located. What does conditional independence mean? None of these analysts has explained whether it is now time for Kosova to acquire its independence. None of them has said what conditions should be set to Kosova.
I think that Kosova has currently a kind of status indicative of conditional independence. Therefore, it is right for us to expect independence, not conditions.
Such declarations can be made by the international community. But we cannot expect Albania to make them. We are ready to ask - and we will ask - for the presence of NATO for as long as necessary, for assistance in the judiciary in order to be more effective, for assistance in the economic structures, and in all the mechanisms of international interest.
In a way, we are demanding independence from Serbia, not from the international community. Therefore, there can be no conditional independence. There can be either independence or nothing.
[Prenga] Do you think that Kosova has sufficient potential to become an independent state?
[Rexhepi] This is relative. Even if you had an abundant budget with no limitations, you need 10 to 15 years to build all the state structures. Kosova is under construction. The government does not have all the potential. However, there are states with democratic institutions at a lower stage than those in Kosova and they are still surviving. A question could be whether Kosova can be economically viable and I think that it can be economically viable.
Source: Koha Jone, Tirana, in Albanian 22 Dec 05
Two Serbs wounded in attacks in northern Kosovo
KOSOVSKA MITROVICA, Serbia-Montenegro (AP) - Two ethnic Serbs were wounded early Monday in separate attacks in U.N.-run Kosovo, police officials and doctors said.
The incidents happened around 0100 GMT in the Serb-held part of Kosovska Mitrovica, an ethnically divided town in the north of the province.
Police said that one person was seriously injured and the other lightly. Spokesman Sami Mehmeti gave no other details, but said there was no immediate indication that the attacks were ethnically motivated.
According to Serb sources in Kosovska Mitrovica, unknown assailants first shot at 35-year-old Branislav Antovic, a guard for the local authorities.
Local doctor Milan Ivanovic said Antovic was in life-threatening condition following four hours of surgery.
Dejan Maksimovic, 24, was shot in the leg while at his home in the ethnically mixed Bosnjacka Mahala part of town. Maksimovic told Belgrade-based Beta news agency that the attacker climbed to his balcony and fired at him.
Ivanovic said Maksimovic also underwent surgery but was in stable condition.
Kosovo remains tense years after a Serb-Albanian war over the region. There are fears that tensions could soar in the run-up to U.N.-brokered talks next year on the province's future status.
The incidents happened around 0100 GMT in the Serb-held part of Kosovska Mitrovica, an ethnically divided town in the north of the province.
Police said that one person was seriously injured and the other lightly. Spokesman Sami Mehmeti gave no other details, but said there was no immediate indication that the attacks were ethnically motivated.
According to Serb sources in Kosovska Mitrovica, unknown assailants first shot at 35-year-old Branislav Antovic, a guard for the local authorities.
Local doctor Milan Ivanovic said Antovic was in life-threatening condition following four hours of surgery.
Dejan Maksimovic, 24, was shot in the leg while at his home in the ethnically mixed Bosnjacka Mahala part of town. Maksimovic told Belgrade-based Beta news agency that the attacker climbed to his balcony and fired at him.
Ivanovic said Maksimovic also underwent surgery but was in stable condition.
Kosovo remains tense years after a Serb-Albanian war over the region. There are fears that tensions could soar in the run-up to U.N.-brokered talks next year on the province's future status.
Riots in the biggest prison in Kosovo - television
PRISTINA, Dec 26 (Hina) - Almost 30 inmates tried to run from the largest prison in Kosovo overnight, the Kosovo Television reported on Monday adding that the situation went back to normal in the morning.
No other details about the situation in the Dubrava prison were revealed.
Firearms were allegedly used, but the police had not confirmed it.
Prisoners in the Dubrava jail have frequently complained about inhumane and poor conditions in that penitentiary institution.
Ten days ago, a dozen inmates attempted an escape from Dubrava.
No other details about the situation in the Dubrava prison were revealed.
Firearms were allegedly used, but the police had not confirmed it.
Prisoners in the Dubrava jail have frequently complained about inhumane and poor conditions in that penitentiary institution.
Ten days ago, a dozen inmates attempted an escape from Dubrava.
Sunday, December 25, 2005
Kosovo’s Moment of Truth
By Tim Judah
(Survival vol. 47 no. 4 Winter 2005–06 pp. 73–84)
For the last six years Kosovo has been run as protectorate of the United Nations. That chapter of its history is now coming to an end. Very soon – probably at least by December 2005 – talks should begin on the future status of this territory bitterly disputed between Serbs and Albanians. It is widely expected that, against the wishes of the government in Belgrade, Kosovo will be granted some form of ‘conditional independence’. Exactly what this means remains to be seen.
The roots of the Kosovo conflict lie in the fact that more than 90% of its two million people are ethnic Albanians.1 That Kosovo, within anyone’s living memory, has always had a high preponderance of Albanians made it a particular political problem within Yugoslavia. Since 1999, however, the link with Serbia has, in all but de jure terms, been severed. The likelihood that it can be restored seems fanciful to say the least.
In 1989 Serbia, under Slobodan Milosevic, abolished Kosovo’s autonomy. During the major Yugoslav wars in Croatia and Bosnia, Kosovo stayed quiet. In 1998, however, a guerrilla war broke out. Events escalated until NATO’s 78-day bombing campaign over what was then still known as Yugoslavia. After a period of frantic diplomacy Milosevic surrendered, Serbia pulled its forces out of Kosovo and much of the local administration collapsed. They were replaced by the UN and a NATO-led force called KFOR. This arrangement was blessed by UN Security Council Resolution 1244, which provided the legal basis for the current situation in Kosovo. The resolution recognised the territorial integrity of what was then called the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and instructed what was to become the UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) to promote, ‘pending a final settlement … substantial autonomy and self-government in Kosovo taking into full account … the Rambouillet Accords’.
The ill-fated Rambouillet meeting outside Paris preceded NATO’s bombardment of 1999. The Serbian side did not agree to the text it was asked to sign, one reason being that this document had foreseen that Kosovo’s future would, after three years, be decided ’on the basis of the will of the people’. The Serbs argued that since the Albanians were in favour of inde¬pendence, this phrase could only mean that they would lose their southern province, which they regard as the cradle of their civilisation. Thus, at its very heart, Resolution 1244 contained a contradiction – pitting the Kosovo majority’s right to self-determination against the equally valid legal prin¬ciple of the territorial integrity of states. Up to now it has been possible to avoid resolving this contradiction. Today, however, in the words of UNMIK head Søren Jessen-Petersen, Kosovo is facing ’its moment of truth’.
Since 1999 Kosovo has changed beyond recognition. The first and most obvious change is that there are no longer any Serbs in any of Kosovo’s major urban settlements, bar north Mitrovica, which is a divided city. The end of Serbian rule culminated in the flight and ethnic cleansing of large numbers of Serbs (and Roma), very few of whom have returned. Today one-third of the estimated 100,000 Serbs who remain in Kosovo live in Mitrovica and the overwhelmingly Serbian-inhabited north of Kosovo, which is contiguous with Serbia. The rest live in enclaves scattered throughout the rest of the province. Some of these need 24-hour military protection, as do Serbian Orthodox churches and monasteries. Economically, Kosovo remains extremely weak and unemployment high, though reliable figures are hard to come by. Average wages are now around €200 a month and many families depend on remittances from the large Kosovo diaspora living and working abroad, especially in Western Europe.
Since 1999, the UN has set up a government structure in Kosovo. Powers are gradually being devolved to elected bodies and their ministries. Most Serbs boycott these institutions, either at the behest of the authorities in Belgrade or because they believe that on those occasions when they did participate, they were simply used in an Albanian effort to deceive the outside world into believing that a real multi-ethnic society was being built in Kosovo. The boycott is controversial, however. Some Serb leaders believe they have lost more than they have gained by staying outside of Kosovo’s structures.
In December 2003 UNMIK, together with the government of Kosovo, promulgated a list of so-called ‘Standards’ against which Kosovo’s progress could be measured, covering everything from rule of law to minority rights. At the same time the UN and other diplomats – adopting the slogan ‘Standards before Status’ – made clear that the issue of Kosovo’s final status was not on the agenda for the immediate future. In November 2003, however, the ‘Contact Group’ of main outside powers announced that if all went well, by the middle of 2005 a comprehensive review of standards would open the way for talks on the future status of the province. The irony is that talks may soon begin not because things went well, but because they went disastrously wrong. In March 2004 riots broke out in which some 4,000 Serbs and Roma were driven from their homes and 19 killed. It became starkly clear that the status quo was untenable and, if there was a new upsurge in violence, UNMIK might even collapse. Immediately after the riots UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan called in a diplomat with considerable Balkan experience to lead an inquiry into what had caused them. The insights of this diplomat, Norwegian ambassador to NATO Kai Eide, helped convince Annan and many others that dangerous stagnation had set in; the only way to avoid a new conflagration was to give the impression that Kosovo was somehow moving forward and was not doomed to remain forever a forgotten, poverty-stricken corner of Europe.
Kosovo’s Albanian leaders either quickly understood, or were made to understand by diplomats and the foreign leaders that they met, that the riots had been disastrous for their international image. In December 2004, following elections, a new government came to power headed by former Kosovo Liberation Army commander Ramush Haradinaj. With much force and skill, Haradinaj moved to get Kosovo to live up to the Standards and even to reach out to the Serbs. Being a skilful premier was not enough, however, to stop allegations about his past catching up with him. In March 2005 he was indicted by the Yugoslav war crimes tribunal in The Hague for war crimes dating back to 1998. With much dignity he resigned and departed but, contrary to expectations, Kosovo remained calm. In part this was because Albanian leaders understood that, if angry Kosovars began rampaging once again, the prospect of the comprehensive review would clearly diminish. This time they played their cards well and in June Kofi Annan invited Kai Eide back to begin the review.
Eide delivered his report on 4 October. Annan passed it on to the Security Council three days later, saying he accepted its recommendations. ‘The time has come’, said Annan, ’to move to the next phase of the political process.’ He added that he now intended to ’initiate preparations’ for the appointment of ‘a Special Envoy to lead the future status process.’ At the time of writing it was widely expected that he would choose Martti Ahtisaari, the former Finnish president who played a key role in securing Milosevic’s agreement to the terms which ended NATO’s bombardment of Yugoslavia in 1999.
Eide’s most important point was that talks on the future status of Kosovo should begin. He was not asked to say what he thought the final status of Kosovo should be and, significantly, he uses the words ‘future status’ rather than ‘final status’. This implies, and indeed Eide in places explicitly says, that international involvement in the contested province will continue for many years. ’The international community must do the utmost to ensure that whatever the status becomes it does not become a “failed” status’, he writes. ’Entering the future status process does not mean entering the last stage, but the next stage in the process.’
Progress in meeting the Standards as a whole has been uneven, Eide says: ’regrettably, little has been achieved to create a foundation for a multi-ethnic society’. Talks should nevertheless begin, he says, because the momentum and expectations have built up; ’having moved from stagnation to expecta¬tion, stagnation cannot be allowed to take hold’.
Some of Eide’s recommendations may be carried out whatever the result of status talks. The EU, he argues, should play a prominent role, especially in police and judicial matters. NATO, too, will have to stay, with at least some contribution from the US ‘in order to provide a visible expression of [America’s] continued engagement’. Certain elements of the international presence in Bosnia should be copied for Kosovo. These include the role of the ‘high representative’, currently Britain’s Paddy Ashdown, who exer¬cises huge powers and can fire any elected official in Bosnia. In Sarajevo, Ashdown holds a kind of hybrid position – both ‘high representative’ of the intervening powers and international community, vaguely defined, but also the EU’s special representative to Bosnia. Eide suggests a similar arrangement for the post-UNMIK era in Kosovo: a high represenative with extraordinary powers in the field of inter-ethnic relations, but who is also ‘firmly anchored’ in the EU.
Regarding Kosovo’s Serbian minority, Eide argues in favour of an ’ambi¬tious decentralisation plan‘ which would give Kosovo Serbs competences ’in areas such as police, justice, education, culture, media and the economy’. He also recommends that what he terms ’protective space’ should be created around Serbian Orthodox religious sites and institutions and that ways should be found to place them ‘under a form of international protection’. He adds: ‘it is important not only to protect individual sites as cultural and religious monuments, but also living communities’.
Albanian and Serb reactions to the Eide report were mixed. Albanian leaders reacted exuberantly to the fact that it had recommended that talks begin, but initially said little about the content of the report. Although giving praise where praise was due, the report was largely damning about corruption and the majority’s treatment of the Serb minority. Reactions in Serbia were on the whole positive, although not without criticisms. If the Standards had not been met, asked some, then why was Eide recommending that talks begin? To a great extent this was empty rhetoric, since by the time the report was issued Belgrade and Pristina were already readying themselves for talks, or at least were supposed to be.
As late as June 2005, on the Serb side a degree of denial still prevailed. Officials in Belgrade described Serbia’s policy as anticipating that Kosovo could have ‘more than autonomy, but less than independence’. What this meant was unclear. Some officials, such as Aleksandar Simic, an adviser to Premier Vojislav Kostunica, said that this meant that although being autonomous, the future Kosovo would send back deputies to the parliament in Belgrade and play a full role in running the whole country.13 Serbia has a population of 7.5 million, as against some 2m for Kosovo. The forcible reincorporation of such a large number of implacably hostile Albanians into the Serbian body politic seemed so far from reality or in the interests of a stable Serbia that one could only wonder: had Serbian strategists, unable in the past six years to visit Kosovo at will, simply lost any grasp of the reality there?
By autumn 2005, however, a more realistic concept of what was possible was emerging. Sanda Raskovic-Ivic, the head of the Serbian government’s Coordination Centre for Kosovo, was saying that she envisaged the province having full autonomy in the judicial, executive and legislative fields but that defence, foreign affairs and sovereignty would remain in the hands of Serbia. Dusan Batakovic, a historian and diplomat with a deep knowledge of Kosovo, and now advisor to Serbian President Boris Tadic, elaborated on this: he did not expect that the Albanians would want to return to parliament in Belgrade, though this option remained. He also said that, in preparing for talks, he was gaming various scenarios of what might happen.
It seems unlikely that the Serbian idea of ‘more than autonomy but less than independence’ will gain support amongst the big powers who will help arbitrate Kosovo’s fate. However, the new position, despite the occasional nationalistic outburst, is expressed in the mild language of compromise; the Serbs claim they are trying to find a happy median between the Albanian desire for self-rule and their desire to defend Serbia’s territorial integrity. In private, some senior Serbian leaders say they believe that ‘conditional independence’ for Kosovo is inevitable, but they will nonetheless put up a fierce rearguard struggle to prevent it. No Serbian leader wants to go down in history as the one who lost Kosovo, so if this rearguard action succeeds in staving off independence during their watch – which is conceivable, if unlikely – they will regard the talks as a success.
In Pristina, preparations for talks lag far behind those of Belgrade. Publicly, everyone from President Ibrahim Rugova to Premier Bajram Kosumi says that they are willing to talk with the Serbs about everything except independence, which is non-negotiable. Pristina’s position, in other words, is the mirror image of Belgrade’s. This position is understandable from their point of view, but what seems alarming is the lack of prepara¬tion for any succession issues, in light of the experience of the rest of the former Yugoslavia. Since 1999, for example, Serbia has not paid pensions to Albanian workers who had paid their contributions like other Yugoslav citizens. When Kosovo Albanian negotiators demand this money, the Serbs will retort that they have paid the interest on Kosovo’s interna¬tional debt for the last six years.
Indeed, diplomats in Pristina fret that the main Kosovan leaders are simply unprepared for talks and have been lulled, by talk of ‘conditional independence’, into a false sense of security. They do not seem to appreciate the threat, from their point of view, of the preparations being made by the Serbs.15 Indeed, Albanians recently were outraged when the International Telecommunications Union failed to quickly accede to a request from UNMIK to allot Kosovo an international direct-dialling code separate from Serbia’s. This was thanks to deft diplomacy on the part of Serbia, although the issue has not yet been finally settled.
Some skilled people will be at the coming talks, as part of a team already selected by Rugova. But the question is whether there are enough of them. The two best men on the team, not being major political figures, have the least clout. One is Blerim Shala, the editor of the daily Zeri, who has been asked to coordinate the team’s working groups; the other is Veton Surroi, the publisher and now leader of the small opposition party Ora. The rest of the team leave room for concern, quite apart from personal antipathies within the group. Nexhat Daci, the speaker of parliament, is widely regarded by diplomats who deal with Kosovo as an old-style, inflexible demagogue and by opposition leaders as unacceptably authoritarian. Next is Bajram Kosumi, the likeable but weak premier who succeeded Ramush Haradinaj. A whiff of scandal hangs over his premiership following allegations of corruption which appeared in the press. President Ibrahim Rugova is the best-known international symbol of Kosovo and his authority is unmatched. However, he has lung cancer and nobody knows how his health will hold up over the next few months. If he dies or is incapacitated soon this will provoke a major political upheaval as rival camps, which are already emerging, fight for the leadership of his Democratic League of Kosovo, the largest single party in Kosovo. His demise could also fatally weaken the Kosovo Albanian negoti¬ating team, as the others fight for a leadership role. Finally there is Hashim Thaci, the leader of the opposition Democratic Party of Kosovo, who used to be the political leader of the Kosovo Liberation Army. All these men, bar Daci, participated in the Rambouillet negotiations.
At the time of writing the Eide report was awaiting examination by the Security Council. According to diplomatic sources, once this stage has been passed and Ahtisaari or someone else has been selected to lead the talks, three deputies – from the US, EU and Russia -- will be chosen. A period of shuttle diplomacy will begin, perhaps in December, and at some point in early 2006 the team could retire to write a draft agreement. While working groups of Serbs and Albanians may go over certain individual questions, the main negotiators will not yet meet. Indeed, a proposal which had been floated behind the scenes in late summer for a formal opening of talks was quashed on the grounds that both sides would then be obliged to state positions publicly, which would later reduce their room for manoeuvre and flexibility. According to Veton Surroi, a realistic scenario foresees the Serb and Albanian main negotiating teams summoned to meet around May 2006 ‘in a castle in Austria’. In January Austria takes over the presidency of the EU.
What happens next is impossible to predict. One scenario outlined by a senior diplomatic source foresees that the Serbian team will fight hard to make sure that the agreement contains all possible safeguards for the Kosovo Serbs, acknowledging its own interests and in institutionalising international protection for Serbian Orthodox monasteries and churches.18 Having achieved this, the Serbs could then refuse to endorse the plan because it also points the way to Kosovo’s independence. Reluctantly, perhaps, the Albanians would then be compelled to accept more in terms of Serbian rights in Kosovo than they would have done otherwise, but under international pressure they might see such concessions as the price of independence.
At the same time Serbia’s leaders, none of whom want to take responsibility for losing Kosovo, could claim that, at this point and having fought as hard as possible, Kosovo was taken away from Serbia. Since Serbia did not give its consent, it will not recognise the emerging state and hence, as far as it is concerned, its status could (theoretically,) be reversed at a later date. If this is in fact how the situ¬ation develops, this Serb position will, sooner or later, have to be modified, if only as the price of EU membership – as recent quarrels over Turkey and the question of its recognition of Cyprus have demonstrated.
It is impossible to know in advance what the UN-led negotiating team might propose. But since the widespread assumption is that it will be some form of ‘conditional independence’, it is worth examining what this could mean. In broad terms it would certainly mean adopting some of the recom¬mendations discussed by Eide, but more specifically it may well be that the negotiators are guided by the blueprint of the International Commission on the Balkans. This independent group, which issued its report in April 2005, was chaired by former Italian Premier Giuliano Amato, and for the most part included people either from or with a deep knowledge and experience of the Balkans. They proposed that Kosovo should move towards independence in four stages. The first, ‘de facto separation of Kosovo from Serbia’, seems to describe the current situation. The second is called ‘independence without full sovereignty’, which is described as meaning that Kosovo is an independent entity but not yet a sovereign state and one in which the international community ‘reserves powers in the fields of human rights and minorities’ – a theme which was echoed by Eide. The third stage is called ‘guided sovereignty’, and would ‘coincide with Kosovo’s recognition as a candidate for EU membership’ and in which the international community would lose its reserve powers which would be replaced by ‘influence through the negotiation process’. The fourth and final stage is called ‘full and final sovereignty’, and is marked by the ‘absorption of Kosovo into the EU and its adoption of the shared sover¬eignty to which all members are subject’.
The Serbs hope that it will not come to this, and with skilful diplomacy they might stand a slim chance of at least making the technical status of Kosovo somewhat vaguer and more drawn out than that described above. For this they would probably need vigorous support from Russia, however, and according to diplomatic sources the Russians have already decided to betray the Serbs.20 For the benefit of the Serbian press, Russian diplomats say that they will not accept any solution for Kosovo which is not endorsed by Belgrade, but to Western diplomats they are saying precisely the oppo¬site. It has always been widely assumed that Russia, citing the precedent of Chechnya, would oppose Kosovo’s independence. Now, however, three things seem to have happened. In 2003 Russian troops were withdrawn from the Balkans. This has dramatically lowered Russia’s diplomatic leverage in the region. Secondly, Russian diplomats have concluded that there is no realistic way to reconnect Kosovo and its hostile population to Belgrade. Thirdly, they have concluded, and indeed told visiting foreign ministers, that as far as they are concerned the question of precedent could be used to their advantage. That is to say, they are noting that if Kosovo can secede from a sovereign state, then the same argument can potentially be applied in areas of the former Soviet Union where they have interests, specifically Abkhazia and South Ossetia in Georgia and Trans-Dniester in Moldova.
China is unlikely to resist the independence of Kosovo if Russia does not, although this cannot be taken for granted. While China has never taken an active role or even interest in the Balkans, it did veto the continuation of a UN peacekeeping force in Macedonia in 1999. The Serbs might succeed in persuading China that independence for Kosovo would set a dangerous precedent for Taiwan or even Tibet. Whatever the repercussions for Tibet, Serbian politicians argue that if Kosovo is granted some form of independence this would destabilise the region in a way they could not control. They argue, for example, that if they cannot prevent the loss of Kosovo, Serbia might succumb to a renewed wave of angry nationalism and the Radical Party, led by Vojislav Seselj, now on trial in The Hague on war-crimes charges, might come to power. This is conceivable. The Radicals are already the largest party in parlia¬ment, although they are not in government. Outside of Serbia’s borders, the Serbian argument runs, Kosovo’s independence would embolden Albanian nationalists in Macedonia, thus perhaps prompting the disintegration of that state, with its large Albanian minority. The Serb part of Bosnia would again raise its wartime demand to secede and join Serbia.
Diplomats who follow the region are of course well acquainted with this line of argument, which played a decisive role in the EU’s decision in October to begin talks with Serbia on a Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA). Diplomats openly said that they decided not to let the outstanding issue of Ratko Mladic, the fugitive Bosnian Serb wartime commander wanted by the Yugoslav war crimes tribunal, stand in the way of the opening of negotiations. They are hoping that the good news of the conclusion of an agreement next year may help counteract the simultaneous bad news of the loss of Kosovo and likely secession of Montenegro from the loose federation which currently links it to Serbia.
Albanians counter these arguments about radicalisation in Serbia with the argument that, unless they get independence, it is certain that hardliners will again resort to arms; in the ensuing uprising KFOR and representa¬tives of the international community present in Kosovo will be targeted. UN vehicles are already targets of the occasional bomb.
In the shorter term there is another threat. Over the last few months, Albin Kurti, a 30-year-old former student leader and political prisoner, has been organising young people across Kosovo. Studying the techniques used by those who organised the overthrow of former regimes in Serbia, Georgia and Ukraine, Kurti wants to ready his people to come out in protest against the talks on Kosovo’s future status.
Kurti says that talks, by their very nature, aim at compromise and there can be no compromise on Kosovo’s independence. He fears that what he calls Kosovo’s ‘corrupt’ politicians might yet buckle on this if put under pres¬sure. He argues that talks with Serbia should only take place when Kosovo is already independent and thus can sit at the table as an equal. His slogan – ‘No negotiations! Self Determination!’ – already decorates walls across Kosovo but his strength is, as yet, untested. If, however, at some point in the near future or during talks one of the Albanian leaders, for example Hashim Thaci, decided to ‘play the Kurti card’ and swing his support behind him then the outcome would be not only unpredictable but in such an unstable and highly charged situation a fresh wave of anti-Serbian ethnic cleansing similar to that of March 2004 might break out.
Diplomats who deal with Kosovo all repeat the mantra that they have no preconceived agenda, beyond wanting to prohibit the physical partition of Kosovo or a possible future union with Albania, and that they want Serbs and Albanians to reach agreement on the territory’s future among themselves. All of them know, however, and admit in private, that the likelihood of this happening is nil. This is why ‘conditional independence’ is their aim. As to the fear of violence and instability, the most honest of them will admit that their fear of radicalisation in Serbia is simply less than their fear of an Albanian uprising. As to the question of the probable eventual recog¬nition of the new state, they argue that while it would be preferable for this to be done via the Security Council, especially in light of the fact that Kosovo is now under UN jurisdiction, if Russia or China prevented this another route would have to be found. After all, the UN Security Council played no role in the recognition of the other states which emerged from the former Yugoslavia. According to Richard Caplan, in the likely case of Serbia opposing Kosovo’s recognition, ‘there will be ample opportunities for lawyers on both sides to exploit what is a rather ambiguous case’. Realities on the ground will be decisive. ‘Here, I think, politics will trump law.’
(Survival vol. 47 no. 4 Winter 2005–06 pp. 73–84)
For the last six years Kosovo has been run as protectorate of the United Nations. That chapter of its history is now coming to an end. Very soon – probably at least by December 2005 – talks should begin on the future status of this territory bitterly disputed between Serbs and Albanians. It is widely expected that, against the wishes of the government in Belgrade, Kosovo will be granted some form of ‘conditional independence’. Exactly what this means remains to be seen.
The roots of the Kosovo conflict lie in the fact that more than 90% of its two million people are ethnic Albanians.1 That Kosovo, within anyone’s living memory, has always had a high preponderance of Albanians made it a particular political problem within Yugoslavia. Since 1999, however, the link with Serbia has, in all but de jure terms, been severed. The likelihood that it can be restored seems fanciful to say the least.
In 1989 Serbia, under Slobodan Milosevic, abolished Kosovo’s autonomy. During the major Yugoslav wars in Croatia and Bosnia, Kosovo stayed quiet. In 1998, however, a guerrilla war broke out. Events escalated until NATO’s 78-day bombing campaign over what was then still known as Yugoslavia. After a period of frantic diplomacy Milosevic surrendered, Serbia pulled its forces out of Kosovo and much of the local administration collapsed. They were replaced by the UN and a NATO-led force called KFOR. This arrangement was blessed by UN Security Council Resolution 1244, which provided the legal basis for the current situation in Kosovo. The resolution recognised the territorial integrity of what was then called the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and instructed what was to become the UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) to promote, ‘pending a final settlement … substantial autonomy and self-government in Kosovo taking into full account … the Rambouillet Accords’.
The ill-fated Rambouillet meeting outside Paris preceded NATO’s bombardment of 1999. The Serbian side did not agree to the text it was asked to sign, one reason being that this document had foreseen that Kosovo’s future would, after three years, be decided ’on the basis of the will of the people’. The Serbs argued that since the Albanians were in favour of inde¬pendence, this phrase could only mean that they would lose their southern province, which they regard as the cradle of their civilisation. Thus, at its very heart, Resolution 1244 contained a contradiction – pitting the Kosovo majority’s right to self-determination against the equally valid legal prin¬ciple of the territorial integrity of states. Up to now it has been possible to avoid resolving this contradiction. Today, however, in the words of UNMIK head Søren Jessen-Petersen, Kosovo is facing ’its moment of truth’.
Since 1999 Kosovo has changed beyond recognition. The first and most obvious change is that there are no longer any Serbs in any of Kosovo’s major urban settlements, bar north Mitrovica, which is a divided city. The end of Serbian rule culminated in the flight and ethnic cleansing of large numbers of Serbs (and Roma), very few of whom have returned. Today one-third of the estimated 100,000 Serbs who remain in Kosovo live in Mitrovica and the overwhelmingly Serbian-inhabited north of Kosovo, which is contiguous with Serbia. The rest live in enclaves scattered throughout the rest of the province. Some of these need 24-hour military protection, as do Serbian Orthodox churches and monasteries. Economically, Kosovo remains extremely weak and unemployment high, though reliable figures are hard to come by. Average wages are now around €200 a month and many families depend on remittances from the large Kosovo diaspora living and working abroad, especially in Western Europe.
Since 1999, the UN has set up a government structure in Kosovo. Powers are gradually being devolved to elected bodies and their ministries. Most Serbs boycott these institutions, either at the behest of the authorities in Belgrade or because they believe that on those occasions when they did participate, they were simply used in an Albanian effort to deceive the outside world into believing that a real multi-ethnic society was being built in Kosovo. The boycott is controversial, however. Some Serb leaders believe they have lost more than they have gained by staying outside of Kosovo’s structures.
In December 2003 UNMIK, together with the government of Kosovo, promulgated a list of so-called ‘Standards’ against which Kosovo’s progress could be measured, covering everything from rule of law to minority rights. At the same time the UN and other diplomats – adopting the slogan ‘Standards before Status’ – made clear that the issue of Kosovo’s final status was not on the agenda for the immediate future. In November 2003, however, the ‘Contact Group’ of main outside powers announced that if all went well, by the middle of 2005 a comprehensive review of standards would open the way for talks on the future status of the province. The irony is that talks may soon begin not because things went well, but because they went disastrously wrong. In March 2004 riots broke out in which some 4,000 Serbs and Roma were driven from their homes and 19 killed. It became starkly clear that the status quo was untenable and, if there was a new upsurge in violence, UNMIK might even collapse. Immediately after the riots UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan called in a diplomat with considerable Balkan experience to lead an inquiry into what had caused them. The insights of this diplomat, Norwegian ambassador to NATO Kai Eide, helped convince Annan and many others that dangerous stagnation had set in; the only way to avoid a new conflagration was to give the impression that Kosovo was somehow moving forward and was not doomed to remain forever a forgotten, poverty-stricken corner of Europe.
Kosovo’s Albanian leaders either quickly understood, or were made to understand by diplomats and the foreign leaders that they met, that the riots had been disastrous for their international image. In December 2004, following elections, a new government came to power headed by former Kosovo Liberation Army commander Ramush Haradinaj. With much force and skill, Haradinaj moved to get Kosovo to live up to the Standards and even to reach out to the Serbs. Being a skilful premier was not enough, however, to stop allegations about his past catching up with him. In March 2005 he was indicted by the Yugoslav war crimes tribunal in The Hague for war crimes dating back to 1998. With much dignity he resigned and departed but, contrary to expectations, Kosovo remained calm. In part this was because Albanian leaders understood that, if angry Kosovars began rampaging once again, the prospect of the comprehensive review would clearly diminish. This time they played their cards well and in June Kofi Annan invited Kai Eide back to begin the review.
Eide delivered his report on 4 October. Annan passed it on to the Security Council three days later, saying he accepted its recommendations. ‘The time has come’, said Annan, ’to move to the next phase of the political process.’ He added that he now intended to ’initiate preparations’ for the appointment of ‘a Special Envoy to lead the future status process.’ At the time of writing it was widely expected that he would choose Martti Ahtisaari, the former Finnish president who played a key role in securing Milosevic’s agreement to the terms which ended NATO’s bombardment of Yugoslavia in 1999.
Eide’s most important point was that talks on the future status of Kosovo should begin. He was not asked to say what he thought the final status of Kosovo should be and, significantly, he uses the words ‘future status’ rather than ‘final status’. This implies, and indeed Eide in places explicitly says, that international involvement in the contested province will continue for many years. ’The international community must do the utmost to ensure that whatever the status becomes it does not become a “failed” status’, he writes. ’Entering the future status process does not mean entering the last stage, but the next stage in the process.’
Progress in meeting the Standards as a whole has been uneven, Eide says: ’regrettably, little has been achieved to create a foundation for a multi-ethnic society’. Talks should nevertheless begin, he says, because the momentum and expectations have built up; ’having moved from stagnation to expecta¬tion, stagnation cannot be allowed to take hold’.
Some of Eide’s recommendations may be carried out whatever the result of status talks. The EU, he argues, should play a prominent role, especially in police and judicial matters. NATO, too, will have to stay, with at least some contribution from the US ‘in order to provide a visible expression of [America’s] continued engagement’. Certain elements of the international presence in Bosnia should be copied for Kosovo. These include the role of the ‘high representative’, currently Britain’s Paddy Ashdown, who exer¬cises huge powers and can fire any elected official in Bosnia. In Sarajevo, Ashdown holds a kind of hybrid position – both ‘high representative’ of the intervening powers and international community, vaguely defined, but also the EU’s special representative to Bosnia. Eide suggests a similar arrangement for the post-UNMIK era in Kosovo: a high represenative with extraordinary powers in the field of inter-ethnic relations, but who is also ‘firmly anchored’ in the EU.
Regarding Kosovo’s Serbian minority, Eide argues in favour of an ’ambi¬tious decentralisation plan‘ which would give Kosovo Serbs competences ’in areas such as police, justice, education, culture, media and the economy’. He also recommends that what he terms ’protective space’ should be created around Serbian Orthodox religious sites and institutions and that ways should be found to place them ‘under a form of international protection’. He adds: ‘it is important not only to protect individual sites as cultural and religious monuments, but also living communities’.
Albanian and Serb reactions to the Eide report were mixed. Albanian leaders reacted exuberantly to the fact that it had recommended that talks begin, but initially said little about the content of the report. Although giving praise where praise was due, the report was largely damning about corruption and the majority’s treatment of the Serb minority. Reactions in Serbia were on the whole positive, although not without criticisms. If the Standards had not been met, asked some, then why was Eide recommending that talks begin? To a great extent this was empty rhetoric, since by the time the report was issued Belgrade and Pristina were already readying themselves for talks, or at least were supposed to be.
As late as June 2005, on the Serb side a degree of denial still prevailed. Officials in Belgrade described Serbia’s policy as anticipating that Kosovo could have ‘more than autonomy, but less than independence’. What this meant was unclear. Some officials, such as Aleksandar Simic, an adviser to Premier Vojislav Kostunica, said that this meant that although being autonomous, the future Kosovo would send back deputies to the parliament in Belgrade and play a full role in running the whole country.13 Serbia has a population of 7.5 million, as against some 2m for Kosovo. The forcible reincorporation of such a large number of implacably hostile Albanians into the Serbian body politic seemed so far from reality or in the interests of a stable Serbia that one could only wonder: had Serbian strategists, unable in the past six years to visit Kosovo at will, simply lost any grasp of the reality there?
By autumn 2005, however, a more realistic concept of what was possible was emerging. Sanda Raskovic-Ivic, the head of the Serbian government’s Coordination Centre for Kosovo, was saying that she envisaged the province having full autonomy in the judicial, executive and legislative fields but that defence, foreign affairs and sovereignty would remain in the hands of Serbia. Dusan Batakovic, a historian and diplomat with a deep knowledge of Kosovo, and now advisor to Serbian President Boris Tadic, elaborated on this: he did not expect that the Albanians would want to return to parliament in Belgrade, though this option remained. He also said that, in preparing for talks, he was gaming various scenarios of what might happen.
It seems unlikely that the Serbian idea of ‘more than autonomy but less than independence’ will gain support amongst the big powers who will help arbitrate Kosovo’s fate. However, the new position, despite the occasional nationalistic outburst, is expressed in the mild language of compromise; the Serbs claim they are trying to find a happy median between the Albanian desire for self-rule and their desire to defend Serbia’s territorial integrity. In private, some senior Serbian leaders say they believe that ‘conditional independence’ for Kosovo is inevitable, but they will nonetheless put up a fierce rearguard struggle to prevent it. No Serbian leader wants to go down in history as the one who lost Kosovo, so if this rearguard action succeeds in staving off independence during their watch – which is conceivable, if unlikely – they will regard the talks as a success.
In Pristina, preparations for talks lag far behind those of Belgrade. Publicly, everyone from President Ibrahim Rugova to Premier Bajram Kosumi says that they are willing to talk with the Serbs about everything except independence, which is non-negotiable. Pristina’s position, in other words, is the mirror image of Belgrade’s. This position is understandable from their point of view, but what seems alarming is the lack of prepara¬tion for any succession issues, in light of the experience of the rest of the former Yugoslavia. Since 1999, for example, Serbia has not paid pensions to Albanian workers who had paid their contributions like other Yugoslav citizens. When Kosovo Albanian negotiators demand this money, the Serbs will retort that they have paid the interest on Kosovo’s interna¬tional debt for the last six years.
Indeed, diplomats in Pristina fret that the main Kosovan leaders are simply unprepared for talks and have been lulled, by talk of ‘conditional independence’, into a false sense of security. They do not seem to appreciate the threat, from their point of view, of the preparations being made by the Serbs.15 Indeed, Albanians recently were outraged when the International Telecommunications Union failed to quickly accede to a request from UNMIK to allot Kosovo an international direct-dialling code separate from Serbia’s. This was thanks to deft diplomacy on the part of Serbia, although the issue has not yet been finally settled.
Some skilled people will be at the coming talks, as part of a team already selected by Rugova. But the question is whether there are enough of them. The two best men on the team, not being major political figures, have the least clout. One is Blerim Shala, the editor of the daily Zeri, who has been asked to coordinate the team’s working groups; the other is Veton Surroi, the publisher and now leader of the small opposition party Ora. The rest of the team leave room for concern, quite apart from personal antipathies within the group. Nexhat Daci, the speaker of parliament, is widely regarded by diplomats who deal with Kosovo as an old-style, inflexible demagogue and by opposition leaders as unacceptably authoritarian. Next is Bajram Kosumi, the likeable but weak premier who succeeded Ramush Haradinaj. A whiff of scandal hangs over his premiership following allegations of corruption which appeared in the press. President Ibrahim Rugova is the best-known international symbol of Kosovo and his authority is unmatched. However, he has lung cancer and nobody knows how his health will hold up over the next few months. If he dies or is incapacitated soon this will provoke a major political upheaval as rival camps, which are already emerging, fight for the leadership of his Democratic League of Kosovo, the largest single party in Kosovo. His demise could also fatally weaken the Kosovo Albanian negoti¬ating team, as the others fight for a leadership role. Finally there is Hashim Thaci, the leader of the opposition Democratic Party of Kosovo, who used to be the political leader of the Kosovo Liberation Army. All these men, bar Daci, participated in the Rambouillet negotiations.
At the time of writing the Eide report was awaiting examination by the Security Council. According to diplomatic sources, once this stage has been passed and Ahtisaari or someone else has been selected to lead the talks, three deputies – from the US, EU and Russia -- will be chosen. A period of shuttle diplomacy will begin, perhaps in December, and at some point in early 2006 the team could retire to write a draft agreement. While working groups of Serbs and Albanians may go over certain individual questions, the main negotiators will not yet meet. Indeed, a proposal which had been floated behind the scenes in late summer for a formal opening of talks was quashed on the grounds that both sides would then be obliged to state positions publicly, which would later reduce their room for manoeuvre and flexibility. According to Veton Surroi, a realistic scenario foresees the Serb and Albanian main negotiating teams summoned to meet around May 2006 ‘in a castle in Austria’. In January Austria takes over the presidency of the EU.
What happens next is impossible to predict. One scenario outlined by a senior diplomatic source foresees that the Serbian team will fight hard to make sure that the agreement contains all possible safeguards for the Kosovo Serbs, acknowledging its own interests and in institutionalising international protection for Serbian Orthodox monasteries and churches.18 Having achieved this, the Serbs could then refuse to endorse the plan because it also points the way to Kosovo’s independence. Reluctantly, perhaps, the Albanians would then be compelled to accept more in terms of Serbian rights in Kosovo than they would have done otherwise, but under international pressure they might see such concessions as the price of independence.
At the same time Serbia’s leaders, none of whom want to take responsibility for losing Kosovo, could claim that, at this point and having fought as hard as possible, Kosovo was taken away from Serbia. Since Serbia did not give its consent, it will not recognise the emerging state and hence, as far as it is concerned, its status could (theoretically,) be reversed at a later date. If this is in fact how the situ¬ation develops, this Serb position will, sooner or later, have to be modified, if only as the price of EU membership – as recent quarrels over Turkey and the question of its recognition of Cyprus have demonstrated.
It is impossible to know in advance what the UN-led negotiating team might propose. But since the widespread assumption is that it will be some form of ‘conditional independence’, it is worth examining what this could mean. In broad terms it would certainly mean adopting some of the recom¬mendations discussed by Eide, but more specifically it may well be that the negotiators are guided by the blueprint of the International Commission on the Balkans. This independent group, which issued its report in April 2005, was chaired by former Italian Premier Giuliano Amato, and for the most part included people either from or with a deep knowledge and experience of the Balkans. They proposed that Kosovo should move towards independence in four stages. The first, ‘de facto separation of Kosovo from Serbia’, seems to describe the current situation. The second is called ‘independence without full sovereignty’, which is described as meaning that Kosovo is an independent entity but not yet a sovereign state and one in which the international community ‘reserves powers in the fields of human rights and minorities’ – a theme which was echoed by Eide. The third stage is called ‘guided sovereignty’, and would ‘coincide with Kosovo’s recognition as a candidate for EU membership’ and in which the international community would lose its reserve powers which would be replaced by ‘influence through the negotiation process’. The fourth and final stage is called ‘full and final sovereignty’, and is marked by the ‘absorption of Kosovo into the EU and its adoption of the shared sover¬eignty to which all members are subject’.
The Serbs hope that it will not come to this, and with skilful diplomacy they might stand a slim chance of at least making the technical status of Kosovo somewhat vaguer and more drawn out than that described above. For this they would probably need vigorous support from Russia, however, and according to diplomatic sources the Russians have already decided to betray the Serbs.20 For the benefit of the Serbian press, Russian diplomats say that they will not accept any solution for Kosovo which is not endorsed by Belgrade, but to Western diplomats they are saying precisely the oppo¬site. It has always been widely assumed that Russia, citing the precedent of Chechnya, would oppose Kosovo’s independence. Now, however, three things seem to have happened. In 2003 Russian troops were withdrawn from the Balkans. This has dramatically lowered Russia’s diplomatic leverage in the region. Secondly, Russian diplomats have concluded that there is no realistic way to reconnect Kosovo and its hostile population to Belgrade. Thirdly, they have concluded, and indeed told visiting foreign ministers, that as far as they are concerned the question of precedent could be used to their advantage. That is to say, they are noting that if Kosovo can secede from a sovereign state, then the same argument can potentially be applied in areas of the former Soviet Union where they have interests, specifically Abkhazia and South Ossetia in Georgia and Trans-Dniester in Moldova.
China is unlikely to resist the independence of Kosovo if Russia does not, although this cannot be taken for granted. While China has never taken an active role or even interest in the Balkans, it did veto the continuation of a UN peacekeeping force in Macedonia in 1999. The Serbs might succeed in persuading China that independence for Kosovo would set a dangerous precedent for Taiwan or even Tibet. Whatever the repercussions for Tibet, Serbian politicians argue that if Kosovo is granted some form of independence this would destabilise the region in a way they could not control. They argue, for example, that if they cannot prevent the loss of Kosovo, Serbia might succumb to a renewed wave of angry nationalism and the Radical Party, led by Vojislav Seselj, now on trial in The Hague on war-crimes charges, might come to power. This is conceivable. The Radicals are already the largest party in parlia¬ment, although they are not in government. Outside of Serbia’s borders, the Serbian argument runs, Kosovo’s independence would embolden Albanian nationalists in Macedonia, thus perhaps prompting the disintegration of that state, with its large Albanian minority. The Serb part of Bosnia would again raise its wartime demand to secede and join Serbia.
Diplomats who follow the region are of course well acquainted with this line of argument, which played a decisive role in the EU’s decision in October to begin talks with Serbia on a Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA). Diplomats openly said that they decided not to let the outstanding issue of Ratko Mladic, the fugitive Bosnian Serb wartime commander wanted by the Yugoslav war crimes tribunal, stand in the way of the opening of negotiations. They are hoping that the good news of the conclusion of an agreement next year may help counteract the simultaneous bad news of the loss of Kosovo and likely secession of Montenegro from the loose federation which currently links it to Serbia.
Albanians counter these arguments about radicalisation in Serbia with the argument that, unless they get independence, it is certain that hardliners will again resort to arms; in the ensuing uprising KFOR and representa¬tives of the international community present in Kosovo will be targeted. UN vehicles are already targets of the occasional bomb.
In the shorter term there is another threat. Over the last few months, Albin Kurti, a 30-year-old former student leader and political prisoner, has been organising young people across Kosovo. Studying the techniques used by those who organised the overthrow of former regimes in Serbia, Georgia and Ukraine, Kurti wants to ready his people to come out in protest against the talks on Kosovo’s future status.
Kurti says that talks, by their very nature, aim at compromise and there can be no compromise on Kosovo’s independence. He fears that what he calls Kosovo’s ‘corrupt’ politicians might yet buckle on this if put under pres¬sure. He argues that talks with Serbia should only take place when Kosovo is already independent and thus can sit at the table as an equal. His slogan – ‘No negotiations! Self Determination!’ – already decorates walls across Kosovo but his strength is, as yet, untested. If, however, at some point in the near future or during talks one of the Albanian leaders, for example Hashim Thaci, decided to ‘play the Kurti card’ and swing his support behind him then the outcome would be not only unpredictable but in such an unstable and highly charged situation a fresh wave of anti-Serbian ethnic cleansing similar to that of March 2004 might break out.
Diplomats who deal with Kosovo all repeat the mantra that they have no preconceived agenda, beyond wanting to prohibit the physical partition of Kosovo or a possible future union with Albania, and that they want Serbs and Albanians to reach agreement on the territory’s future among themselves. All of them know, however, and admit in private, that the likelihood of this happening is nil. This is why ‘conditional independence’ is their aim. As to the fear of violence and instability, the most honest of them will admit that their fear of radicalisation in Serbia is simply less than their fear of an Albanian uprising. As to the question of the probable eventual recog¬nition of the new state, they argue that while it would be preferable for this to be done via the Security Council, especially in light of the fact that Kosovo is now under UN jurisdiction, if Russia or China prevented this another route would have to be found. After all, the UN Security Council played no role in the recognition of the other states which emerged from the former Yugoslavia. According to Richard Caplan, in the likely case of Serbia opposing Kosovo’s recognition, ‘there will be ample opportunities for lawyers on both sides to exploit what is a rather ambiguous case’. Realities on the ground will be decisive. ‘Here, I think, politics will trump law.’
Albanians in south Serbia to demand same rights as Kosovo Serbs, says leader
Excerpt from report by Serbian independent news agency FoNet
Presevo, 25 December: Albanians in southern Serbia will advocate a stance that Kosovo Serbs should be granted as many rights as possible, so that they could ask for the same rights themselves, Presevo Speaker Ragmi Mustafa, who is also Presevo Mayor-designate and chairman of the Democratic Party of Albanians (DUA), told FoNet today.
Mustafa recalled that representatives of all political parties that rally Albanians in southern Serbia decided at a meeting with a Kosovo delegation [for Kosovo status talks] member, Veton Suroi, which was held some 10 days ago at the Kosovo Assembly, that he should represent them.
Suroi will be "the Presevo Valley ambassador" in these talks. "We will ask, through Suroi, that Albanians in the municipalities of Presevo, Bujanovac and Medvedja, as well as Kosovo Serbs, be granted full rights,", Mustafa said.
Albanians will, as he said, ask for the rights in the sphere of education to be improved, as well as for economy to develop, for the right to use national symbols, demilitarization of the region and its decentralization.
[Passage omitted: more on previously covered details]
He said that Albanians' decision to stay and live in Serbia "will depend on the outcome of talks between Pristina and Belgrade and the realization of Serbs' demands in Kosovo".
"Albanians in the Presevo Valley will have the same demands as Serbs in Kosovo," Mustafa said.
Source: FoNet news agency, Belgrade, in Serbian 1451 gmt 25 Dec 05
Presevo, 25 December: Albanians in southern Serbia will advocate a stance that Kosovo Serbs should be granted as many rights as possible, so that they could ask for the same rights themselves, Presevo Speaker Ragmi Mustafa, who is also Presevo Mayor-designate and chairman of the Democratic Party of Albanians (DUA), told FoNet today.
Mustafa recalled that representatives of all political parties that rally Albanians in southern Serbia decided at a meeting with a Kosovo delegation [for Kosovo status talks] member, Veton Suroi, which was held some 10 days ago at the Kosovo Assembly, that he should represent them.
Suroi will be "the Presevo Valley ambassador" in these talks. "We will ask, through Suroi, that Albanians in the municipalities of Presevo, Bujanovac and Medvedja, as well as Kosovo Serbs, be granted full rights,", Mustafa said.
Albanians will, as he said, ask for the rights in the sphere of education to be improved, as well as for economy to develop, for the right to use national symbols, demilitarization of the region and its decentralization.
[Passage omitted: more on previously covered details]
He said that Albanians' decision to stay and live in Serbia "will depend on the outcome of talks between Pristina and Belgrade and the realization of Serbs' demands in Kosovo".
"Albanians in the Presevo Valley will have the same demands as Serbs in Kosovo," Mustafa said.
Source: FoNet news agency, Belgrade, in Serbian 1451 gmt 25 Dec 05
Saturday, December 24, 2005
Kosovo 'domino effect’ no longer genuine issue
ISN Security Watch’s Igor Jovanovic talks to Balkan expert Dr. James Lyon, the Serbia project director for the Brussels-based International Crisis Group (ICG) think tank, who says independence is the most “workable” option for Kosovo and is not likely to lead to regional instability.
ISN Security Watch: The ICG recently said Kosovo’s potential independence would contribute to stability in the region. However, would that independence stir similar demands from Albanians in Macedonia, Serbs and Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Hungarians in Serbia’s Vojvodina province? Is an independent Kosovo a potential danger for further disintegration in the region?
DR. JAMES LYON: We have discussed this question in many of our reports over the previous five years. In spite of the desire of some inside Belgrade to push the idea that Kosovo independence would have a spill-over effect in other areas of the Balkans, we have been unable to identify such a potential. However, the Balkans have changed in the last five years, and the threats to regional security and stability are no longer the same. First and most noticeably, the “domino effect” is no longer a genuine issue.
Bosnia and Herzegovina - although still fragile - is for the first time since 1995 seeing significant progress in its internal politics, with Bosnian politicians beginning to shoulder some of the responsibility for change, as opposed to shrugging it off onto the international community. Their recent agreements on police and state-level constitutional reforms suggest they have concluded that the stakes for European integration are too high to continue digging in their heels on the nationalist agenda.
Most importantly, there is no direct parallel between Kosovo and the Serb-inhabited areas of Bosnia. The Republika Srpska [Bosnia’s Serb-dominated entity] was founded on genocide and ethnic cleansing; although it was legitimized as a sub-state entity by the 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement [which ended the 1992-1995 war in Bosnia], it has no justifiable claim as a potential sovereign state. At present, only Belgrade seems interested in mentioning a possible partition of Bosnia. Banja Luka [the Republika Srpska capital] is silent on the matter.
Similarly, Macedonia is quite different from what it was when conflict broke out in 2001 and had to be contained by the international community. The country appears to have resolved its internal differences in a manner that will permit it to continue to make progress towards the EU. A positive recommendation from the European Commission on its membership application is on the agenda of the European Council’s mid-December meeting. Fears of a “domino effect” from Montenegrin independence no longer stand up to serious scrutiny.
For that matter, [the Serbian province of] Vojvodina is an area that should remain peaceful, provided Belgrade does not curtail the rights of the province’s ethnic minorities [mainly ethnic Hungarians]. Belgrade also needs to crack down on the numerous anti-minority incidents inspired by the Serbian Radical Party [SRS] and other factions close to the Orthodox Church. If it does this, Vojvodina should remain a non-issue.
SECURITY WATCH: The Kosovo society has not demonstrated tolerance toward minorities over the past six years. During that time, several dozens of Serbs were killed, around 150 Orthodox churches were torn down or destroyed and a very small number of non-Albanian refugees returned to their homes. Do you think the treatment of minorities can change if Kosovo gains independence?
LYON: At present, the Kosovo Albanians view the Serb presence as an obstacle to achieving their independence aspirations. They view Serbs as agents of the Serbian state that for so long repressed them and conducted an official policy of state terror against them. As long as Kosovo’s status is unresolved, the Albanians will treat them as an unwelcome foreign organism that represents policies of a Greater Serbia. When Kosovo’s status is resolved in favor of independence, then it will be logical to expect that the Albanian majority will no longer view the Serb minority as a threat. Are your numbers correct on the churches?
SECURITY WATCH: How could Kosovo’s possible independence affect the political situation inside Serbia? Would it bring on the threat of radical parties coming to power?
Kosovo independence should have little effect on long-term political trends inside Serbia. The failure of Serbia’s “democrats” to remove [former Serbian president Slobodan] Milosevic-era structures and counter the Milosevic-era propaganda are the biggest threats to the development of democracy in Serbia. Unfortunately, after deposing Milosevic, many of these democrats then proceeded to defend his policies regarding ethnic minorities, the wars of the 1990s, and Serbia’s relations with its neighbors. The result is that the Serbian Radical Party already exercises significant informal [power] within the current government and the country. Because many of the “democrats” bought into Milosevic’s interpretation of events and policies, they laid the groundwork for the rise of the Radicals. There is little the international community can do to combat this, other than opt for a strategy of containment.
SECURITY WATCH: Do you think Kosovo could survive as an independent state?
LYON: Of course.
SECURITY WATCH: Possible violence against Serbs, the same as back on 17 March 2004, is given as an argument backing Kosovo’s independence. Can violence serve as an argument for granting Kosovo independence?
LYON: The argument is that the current status of Kosovo is so unworkable and unable to create a stable economic, social, and political situation, that a new status must be found. Of all the available options, independence is the most workable.
SECURITY WATCH: When do you expect the final status of Kosovo to be resolved? How do you expect the situation to unravel if the Serbian authorities refuse to sign such a resolution?
LYON: The final status of Kosovo will probably be decided sometime in 2006. It is widely expected that Belgrade will refuse any outcome that gives independence to Kosovo. Should Belgrade refuse to sign off, independence will proceed without Serbia, which could have negative repercussions for Kosovo’s Serbian minority and give them far fewer privileges than should Belgrade participate. In any event, Kosovo will be offered a highly conditional road map that leads towards independence. Should Belgrade not participate in the process, the process will go ahead nonetheless.
SECURITY WATCH: Should Serbia get some concessions if Kosovo becomes independent, primarily concerning the tempo of accession to the EU?
LYON: Serbia could perhaps be given a speed-up on achieving candidate status. However, given the current climate inside the EU, this is not likely. There should not be - and probably will not be - any concessions on meeting membership requirements.
Igor Jovanovic is ISN Security Watch’s senior correspondent in Serbia.
ISN Security Watch: The ICG recently said Kosovo’s potential independence would contribute to stability in the region. However, would that independence stir similar demands from Albanians in Macedonia, Serbs and Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Hungarians in Serbia’s Vojvodina province? Is an independent Kosovo a potential danger for further disintegration in the region?
DR. JAMES LYON: We have discussed this question in many of our reports over the previous five years. In spite of the desire of some inside Belgrade to push the idea that Kosovo independence would have a spill-over effect in other areas of the Balkans, we have been unable to identify such a potential. However, the Balkans have changed in the last five years, and the threats to regional security and stability are no longer the same. First and most noticeably, the “domino effect” is no longer a genuine issue.
Bosnia and Herzegovina - although still fragile - is for the first time since 1995 seeing significant progress in its internal politics, with Bosnian politicians beginning to shoulder some of the responsibility for change, as opposed to shrugging it off onto the international community. Their recent agreements on police and state-level constitutional reforms suggest they have concluded that the stakes for European integration are too high to continue digging in their heels on the nationalist agenda.
Most importantly, there is no direct parallel between Kosovo and the Serb-inhabited areas of Bosnia. The Republika Srpska [Bosnia’s Serb-dominated entity] was founded on genocide and ethnic cleansing; although it was legitimized as a sub-state entity by the 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement [which ended the 1992-1995 war in Bosnia], it has no justifiable claim as a potential sovereign state. At present, only Belgrade seems interested in mentioning a possible partition of Bosnia. Banja Luka [the Republika Srpska capital] is silent on the matter.
Similarly, Macedonia is quite different from what it was when conflict broke out in 2001 and had to be contained by the international community. The country appears to have resolved its internal differences in a manner that will permit it to continue to make progress towards the EU. A positive recommendation from the European Commission on its membership application is on the agenda of the European Council’s mid-December meeting. Fears of a “domino effect” from Montenegrin independence no longer stand up to serious scrutiny.
For that matter, [the Serbian province of] Vojvodina is an area that should remain peaceful, provided Belgrade does not curtail the rights of the province’s ethnic minorities [mainly ethnic Hungarians]. Belgrade also needs to crack down on the numerous anti-minority incidents inspired by the Serbian Radical Party [SRS] and other factions close to the Orthodox Church. If it does this, Vojvodina should remain a non-issue.
SECURITY WATCH: The Kosovo society has not demonstrated tolerance toward minorities over the past six years. During that time, several dozens of Serbs were killed, around 150 Orthodox churches were torn down or destroyed and a very small number of non-Albanian refugees returned to their homes. Do you think the treatment of minorities can change if Kosovo gains independence?
LYON: At present, the Kosovo Albanians view the Serb presence as an obstacle to achieving their independence aspirations. They view Serbs as agents of the Serbian state that for so long repressed them and conducted an official policy of state terror against them. As long as Kosovo’s status is unresolved, the Albanians will treat them as an unwelcome foreign organism that represents policies of a Greater Serbia. When Kosovo’s status is resolved in favor of independence, then it will be logical to expect that the Albanian majority will no longer view the Serb minority as a threat. Are your numbers correct on the churches?
SECURITY WATCH: How could Kosovo’s possible independence affect the political situation inside Serbia? Would it bring on the threat of radical parties coming to power?
Kosovo independence should have little effect on long-term political trends inside Serbia. The failure of Serbia’s “democrats” to remove [former Serbian president Slobodan] Milosevic-era structures and counter the Milosevic-era propaganda are the biggest threats to the development of democracy in Serbia. Unfortunately, after deposing Milosevic, many of these democrats then proceeded to defend his policies regarding ethnic minorities, the wars of the 1990s, and Serbia’s relations with its neighbors. The result is that the Serbian Radical Party already exercises significant informal [power] within the current government and the country. Because many of the “democrats” bought into Milosevic’s interpretation of events and policies, they laid the groundwork for the rise of the Radicals. There is little the international community can do to combat this, other than opt for a strategy of containment.
SECURITY WATCH: Do you think Kosovo could survive as an independent state?
LYON: Of course.
SECURITY WATCH: Possible violence against Serbs, the same as back on 17 March 2004, is given as an argument backing Kosovo’s independence. Can violence serve as an argument for granting Kosovo independence?
LYON: The argument is that the current status of Kosovo is so unworkable and unable to create a stable economic, social, and political situation, that a new status must be found. Of all the available options, independence is the most workable.
SECURITY WATCH: When do you expect the final status of Kosovo to be resolved? How do you expect the situation to unravel if the Serbian authorities refuse to sign such a resolution?
LYON: The final status of Kosovo will probably be decided sometime in 2006. It is widely expected that Belgrade will refuse any outcome that gives independence to Kosovo. Should Belgrade refuse to sign off, independence will proceed without Serbia, which could have negative repercussions for Kosovo’s Serbian minority and give them far fewer privileges than should Belgrade participate. In any event, Kosovo will be offered a highly conditional road map that leads towards independence. Should Belgrade not participate in the process, the process will go ahead nonetheless.
SECURITY WATCH: Should Serbia get some concessions if Kosovo becomes independent, primarily concerning the tempo of accession to the EU?
LYON: Serbia could perhaps be given a speed-up on achieving candidate status. However, given the current climate inside the EU, this is not likely. There should not be - and probably will not be - any concessions on meeting membership requirements.
Igor Jovanovic is ISN Security Watch’s senior correspondent in Serbia.
Kosovo: Behind-the-scenes hard talk begins
As both formal and informal behind-the-scenes talks about Kosovo’s future status begin, the member countries of the powerful Contact Group seem to have reached a consensus that Kosovo should be granted “conditional independence”.
By Tim Judah in London and Paris for ISN Security Watch (24/12/05)
Though UN officials have recently announced that talks concerning the status of Serbia’s UN-administered province of Kosovo would begin in earnest in January, ISN Security Watch has learned that much of the real work is already being done behind the scenes, with intense discussions between key countries involved in the region and Serbian and Kosovo Albanian leaders.
Over the past few weeks, a series of meetings, both formal and informal, have taken place in key capitals - including the Serbian capital, Belgrade, and the Kosovo capital, Pristina - as diplomats attempt to shape a deal for Kosovo, bolstering the work being done by former Finnish president Martti Ahtisaari, who has been chosen to head the UN-led status negotiations.
Since the end of the Kosovo war in 1999, the province of some two million people has been under the jurisdiction of the UN, though it legally remains a part of Serbia. Its population is over 90 per cent ethnic Albanian. They have made it clear they want nothing less than full independence for Kosovo.
Serbia’s official position is that Kosovo can have “more than autonomy but less than independence”.
Members of the Serbian negotiation team, Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica and President Boris Tadic, had proposed earlier this month that Kosovo be divided into Albanian and Serbian areas.
According to the Serbian plan, the Albanian areas would be self-governing and independent in all but name, while the Serbian ones would remain linked to Belgrade and the Serbian flag would fly once again on Kosovo’s frontiers.
In parallel to this, the Serbian leadership has also decided that it would be most advantageous to argue their Kosovo case along legal lines - that is to say that Kosovo is de jure part of Serbia and thus its international frontiers cannot be changed without Serbia’s consent.
However, Kosovo’s Albanian leaders are demanding that the province be given full independence in recognition of their right to self-determination.
Over the last few weeks, there have been several meetings - including one between the Contact Group, which was set up to coordinate policy during the Balkan wars in the early 1990s, and Ahtisaari - which have yielded significant results. While Ahtisaari is now the official Kosovo mediator, real power lies with the countries of the Contact Group.
There appears to be a considerable unity of purpose among the Contact Group members. France and the US, for example, so often at loggerheads over the past few years, have no major disagreement over Kosovo. Russia, too, has been described by diplomats as extremely cooperative over Kosovo. If Serbian leaders were hoping to find backing from the traditionally friendly Russians there is no evidence thus far that they will get it.
Representatives of the Contact Group countries have decided that the best solution for Kosovo is that it be given so called “conditional independence”.
This means that the sovereign link with Serbia will be broken but that restrictions on Kosovo’s independence will remain for a transitional period. These could include, for example, no army and awarding reserve powers to a representative of the international community. The result would be a slimmed down and more focused version of the model that exists in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is effectively governed by the international community’s High Representative, who has sweeping powers.
Diplomats who have talked to ISN Security Watch, on condition of anonymity, say the only disagreement among the Contact Group members is over speed and tactics.
“We all know, more or less, where we are going but we just have to be careful of the language used in public,” one source said.
At the moment, officials from Contact Group countries say publicly that what they want is an agreement made between and mutually acceptable to Serbs and Albanians. Yet, privately, everyone knows that Serbs and Albanians will never be able to agree on the status of Kosovo.
France is less willing to openly say that the Contact Group countries are in favor of conditional independence because it fears that to do so might prompt the Serbs to withdraw from talks before they have even properly started.
By contrast, the British believe that the sooner the “I” word (for independence) is pronounced, the more flexible the Albanians will become. The British theory, according to informed sources, is that given a guarantee that independence (conditional or otherwise) is coming, the Albanians will be more amenable to granting the Kosovo Serbs concessions such as extensive decentralization.
As to whether moving Kosovo towards independence might provoke a nationalist radicalization of Serbia, one source in favor of moving faster rather than slower, simply sums up the Serbian dilemma as one of “Belarus or Brussels”. That is to say that Serbia has a choice between renewed isolation or continuing along its current path towards European integration.
It is clear to Serbian leaders that US policymakers have little sympathy for the Serbian efforts to keep Kosovo. However, what is unclear is that there appears to be no compelling reason (other than realpolitik,) as to why the US should favor independence for the Kosovo Albanians but oppose it for Iraqi Kurds, for instance.
Serbs have looked for support in meetings in Moscow and with the French. The Russians, while promising Serbian leaders that they would oppose anything Belgrade does not agree with, say in private talks with their western counterparts that they will not oppose conditional independence for Kosovo.
France then was perhaps the last best hope for the Serbian leadership, but here too, in a series of meetings this month, the Serbs have been disappointed. According to ISN Security Watch sources, the Serbs were told that France would support Serbian interests but that those interests had to be realistic. Holding on to Kosovo, in any form, was not considered realistic.
In public and private, the Serbs are now pursuing different lines of attack. Predrag Simic, Serbia and Montenegro’s ambassador to France and a member of the Serbian Kosovo negotiating team, evokes the situation leading up to the Second World War to argue against independence for Kosovo.
“In 1938,” he says, the Western powers, fearful of Hitler, accepted his demand to annex the Sudetenland, the predominantly German inhabited area of Czechoslovakia. But this appeasement “brought neither peace nor security to Europe”.
However, in private, according to western diplomatic sources, Serbian President Tadic is exploring a more flexible agenda. He wants any settlement to secure the future of the Kosovo Serbs and wants to try and steer proponents of conditional independence into making sure that if this cannot be avoided then, at least for the foreseeable future, Kosovo will have no army or highly symbolic seat at the UN.
But Western diplomats are fearful of what they call the “disaster scenario”, which foresees the talks failing to gain traction and hardliners on either side opting for violence.
The disaster scenario sees either Serbian or Albanian hardliners provoking an exodus from the Serbian enclaves in Kosovo. There are some100,000 Serbs in Kosovo, of which 30,000 live in the solidly Serbian north, while the rest are scattered in enclaves in central and southern Kosovo.
Albanian hardliners could decide to attack the enclaves and provoke the flight of the Serbs there, so as to prevent the areas from becoming autonomous regions that would remain, in their view, like Serbian claws in a future independent Kosovo.
By contrast Serbian hardliners could seek to provoke a Serbian exodus from the enclaves in a bid to solidify the Serbian population of the north. Their hope would be that many years down the line the de facto partition that already exists along the Ibar river would one day be recognized as the international frontier between the part of Kosovo that Serbia managed to save and the Albanian part, which would be independent.
It is precisely because they want to avert such a disaster scenario that the diplomats are now talking intensively to the Serbs and Albanians and among themselves.
Indeed, the message diplomats are now delivering to the Kosovo Albanians might come as a surprise to some. According to one source, the Albanians have been warned not to let hardliners provoke violence, but they have also been told that since conditional independence is the aim, “The talks are not about the status of Kosovo. What they are really about then, is negotiating the status of the Serbs in Kosovo,” the source said.
Tim Judah is the author of Kosovo: War and Revenge and The Serbs: History, Myth and the Destruction of Yugoslavia, both published by Yale University Press.
By Tim Judah in London and Paris for ISN Security Watch (24/12/05)
Though UN officials have recently announced that talks concerning the status of Serbia’s UN-administered province of Kosovo would begin in earnest in January, ISN Security Watch has learned that much of the real work is already being done behind the scenes, with intense discussions between key countries involved in the region and Serbian and Kosovo Albanian leaders.
Over the past few weeks, a series of meetings, both formal and informal, have taken place in key capitals - including the Serbian capital, Belgrade, and the Kosovo capital, Pristina - as diplomats attempt to shape a deal for Kosovo, bolstering the work being done by former Finnish president Martti Ahtisaari, who has been chosen to head the UN-led status negotiations.
Since the end of the Kosovo war in 1999, the province of some two million people has been under the jurisdiction of the UN, though it legally remains a part of Serbia. Its population is over 90 per cent ethnic Albanian. They have made it clear they want nothing less than full independence for Kosovo.
Serbia’s official position is that Kosovo can have “more than autonomy but less than independence”.
Members of the Serbian negotiation team, Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica and President Boris Tadic, had proposed earlier this month that Kosovo be divided into Albanian and Serbian areas.
According to the Serbian plan, the Albanian areas would be self-governing and independent in all but name, while the Serbian ones would remain linked to Belgrade and the Serbian flag would fly once again on Kosovo’s frontiers.
In parallel to this, the Serbian leadership has also decided that it would be most advantageous to argue their Kosovo case along legal lines - that is to say that Kosovo is de jure part of Serbia and thus its international frontiers cannot be changed without Serbia’s consent.
However, Kosovo’s Albanian leaders are demanding that the province be given full independence in recognition of their right to self-determination.
Over the last few weeks, there have been several meetings - including one between the Contact Group, which was set up to coordinate policy during the Balkan wars in the early 1990s, and Ahtisaari - which have yielded significant results. While Ahtisaari is now the official Kosovo mediator, real power lies with the countries of the Contact Group.
There appears to be a considerable unity of purpose among the Contact Group members. France and the US, for example, so often at loggerheads over the past few years, have no major disagreement over Kosovo. Russia, too, has been described by diplomats as extremely cooperative over Kosovo. If Serbian leaders were hoping to find backing from the traditionally friendly Russians there is no evidence thus far that they will get it.
Representatives of the Contact Group countries have decided that the best solution for Kosovo is that it be given so called “conditional independence”.
This means that the sovereign link with Serbia will be broken but that restrictions on Kosovo’s independence will remain for a transitional period. These could include, for example, no army and awarding reserve powers to a representative of the international community. The result would be a slimmed down and more focused version of the model that exists in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is effectively governed by the international community’s High Representative, who has sweeping powers.
Diplomats who have talked to ISN Security Watch, on condition of anonymity, say the only disagreement among the Contact Group members is over speed and tactics.
“We all know, more or less, where we are going but we just have to be careful of the language used in public,” one source said.
At the moment, officials from Contact Group countries say publicly that what they want is an agreement made between and mutually acceptable to Serbs and Albanians. Yet, privately, everyone knows that Serbs and Albanians will never be able to agree on the status of Kosovo.
France is less willing to openly say that the Contact Group countries are in favor of conditional independence because it fears that to do so might prompt the Serbs to withdraw from talks before they have even properly started.
By contrast, the British believe that the sooner the “I” word (for independence) is pronounced, the more flexible the Albanians will become. The British theory, according to informed sources, is that given a guarantee that independence (conditional or otherwise) is coming, the Albanians will be more amenable to granting the Kosovo Serbs concessions such as extensive decentralization.
As to whether moving Kosovo towards independence might provoke a nationalist radicalization of Serbia, one source in favor of moving faster rather than slower, simply sums up the Serbian dilemma as one of “Belarus or Brussels”. That is to say that Serbia has a choice between renewed isolation or continuing along its current path towards European integration.
It is clear to Serbian leaders that US policymakers have little sympathy for the Serbian efforts to keep Kosovo. However, what is unclear is that there appears to be no compelling reason (other than realpolitik,) as to why the US should favor independence for the Kosovo Albanians but oppose it for Iraqi Kurds, for instance.
Serbs have looked for support in meetings in Moscow and with the French. The Russians, while promising Serbian leaders that they would oppose anything Belgrade does not agree with, say in private talks with their western counterparts that they will not oppose conditional independence for Kosovo.
France then was perhaps the last best hope for the Serbian leadership, but here too, in a series of meetings this month, the Serbs have been disappointed. According to ISN Security Watch sources, the Serbs were told that France would support Serbian interests but that those interests had to be realistic. Holding on to Kosovo, in any form, was not considered realistic.
In public and private, the Serbs are now pursuing different lines of attack. Predrag Simic, Serbia and Montenegro’s ambassador to France and a member of the Serbian Kosovo negotiating team, evokes the situation leading up to the Second World War to argue against independence for Kosovo.
“In 1938,” he says, the Western powers, fearful of Hitler, accepted his demand to annex the Sudetenland, the predominantly German inhabited area of Czechoslovakia. But this appeasement “brought neither peace nor security to Europe”.
However, in private, according to western diplomatic sources, Serbian President Tadic is exploring a more flexible agenda. He wants any settlement to secure the future of the Kosovo Serbs and wants to try and steer proponents of conditional independence into making sure that if this cannot be avoided then, at least for the foreseeable future, Kosovo will have no army or highly symbolic seat at the UN.
But Western diplomats are fearful of what they call the “disaster scenario”, which foresees the talks failing to gain traction and hardliners on either side opting for violence.
The disaster scenario sees either Serbian or Albanian hardliners provoking an exodus from the Serbian enclaves in Kosovo. There are some100,000 Serbs in Kosovo, of which 30,000 live in the solidly Serbian north, while the rest are scattered in enclaves in central and southern Kosovo.
Albanian hardliners could decide to attack the enclaves and provoke the flight of the Serbs there, so as to prevent the areas from becoming autonomous regions that would remain, in their view, like Serbian claws in a future independent Kosovo.
By contrast Serbian hardliners could seek to provoke a Serbian exodus from the enclaves in a bid to solidify the Serbian population of the north. Their hope would be that many years down the line the de facto partition that already exists along the Ibar river would one day be recognized as the international frontier between the part of Kosovo that Serbia managed to save and the Albanian part, which would be independent.
It is precisely because they want to avert such a disaster scenario that the diplomats are now talking intensively to the Serbs and Albanians and among themselves.
Indeed, the message diplomats are now delivering to the Kosovo Albanians might come as a surprise to some. According to one source, the Albanians have been warned not to let hardliners provoke violence, but they have also been told that since conditional independence is the aim, “The talks are not about the status of Kosovo. What they are really about then, is negotiating the status of the Serbs in Kosovo,” the source said.
Tim Judah is the author of Kosovo: War and Revenge and The Serbs: History, Myth and the Destruction of Yugoslavia, both published by Yale University Press.
Friday, December 23, 2005
Goldberg: US will keep supporting Kosovo (dailies)
All daily newspapers cover the meeting that US Head of Office Philip Goldberg had yesterday with Assembly Speaker Nexhat Daci. Zëri quotes Goldberg on the front page as saying that the US will be with Kosovo during the process of status resolution. On the other hand, Koha Ditore reports that Goldberg is disappointed over the non-inclusion of Kosovo Serb representatives in the Assembly. “One of my greatest disappointments ever since I came here is that the majority of Serb representatives have not attended the sessions of the Assembly,” he said.
Koha Ditore also quotes Goldberg as saying that in 2005, the Assembly has played a strong and constructive role in passing laws, which was necessary to enable work in standards implementation.
In Epoka e Re Goldberg is quoted as saying that 2005 is a historical year for Kosovo.
Assembly Speaker Daci said that the most essential thing is that Kosovo is on the right path toward status resolution and has the needed international support.
Koha Ditore also quotes Goldberg as saying that in 2005, the Assembly has played a strong and constructive role in passing laws, which was necessary to enable work in standards implementation.
In Epoka e Re Goldberg is quoted as saying that 2005 is a historical year for Kosovo.
Assembly Speaker Daci said that the most essential thing is that Kosovo is on the right path toward status resolution and has the needed international support.
Thursday, December 22, 2005
What remains to be done in the Balkans
Walter Kälin International Herald Tribune
THURSDAY, DECEMBER 22, 2005
GENEVA
Ten years after the Dayton accord brought an end to the worst fighting Western Europe had witnessed since the World War II, there is much to celebrate. Peace has come to the Balkans, and the insidious results of ethnic cleansing have largely been reversed. Two and a half million refugees and internally displaced persons have returned to their homes, at least half to areas where they are an ethnic minority.
Nevertheless, the scars of war are far from healed. Much remains to be done before the Dayton accords can truly be considered a success. As the UN secretary general's representative on the human rights of internally displaced persons, I recently undertook a mission to the region. I left with mixed feelings.
In Croatia, many houses and apartments have been returned to their original owners. In Bosnia-Herzegovina, economic and political ties have been growing among Muslim, Croat and Serb communities, and almost all property has been restored to its rightful owners. Serbia and Montenegro have made huge efforts to accommodate the remaining 500,000 refugees and almost 250,000 displaced persons, straining their already faltering economies.
But some of the emotional scars I witnessed may be too deep to heal.
I met survivors of the Srebrenica massacre. They had returned to the villages close by, but many looked far older than their years, and without hope or courage for their future.
In Northern Mitrovica, in Kosovo, I visited Roma camps that had been hastily erected in areas that proved to be poisoned by lead. Three years after the first tests, the inhabitants had still not been evacuated, although the environment constitutes a serious threat to their health and to the lives of their children.
People from different ethnic groups still discriminate against each other. Throughout the Balkans, returnees can still expect prolonged and unjustifiable delays in having their houses connected to water and electricity. They are discriminated against when applying for jobs and are denied access to pension funds and the state health system.
Too little is done so that returnees' children can go to a school in their own language. In many places the police are perceived as biased. National and religious symbols are not used to create unity but to feed divisions and insecurity among minorities. And the overburdened and cumbersome judiciary systems are not able to enforce a strong rule of law.
The failure, moreover, to bring to justice thousands of people suspected of war crimes, in particular Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic, who helped orchestrate ethnically motivated mass expulsions, continues to cast a pall over the progress made and has done nothing to reduce fears and insecurity.
There are still almost 500,000 internally displaced persons as a result of the Balkan wars. Thousands live miserably in ramshackle collective centers or "informal settlements" that were never intended to become permanent housing. Many of them have no place to go and are incapable of living on their own.
The international community has wound down its financial and political support for the region. There are no funds left to rehabilitate living conditions and find solutions for the most vulnerable among the refugees and internally displaced. There are no means to give 5,000 survivors the psycho-social care that would make their lives less of a living hell.
Several steps are needed urgently in the Balkans. First, there must be an immediate, concerted effort to find solutions for the most vulnerable people still in collective shelters - particularly the Roma in Northern Mitrovica.
Second, help must be extended to those who prefer to integrate locally, so that they have access to jobs and public services.
Third, efforts must be made to better inform displaced persons and minorities about their rights, to simplify administrative rules so they can claim their entitlements, and to halt discriminatory practices against them.
Fourth, donor governments and the World Bank should be encouraged to invest in rebuilding schools, health facilities, housing and other infrastructure, so that displaced persons and returnees begin to lead normal lives.
Finally, all crimes and acts of violence against the displaced and those returning must be investigated and prosecuted. Only then will the promise of Dayton be fully realized.
Walter Kälin is the representative of the UN secretary general on the human rights of internally displaced persons.
THURSDAY, DECEMBER 22, 2005
GENEVA
Ten years after the Dayton accord brought an end to the worst fighting Western Europe had witnessed since the World War II, there is much to celebrate. Peace has come to the Balkans, and the insidious results of ethnic cleansing have largely been reversed. Two and a half million refugees and internally displaced persons have returned to their homes, at least half to areas where they are an ethnic minority.
Nevertheless, the scars of war are far from healed. Much remains to be done before the Dayton accords can truly be considered a success. As the UN secretary general's representative on the human rights of internally displaced persons, I recently undertook a mission to the region. I left with mixed feelings.
In Croatia, many houses and apartments have been returned to their original owners. In Bosnia-Herzegovina, economic and political ties have been growing among Muslim, Croat and Serb communities, and almost all property has been restored to its rightful owners. Serbia and Montenegro have made huge efforts to accommodate the remaining 500,000 refugees and almost 250,000 displaced persons, straining their already faltering economies.
But some of the emotional scars I witnessed may be too deep to heal.
I met survivors of the Srebrenica massacre. They had returned to the villages close by, but many looked far older than their years, and without hope or courage for their future.
In Northern Mitrovica, in Kosovo, I visited Roma camps that had been hastily erected in areas that proved to be poisoned by lead. Three years after the first tests, the inhabitants had still not been evacuated, although the environment constitutes a serious threat to their health and to the lives of their children.
People from different ethnic groups still discriminate against each other. Throughout the Balkans, returnees can still expect prolonged and unjustifiable delays in having their houses connected to water and electricity. They are discriminated against when applying for jobs and are denied access to pension funds and the state health system.
Too little is done so that returnees' children can go to a school in their own language. In many places the police are perceived as biased. National and religious symbols are not used to create unity but to feed divisions and insecurity among minorities. And the overburdened and cumbersome judiciary systems are not able to enforce a strong rule of law.
The failure, moreover, to bring to justice thousands of people suspected of war crimes, in particular Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic, who helped orchestrate ethnically motivated mass expulsions, continues to cast a pall over the progress made and has done nothing to reduce fears and insecurity.
There are still almost 500,000 internally displaced persons as a result of the Balkan wars. Thousands live miserably in ramshackle collective centers or "informal settlements" that were never intended to become permanent housing. Many of them have no place to go and are incapable of living on their own.
The international community has wound down its financial and political support for the region. There are no funds left to rehabilitate living conditions and find solutions for the most vulnerable among the refugees and internally displaced. There are no means to give 5,000 survivors the psycho-social care that would make their lives less of a living hell.
Several steps are needed urgently in the Balkans. First, there must be an immediate, concerted effort to find solutions for the most vulnerable people still in collective shelters - particularly the Roma in Northern Mitrovica.
Second, help must be extended to those who prefer to integrate locally, so that they have access to jobs and public services.
Third, efforts must be made to better inform displaced persons and minorities about their rights, to simplify administrative rules so they can claim their entitlements, and to halt discriminatory practices against them.
Fourth, donor governments and the World Bank should be encouraged to invest in rebuilding schools, health facilities, housing and other infrastructure, so that displaced persons and returnees begin to lead normal lives.
Finally, all crimes and acts of violence against the displaced and those returning must be investigated and prosecuted. Only then will the promise of Dayton be fully realized.
Walter Kälin is the representative of the UN secretary general on the human rights of internally displaced persons.
BALKANS: SERBS INCREASINGLY SUPPORT INDEPENDENCE FOR KOSOVO
BELGRADE, Dec. 20, 2005 (IPS/GIN) -- While nationalist politicians are pushing to keep Kosovo a part of Serbia, polls show most Serbs are ambivalent.
The fate of Kosovo, home to 1.8 million ethnic Albanians and run for more than six years by the United Nations, tops the news highlights of the state-controlled media, as the opening of talks on the definitive status of the southern Serbian province nears in January.
Often opening the daily news broadcasts are statements by Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica or other members of his cabinet, who vow "never to give up Kosovo," and they hold a number of complicated legal arguments in their hands.
All indications are that ethnic Albanians, or Kosovars, want nothing less than independence, and Serbian politicians are not ready to accept that.
Instead, Kostunica offers a formula of "more than autonomy, less than independence," hardly understandable to the broader public.
The U.N. administration took over Kosovo in 1999, after 11 weeks of NATO bombing of Serbia, due to the repressive politics of former leader Slobodan Milosevic against the ethnic Albanian minority.
U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244 only formally left Kosovo within Serbia. The region's fate is to be decided in talks due to open and end in 2006.
For their part, the spectrum of more nationalist-leaning newspapers has taken to defaming ethnic Albanians, pulling out old prejudices and sometimes openly fanning ethnic hatred. Controversial ethnic Albanian politicians are often openly dubbed "criminals."
Emotional words about the Serbian Orthodox monasteries scattered throughout Kosovo remind Serbs that the province was "the cradle of our medieval state and glory." There are also vitriolic attacks against Western governments accused of trying "to dismember Serbia from its origins."
One of the favorite stories used to fan Serbian pride is about "how Serb kings ate with golden forks in Kosovo," while the European royals "tore the food with bare hands." The Serb medieval state lasted until the end of 14th century, when it fell under Turkish rule.
But recent studies have shown that, despite what politicians might say and the media try to push, Serbs are not preoccupied with Kosovo.
A study by the European Movement of Serbia and the Kosovar Institute for Political Research and Development showed that some 63 percent of Serbs from Serbia proper never visited Kosovo in their lives and felt little concern about the matter.
In-depth studies by the Belgrade Center for Free Elections and Democracy (CeSID) and Gallup Serbia also show that the Kosovo issue is something regarded with less emotion than ever. According to CeSID, 27 percent of those polled believe that Kosovo will become an independent state.
"All the data show that Serbs are more concerned about the improvement of their own living standards," analyst Djordje Vukadinovic told IPS. "The hot emotions that surrounded Kosovo issue before the NATO bombing are on the decline."
Before the NATO bombing, Serbs did not even think about granting autonomy to Kosovo. Some 39 percent are now in favor of it, a Gallup Serbia survey showed.
Like other analysts, Vukadinovic says politicians believe Kosovo can be a trump card for their rising or falling popularity. "They think about the next elections," he said.
"But in the end, people will be little concerned with Kosovo if some benefits were offered for joining the European Union (EU) or something like that," Vukadinovic said.
Serbia has just opened "Stabilization and Association Agreement" talks with the EU, though it will be at least a decade before the country will be able to join the bloc.
"The phrases that describe 'Kosovo as a cradle of our medieval state' sound very nice, but people know that the baby in that cradle is not Serb, but ethnic Albanian now," historian Desimir Tosic said in an interview with local media.
"Serbia should insist on the minority rights for the remaining Serbs and look down the road toward European integration, which means less sovereignty in the classic sense."
Kosovo is home for a tiny Serb minority now, some 90,000 people. More than 150,000 fled in 1999, when the NATO bombing ended and the U.N. took over, fearing reprisal by ethnic Albanians for all the misdeeds committed in the previous era.
Ethnic Albanians, who are Muslims, became a majority in Kosovo over the course of centuries, since medieval times and the Turkish Empire. Kosovo was returned to Serbia by the end of World War I, when the empire fell apart.
By that time, Serbs were outnumbered by ethnic Albanians several times over. Decades of a more or less autonomous Kosovo came to an end in 1989, when Slobodan Milosevic imposed direct rule of Belgrade and Serb administrative domination, which was accompanied by police repression against the local non-Serb population.
However, the romantic notions and myths that surround Kosovo in Serb memory have yet to be dismantled.
"Looking back in history, one can say that there is no proof that the lavish lifestyle and highly sophisticated routines really existed in medieval Serbian courts in Kosovo," historian Cedomir Antic wrote in his latest book "History and Illusion." "Golden forks were in use nowhere, so they could not exist in Serbia at the time" he added.
Analyst Dusan Janjic said that despite all the heavy political talk on Kosovo "remaining part of Serbia," for most Serbs "it would be unimaginable to see an ethnic Albanian as a prime minister or minister of justice.
"That is what 'Kosovo being part of Serbia' means," he added. No opinion poll showed Serbs would agree to Kosovars in high office. Indeed, surveys indicate that many were surprised to learn that Serbia was paying back $130 million annually on Kosovo's foreign debt.
"Most people do feel that Kosovo was lost back in 1999, after the NATO bombing ended," international law professor Vojin Dimitrijevic told IPS. "What we need is a broader view, not only the vision of what belongs to whom. Being in this part of Europe, the western Balkans, we have to see the ways to join the rest of the continent. With Kosovo or without it, it will be the same."
The fate of Kosovo, home to 1.8 million ethnic Albanians and run for more than six years by the United Nations, tops the news highlights of the state-controlled media, as the opening of talks on the definitive status of the southern Serbian province nears in January.
Often opening the daily news broadcasts are statements by Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica or other members of his cabinet, who vow "never to give up Kosovo," and they hold a number of complicated legal arguments in their hands.
All indications are that ethnic Albanians, or Kosovars, want nothing less than independence, and Serbian politicians are not ready to accept that.
Instead, Kostunica offers a formula of "more than autonomy, less than independence," hardly understandable to the broader public.
The U.N. administration took over Kosovo in 1999, after 11 weeks of NATO bombing of Serbia, due to the repressive politics of former leader Slobodan Milosevic against the ethnic Albanian minority.
U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244 only formally left Kosovo within Serbia. The region's fate is to be decided in talks due to open and end in 2006.
For their part, the spectrum of more nationalist-leaning newspapers has taken to defaming ethnic Albanians, pulling out old prejudices and sometimes openly fanning ethnic hatred. Controversial ethnic Albanian politicians are often openly dubbed "criminals."
Emotional words about the Serbian Orthodox monasteries scattered throughout Kosovo remind Serbs that the province was "the cradle of our medieval state and glory." There are also vitriolic attacks against Western governments accused of trying "to dismember Serbia from its origins."
One of the favorite stories used to fan Serbian pride is about "how Serb kings ate with golden forks in Kosovo," while the European royals "tore the food with bare hands." The Serb medieval state lasted until the end of 14th century, when it fell under Turkish rule.
But recent studies have shown that, despite what politicians might say and the media try to push, Serbs are not preoccupied with Kosovo.
A study by the European Movement of Serbia and the Kosovar Institute for Political Research and Development showed that some 63 percent of Serbs from Serbia proper never visited Kosovo in their lives and felt little concern about the matter.
In-depth studies by the Belgrade Center for Free Elections and Democracy (CeSID) and Gallup Serbia also show that the Kosovo issue is something regarded with less emotion than ever. According to CeSID, 27 percent of those polled believe that Kosovo will become an independent state.
"All the data show that Serbs are more concerned about the improvement of their own living standards," analyst Djordje Vukadinovic told IPS. "The hot emotions that surrounded Kosovo issue before the NATO bombing are on the decline."
Before the NATO bombing, Serbs did not even think about granting autonomy to Kosovo. Some 39 percent are now in favor of it, a Gallup Serbia survey showed.
Like other analysts, Vukadinovic says politicians believe Kosovo can be a trump card for their rising or falling popularity. "They think about the next elections," he said.
"But in the end, people will be little concerned with Kosovo if some benefits were offered for joining the European Union (EU) or something like that," Vukadinovic said.
Serbia has just opened "Stabilization and Association Agreement" talks with the EU, though it will be at least a decade before the country will be able to join the bloc.
"The phrases that describe 'Kosovo as a cradle of our medieval state' sound very nice, but people know that the baby in that cradle is not Serb, but ethnic Albanian now," historian Desimir Tosic said in an interview with local media.
"Serbia should insist on the minority rights for the remaining Serbs and look down the road toward European integration, which means less sovereignty in the classic sense."
Kosovo is home for a tiny Serb minority now, some 90,000 people. More than 150,000 fled in 1999, when the NATO bombing ended and the U.N. took over, fearing reprisal by ethnic Albanians for all the misdeeds committed in the previous era.
Ethnic Albanians, who are Muslims, became a majority in Kosovo over the course of centuries, since medieval times and the Turkish Empire. Kosovo was returned to Serbia by the end of World War I, when the empire fell apart.
By that time, Serbs were outnumbered by ethnic Albanians several times over. Decades of a more or less autonomous Kosovo came to an end in 1989, when Slobodan Milosevic imposed direct rule of Belgrade and Serb administrative domination, which was accompanied by police repression against the local non-Serb population.
However, the romantic notions and myths that surround Kosovo in Serb memory have yet to be dismantled.
"Looking back in history, one can say that there is no proof that the lavish lifestyle and highly sophisticated routines really existed in medieval Serbian courts in Kosovo," historian Cedomir Antic wrote in his latest book "History and Illusion." "Golden forks were in use nowhere, so they could not exist in Serbia at the time" he added.
Analyst Dusan Janjic said that despite all the heavy political talk on Kosovo "remaining part of Serbia," for most Serbs "it would be unimaginable to see an ethnic Albanian as a prime minister or minister of justice.
"That is what 'Kosovo being part of Serbia' means," he added. No opinion poll showed Serbs would agree to Kosovars in high office. Indeed, surveys indicate that many were surprised to learn that Serbia was paying back $130 million annually on Kosovo's foreign debt.
"Most people do feel that Kosovo was lost back in 1999, after the NATO bombing ended," international law professor Vojin Dimitrijevic told IPS. "What we need is a broader view, not only the vision of what belongs to whom. Being in this part of Europe, the western Balkans, we have to see the ways to join the rest of the continent. With Kosovo or without it, it will be the same."
It will be difficult to defend Serbian interests in Kosovo, says president
Text of report by Serbian privately-owned TV Pink on 21 December
[Presenter] Serbian President Boris Tadic has just finished his visit to Paris and, he has said, he is satisfied with the talks. He returned to Belgrade some half an hour ago, and here is what he said.
[Tadic] I will be completely open I encountered some reactions which indicate that it will be very difficult for Serbia to defend its legitimate interests. Nevertheless, it does not mean that Serbia should give up on that. Serbia should fight for its legitimate interests by promoting democratic values, its European perspective and asking for sovereignty over Kosovo-Metohija, because that simply forms part of international law and of our historic right.
Unfortunately, the decision will not be made on the basis of law only, but it will also be based on reality and politics, but we have to fight for our interests till the very last moment.
Source: TV Pink, Belgrade, in Serbian 1830 gmt 21 Dec 05
[Presenter] Serbian President Boris Tadic has just finished his visit to Paris and, he has said, he is satisfied with the talks. He returned to Belgrade some half an hour ago, and here is what he said.
[Tadic] I will be completely open I encountered some reactions which indicate that it will be very difficult for Serbia to defend its legitimate interests. Nevertheless, it does not mean that Serbia should give up on that. Serbia should fight for its legitimate interests by promoting democratic values, its European perspective and asking for sovereignty over Kosovo-Metohija, because that simply forms part of international law and of our historic right.
Unfortunately, the decision will not be made on the basis of law only, but it will also be based on reality and politics, but we have to fight for our interests till the very last moment.
Source: TV Pink, Belgrade, in Serbian 1830 gmt 21 Dec 05
Kosovo's President Rugova reported to be in "critical condition"
Text of report by Bosnian Serb news agency SRNA
Pristina, 22 December: Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova is in a critical condition and doctors in the US Bondsteel military base near Urosevac are fighting for his life, Muhamed Hamiti, the press spokesman in Rugova's office, has said.
In a short statement to journalists, Hamiti said that Rugova's health condition was unchanged and that he was under medical observation.
All officials in the Kosovo Assembly have been alerted and it has been learnt unofficially that measures have been put in place while news from Bondsteel is being awaited, because Rugova is in a very critical condition.
Source: SRNA news agency, Bijeljina, in Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian 1008 gmt 22 Dec 05
Pristina, 22 December: Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova is in a critical condition and doctors in the US Bondsteel military base near Urosevac are fighting for his life, Muhamed Hamiti, the press spokesman in Rugova's office, has said.
In a short statement to journalists, Hamiti said that Rugova's health condition was unchanged and that he was under medical observation.
All officials in the Kosovo Assembly have been alerted and it has been learnt unofficially that measures have been put in place while news from Bondsteel is being awaited, because Rugova is in a very critical condition.
Source: SRNA news agency, Bijeljina, in Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian 1008 gmt 22 Dec 05
Kosovo opposition leader Thaci promotes Rexhepi as presidential candidate
Mitrovice [Kosovska Mitrovica], 18 December: Bajram Rexhepi [former prime minister] may become Kosova [Kosovo] president if the majority of Kosovars vote for the Democratic Party of Kosova [PDK] at the next general election, provided that Hashim Thaci does not change his mind in the meantime.
PDK leader Thaci promised that the former prime minister could occupy Ibrahim Rugova's current office, addressing party members in Mitrovice, the home town of Rexhepi, who is now a PDK deputy in the Kosova Assembly.
"You elected a prime minister in the previous election, so with a PDK victory you will have a president from Mitrovice," Thaci said on Saturday [ 17 December], speaking to local PDK leaders and activists on the sixth anniversary of the party's branch.
The leader of the largest opposition party and member of the Kosova status negotiating team also promised that the issue of the divided town of Mitrovice would be resolved together with the resolution of the country's status and that "the northern part will be part of an independent Kosova".
Thaci's message to his party activists in Mitrovice and the citizens of this part of Kosova was that they should not worry too much about the various options for Kosova's status, such as, "conditional independence" and "future status," but use the "comforting argument" that "there is full unity in the negotiating team and in cooperation with international bodies we will reach Kosova's full independence".
Speaking just a few meters away from the bridge that divides the town of Mitrovice, Thaci said that he supported decentralization, but not the kind of decentralization based on ethnic grounds, because, as he put it, "this represents a threat to Kosova's internal territorial division".
Rexhepi, the man selected to become Kosova's president in the event of a PDK victory, said that he was certain that, "in cooperation with the international community, there will not be a division of either Mitrovice or Kosova." To support his claims, he cited the Contact Group principles.
During the celebration of the sixth anniversary of the PDK's Mitrovice branch, branch chairman Ahmet Tmava said that the PDK, the main opposition party in Mitrovice, had all the potential "to become a promoter of the strategy of development and unification of Mitrovice and not make Mitrovice an object of scenarios that produce fog".
Source: Koha Ditore, Pristina, in Albanian 19 Dec 05
PDK leader Thaci promised that the former prime minister could occupy Ibrahim Rugova's current office, addressing party members in Mitrovice, the home town of Rexhepi, who is now a PDK deputy in the Kosova Assembly.
"You elected a prime minister in the previous election, so with a PDK victory you will have a president from Mitrovice," Thaci said on Saturday [ 17 December], speaking to local PDK leaders and activists on the sixth anniversary of the party's branch.
The leader of the largest opposition party and member of the Kosova status negotiating team also promised that the issue of the divided town of Mitrovice would be resolved together with the resolution of the country's status and that "the northern part will be part of an independent Kosova".
Thaci's message to his party activists in Mitrovice and the citizens of this part of Kosova was that they should not worry too much about the various options for Kosova's status, such as, "conditional independence" and "future status," but use the "comforting argument" that "there is full unity in the negotiating team and in cooperation with international bodies we will reach Kosova's full independence".
Speaking just a few meters away from the bridge that divides the town of Mitrovice, Thaci said that he supported decentralization, but not the kind of decentralization based on ethnic grounds, because, as he put it, "this represents a threat to Kosova's internal territorial division".
Rexhepi, the man selected to become Kosova's president in the event of a PDK victory, said that he was certain that, "in cooperation with the international community, there will not be a division of either Mitrovice or Kosova." To support his claims, he cited the Contact Group principles.
During the celebration of the sixth anniversary of the PDK's Mitrovice branch, branch chairman Ahmet Tmava said that the PDK, the main opposition party in Mitrovice, had all the potential "to become a promoter of the strategy of development and unification of Mitrovice and not make Mitrovice an object of scenarios that produce fog".
Source: Koha Ditore, Pristina, in Albanian 19 Dec 05
Wednesday, December 21, 2005
Belgrade uses displaced Serbs as political pawns - Kosovo minister
Excerpt from report by Radio-Television Kosovo TV on 20 December
[Announcer] The Serbian government is holding displaced persons from Kosovo as hostages for their own political aims. They have to understand that the problem lies with Belgrade, [Kosovo] Minister of Local Government Lutfi Haziri has said.
[Reporter] The Belgrade authorities' unwillingness to cooperate with Pristina is the main problem in the return of displaced Serbs to Kosovo, Minister of Local Government Lutfi Haziri said. He added that for the Kosovo government, every act that hinders the sustainable return must be condemned and is unacceptable. There can be no collective return which is politicized, as demanded by the government in Serbia.
[Minister of Local Government Lutfi Haziri] The persistent actions that have been going on for the past few months have shown that they [Serbian government] have moved backwards, that there is hesitation and there is no readiness for cooperation. [Passage omitted]
[Reporter] During his [Haziri's] visits to Podgorica and Skopje the governments there showed a readiness to cooperate on this issue. According to government data, 60,000 displaced persons live in Serbia who have expressed their readiness to return to Kosovo
Source: RTK TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1830 gmt 20 Dec 05
[Announcer] The Serbian government is holding displaced persons from Kosovo as hostages for their own political aims. They have to understand that the problem lies with Belgrade, [Kosovo] Minister of Local Government Lutfi Haziri has said.
[Reporter] The Belgrade authorities' unwillingness to cooperate with Pristina is the main problem in the return of displaced Serbs to Kosovo, Minister of Local Government Lutfi Haziri said. He added that for the Kosovo government, every act that hinders the sustainable return must be condemned and is unacceptable. There can be no collective return which is politicized, as demanded by the government in Serbia.
[Minister of Local Government Lutfi Haziri] The persistent actions that have been going on for the past few months have shown that they [Serbian government] have moved backwards, that there is hesitation and there is no readiness for cooperation. [Passage omitted]
[Reporter] During his [Haziri's] visits to Podgorica and Skopje the governments there showed a readiness to cooperate on this issue. According to government data, 60,000 displaced persons live in Serbia who have expressed their readiness to return to Kosovo
Source: RTK TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1830 gmt 20 Dec 05
Kosovo's ailing president visits U.S. base for medical checkup
PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro (AP) - President Ibrahim Rugova, who suffers from lung cancer, visited a U.S. military hospital Wednesday for routine checkup by military doctors.
Rugova, 61, was at the main U.S. military camp in Kosovo for a "routine follow up visit, as part of the care he receives from the military doctors," said Maj. Michael Wunn, a spokesman for U.S. peacekeepers in the province.
Rugova was diagnosed with lung cancer earlier this year and underwent tests and treatments at the U.S. military-run Landstuhl Regional Medical Center in Germany.
Muhamet Hamiti, a Rugova spokesman, said the president's condition was unchanged. He didn't provide any more details.
Rugova, who was a chain-smoker, has been at the forefront of ethnic Albanians' demand for independence from Serbia since the early 1990s, when he started leading a nonviolent movement against the policies of then Yugoslavian President Slobodan Milosevic.
Rugova, 61, was at the main U.S. military camp in Kosovo for a "routine follow up visit, as part of the care he receives from the military doctors," said Maj. Michael Wunn, a spokesman for U.S. peacekeepers in the province.
Rugova was diagnosed with lung cancer earlier this year and underwent tests and treatments at the U.S. military-run Landstuhl Regional Medical Center in Germany.
Muhamet Hamiti, a Rugova spokesman, said the president's condition was unchanged. He didn't provide any more details.
Rugova, who was a chain-smoker, has been at the forefront of ethnic Albanians' demand for independence from Serbia since the early 1990s, when he started leading a nonviolent movement against the policies of then Yugoslavian President Slobodan Milosevic.
Kosovo Bosniaks back independence bid
Text of report by M.M. entitled "Balic: Bosniaks were and are in favour of Kosova's independence" published by the Kosovo Albanian newspaper Koha Ditore on 17 December
Mitrovice [Kosovska Mitrovica], 16 December: Party for Democratic Action [SDA] leader Numan Balic rejected the possibility of Bosniaks being against the independence of Kosova [Kosovo] in Mitrovice on Friday [16 December]. He emphasized that some media misquoted him deliberately.
"From the beginning on, Kosova's SDA has supported the historic goals of our Albanian brothers and their right to self-determination," Balic said.
"Also now, the SDA supports the independence of Kosova and there are no dilemmas here ... When I spoke about the Bosniaks' fear, perhaps I used a harsh term with regards to the events that happened after the war. After the war, a large number of Bosniaks had to encounter the pressure of violence, which was used also against the Albanians. Many Bosniaks suffered and their wealth, homes, and shops were seized. A large number of them left Kosova. But there are also those who were expelled."
Balic said that the security that the Bosniaks have expected has not been achieved so far. "We call on the Kosovar institutions to show readiness and help us. This has not happened so far," Numan Balic outlined.
"Our message is: do not ask us (Bosniaks) if we support independence or not, because we have proved this since the 90s. But will you gentlemen, [Kosovo President Ibrahim] Rugova, [Kosovo Assembly Speaker Nexhat] Daci, and [Kosovo Prime Minister Bajram] Kosumi, support us to bring back the lost faith," Balic said.
Source: Koha Ditore, Pristina, in Albanian 17 Dec 05 p2
Mitrovice [Kosovska Mitrovica], 16 December: Party for Democratic Action [SDA] leader Numan Balic rejected the possibility of Bosniaks being against the independence of Kosova [Kosovo] in Mitrovice on Friday [16 December]. He emphasized that some media misquoted him deliberately.
"From the beginning on, Kosova's SDA has supported the historic goals of our Albanian brothers and their right to self-determination," Balic said.
"Also now, the SDA supports the independence of Kosova and there are no dilemmas here ... When I spoke about the Bosniaks' fear, perhaps I used a harsh term with regards to the events that happened after the war. After the war, a large number of Bosniaks had to encounter the pressure of violence, which was used also against the Albanians. Many Bosniaks suffered and their wealth, homes, and shops were seized. A large number of them left Kosova. But there are also those who were expelled."
Balic said that the security that the Bosniaks have expected has not been achieved so far. "We call on the Kosovar institutions to show readiness and help us. This has not happened so far," Numan Balic outlined.
"Our message is: do not ask us (Bosniaks) if we support independence or not, because we have proved this since the 90s. But will you gentlemen, [Kosovo President Ibrahim] Rugova, [Kosovo Assembly Speaker Nexhat] Daci, and [Kosovo Prime Minister Bajram] Kosumi, support us to bring back the lost faith," Balic said.
Source: Koha Ditore, Pristina, in Albanian 17 Dec 05 p2
Serbia says new Kosovo ministries "dangerous" move
BELGRADE, Dec 21 (Reuters) - Serbia on Wednesday said it was a "reckless and dangerous political move" to transfer the authority of the police and justice sectors to the ethnic Albanian dominated population of its Kosovo province.
On Tuesday the United Nations, which took over the administration of Kosovo in 1999 after NATO bombing forced Serb forces to pull out, formally established ministries in the two sensitive sectors which had so far been in U.N. hands.
Serbia said the move came at a very bad time when the Serb and Kosovo Albanian sides were starting U.N.-mediated talks on whether the province becomes independent, as the majority Albanians demand or stays part of Serbia, as it now formally is.
"At the very start of talks on the future status of Kosovo such moves only go in favour of the extremist policy of the Albanian leadership in the province," the government's team for Kosovo talks said in a statement.
The government urged Kosovo's U.N. governor Soren Jessen-Petersen to reconsider his decision which "jeopardises Serb and other non-Albanian communities in the province and directly burdens political talks on Kosovo's future status."
The U.N. officials say the justice and police ministries, which will assume their responsibilities gradually will be subject to a "vigorous accountability policy" and the U.N. governor will have the right to intervene.
The 90-percent ethnic Albanian majority is increasingly impatient for independence, but Serbia says this is impossible and has offered the province wide autonomy.
Last month, U.N. envoy Martti Ahtisaari started shuttle diplomacy aimed at reconciling the two opposing visions. A decision on whether Kosovo will get the independence the Albanians demand is expected in the second half of next year.
The two sides are expected to meet face-to-face in the second half of January, probably in Vienna where Ahtisaari has set up his headquarters.
On Tuesday the United Nations, which took over the administration of Kosovo in 1999 after NATO bombing forced Serb forces to pull out, formally established ministries in the two sensitive sectors which had so far been in U.N. hands.
Serbia said the move came at a very bad time when the Serb and Kosovo Albanian sides were starting U.N.-mediated talks on whether the province becomes independent, as the majority Albanians demand or stays part of Serbia, as it now formally is.
"At the very start of talks on the future status of Kosovo such moves only go in favour of the extremist policy of the Albanian leadership in the province," the government's team for Kosovo talks said in a statement.
The government urged Kosovo's U.N. governor Soren Jessen-Petersen to reconsider his decision which "jeopardises Serb and other non-Albanian communities in the province and directly burdens political talks on Kosovo's future status."
The U.N. officials say the justice and police ministries, which will assume their responsibilities gradually will be subject to a "vigorous accountability policy" and the U.N. governor will have the right to intervene.
The 90-percent ethnic Albanian majority is increasingly impatient for independence, but Serbia says this is impossible and has offered the province wide autonomy.
Last month, U.N. envoy Martti Ahtisaari started shuttle diplomacy aimed at reconciling the two opposing visions. A decision on whether Kosovo will get the independence the Albanians demand is expected in the second half of next year.
The two sides are expected to meet face-to-face in the second half of January, probably in Vienna where Ahtisaari has set up his headquarters.
Surroi: I will not sign anything less than independence (Epoka e Re)
Epoka e Re carries excerpts from an interview with ORA leader Veton Surroi that the paper is going to publish in its festive edition.
“Our goal is very simple. Kosovo should be a sovereign state internationally recognized within existing borders, and of course this is a compromise…we have not entered it [Negotiations Team] to ask anybody whether we should be independent or not. At least not me”, Surroi is quoted as saying.
“Our goal is very simple. Kosovo should be a sovereign state internationally recognized within existing borders, and of course this is a compromise…we have not entered it [Negotiations Team] to ask anybody whether we should be independent or not. At least not me”, Surroi is quoted as saying.
Tuesday, December 20, 2005
Kosovo could one day be self-sufficient - UN envoy
Kosovo could one day be self-sufficient - UN envoy
Tue Dec 20, 2005 10:44 PM GMT
By Irwin Arieff
UNITED NATIONS (Reuters) - Kosovo has enough natural resources, including low-grade coal, to one day make it economically self-sufficient, the United Nations mediator for the disputed Serb province said on Tuesday.
Veteran diplomat Martti Ahtisaari, who is leading U.N. talks aimed at determining whether Kosovo gains independence or remains a part of Serbia, said economic development would be a top priority in the negotiations.
Kosovo is heavily subsidised by international donors, and "when the international community knows that there are natural resources which are not exploited, you can't expect the world's taxpayers to finance this forever," Ahtisaari told reporters at U.N. headquarters.
"Everyone wants to create conditions in which these can be properly exploited," he said.
If that happens "I think there is in the future the possibility for sustainable economic development in Kosovo," he said when asked whether it could ever support itself economically.
While still legally part of Serbia, Kosovo has been under U.N. administration since mid-1999, when Serbian forces were driven out to stop what the West said was their persecution of ethnic Albanians during an uprising by Albanian guerrillas.
The province's 2 million Albanians -- 90 percent of the population -- are demanding independence.
Serbs, however, see the mountain-ringed province with its scores of centuries-old Orthodox religious sites as the cradle of their nation and insist it remain a part of Serbia.
Ahtisaari said the World Bank believes that among Kosovo's natural resources were supplies of lignite that would last 50 to 75 years. Lignite is a low-grade form of coal that is used mainly to create steam for power generation.
To exploit the lignite will require significant international help. But when used to generate power, "it will be extremely useful for the economy of Kosovo and also for the provision of energy in the region in general," Ahtisaari said.
Tue Dec 20, 2005 10:44 PM GMT
By Irwin Arieff
UNITED NATIONS (Reuters) - Kosovo has enough natural resources, including low-grade coal, to one day make it economically self-sufficient, the United Nations mediator for the disputed Serb province said on Tuesday.
Veteran diplomat Martti Ahtisaari, who is leading U.N. talks aimed at determining whether Kosovo gains independence or remains a part of Serbia, said economic development would be a top priority in the negotiations.
Kosovo is heavily subsidised by international donors, and "when the international community knows that there are natural resources which are not exploited, you can't expect the world's taxpayers to finance this forever," Ahtisaari told reporters at U.N. headquarters.
"Everyone wants to create conditions in which these can be properly exploited," he said.
If that happens "I think there is in the future the possibility for sustainable economic development in Kosovo," he said when asked whether it could ever support itself economically.
While still legally part of Serbia, Kosovo has been under U.N. administration since mid-1999, when Serbian forces were driven out to stop what the West said was their persecution of ethnic Albanians during an uprising by Albanian guerrillas.
The province's 2 million Albanians -- 90 percent of the population -- are demanding independence.
Serbs, however, see the mountain-ringed province with its scores of centuries-old Orthodox religious sites as the cradle of their nation and insist it remain a part of Serbia.
Ahtisaari said the World Bank believes that among Kosovo's natural resources were supplies of lignite that would last 50 to 75 years. Lignite is a low-grade form of coal that is used mainly to create steam for power generation.
To exploit the lignite will require significant international help. But when used to generate power, "it will be extremely useful for the economy of Kosovo and also for the provision of energy in the region in general," Ahtisaari said.
UN Creates Police And Justice Ministries In Kosovo
PRISTINA (AP)--The U.N. created two new ministries in Kosovo Tuesday, transferring responsibilities for justice and police to the province's authorities.
The move was welcomed by Kosovo's Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi, who said the government can meet the new tasks, but failed to say who will head the two key ministries.
The transfer represented a "proof of confidence" that the province's fledgling institutions are capable of taking on "full responsibility and accountability" on these sensitive matters, said Jean Dussourd, a U.N. official dealing with the issue.
The U.N. has warned that the duties will be transferred on the condition that there is effective monitoring, accountability and training.
Despite the transfer, the global body maintains its authority over the province's affairs. The work of the two new ministries will be subject to a three-month review, Dussourd said.
The move, which is seen as a sign of increasing control by the Kosovo government over the province's affairs, has been criticized by Serbia's authorities.
The U.N. has administered Kosovo since a 1999 North Atlantic Treaty Organization bombing campaign halted the Serbian crackdown on independence- seeking ethnic Albanians.
Serbia wants to retain at least formal control over Kosovo in the future while the province's ethnic Albanians insist on gaining independence.
U.N.-mediated talks to resolve the issue are expected to start next year.
The province has an elected parliament, government and president with limited powers. It also has a local police service of 7,500 officers who serve alongside 2,700 U.N. police officers.
Earlier this month, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe issued a report criticizing Kosovo's U.N.-run justice system for failing to condemn the worst outbreak of ethnic violence that rocked the province last year.
The report assessed the court cases dealing with two days of rioting in March 2004 when ethnic Albanian mobs targeted minority Serbs in a wave of attacks that killed 19 people and left thousands homeless.
The move was welcomed by Kosovo's Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi, who said the government can meet the new tasks, but failed to say who will head the two key ministries.
The transfer represented a "proof of confidence" that the province's fledgling institutions are capable of taking on "full responsibility and accountability" on these sensitive matters, said Jean Dussourd, a U.N. official dealing with the issue.
The U.N. has warned that the duties will be transferred on the condition that there is effective monitoring, accountability and training.
Despite the transfer, the global body maintains its authority over the province's affairs. The work of the two new ministries will be subject to a three-month review, Dussourd said.
The move, which is seen as a sign of increasing control by the Kosovo government over the province's affairs, has been criticized by Serbia's authorities.
The U.N. has administered Kosovo since a 1999 North Atlantic Treaty Organization bombing campaign halted the Serbian crackdown on independence- seeking ethnic Albanians.
Serbia wants to retain at least formal control over Kosovo in the future while the province's ethnic Albanians insist on gaining independence.
U.N.-mediated talks to resolve the issue are expected to start next year.
The province has an elected parliament, government and president with limited powers. It also has a local police service of 7,500 officers who serve alongside 2,700 U.N. police officers.
Earlier this month, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe issued a report criticizing Kosovo's U.N.-run justice system for failing to condemn the worst outbreak of ethnic violence that rocked the province last year.
The report assessed the court cases dealing with two days of rioting in March 2004 when ethnic Albanian mobs targeted minority Serbs in a wave of attacks that killed 19 people and left thousands homeless.
Direct messages of President Chirac to Serbian President Tadic (Zëri)
In the leading front-page story, Zëri reports that the united positions of the Contact Group for Kosovo, from the meeting last Tuesday in Paris, are expected to be tested during the two-day visit that Serbian President Boris Tadic will pay to Paris on 19-20 December.
During his visit, the Serbian President will meet French President Jacques Chirac, Foreign Minister Philipe Douste-Blazy, Defence Minister Michèle Alliot-Marie, and other high-ranking officials.
The paper cites unnamed Western sources in Pristina as saying that one of the joint positions of the Contact Group is to convey to high-ranking authorities in Belgrade that the Guiding Principles are obligatory for all actors involved in the resolution of Kosovo’s status.
Zëri notes that the Serbian President is considered by almost all Western capitals as the most pro-Western politician in Serbia and as the only hope of Serbia’s political scene. Therefore, his insistence in positions that are diametrically opposed to the positions of the Contact Group is considered a major political mistake of his. The same sources told Zëri that Tadic is expected to receive firm messages from Chirac about the position of both Paris and the Contact Group, which firmly rules out Tadic’s proposal for division into two entities.
During his visit, the Serbian President will meet French President Jacques Chirac, Foreign Minister Philipe Douste-Blazy, Defence Minister Michèle Alliot-Marie, and other high-ranking officials.
The paper cites unnamed Western sources in Pristina as saying that one of the joint positions of the Contact Group is to convey to high-ranking authorities in Belgrade that the Guiding Principles are obligatory for all actors involved in the resolution of Kosovo’s status.
Zëri notes that the Serbian President is considered by almost all Western capitals as the most pro-Western politician in Serbia and as the only hope of Serbia’s political scene. Therefore, his insistence in positions that are diametrically opposed to the positions of the Contact Group is considered a major political mistake of his. The same sources told Zëri that Tadic is expected to receive firm messages from Chirac about the position of both Paris and the Contact Group, which firmly rules out Tadic’s proposal for division into two entities.
Back to Headlines | Previous Story | Next Story
WASHINGTON (AP)--A former ambassador to India and Egypt is to become Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice's special representative to international talks over the status of Kosovo, currently patrolled by NATO-led peacekeepers.
Rice said Monday she will appoint Frank G. Wisner for the negotiations. Besides Egypt and India, Wisner has been ambassador to Zambia and the Philippines. The Kosovo
"Wisner will provide American support to the lead international negotiator, U.N. Special Envoy Martti Ahtisaari, in his efforts to bring together Serbian and Kosovar leaders for discussions on Kosovo's future status," Rice said in a statement.
The talks are under U.N. auspices. U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan appointed Athisaari as his envoy in November. Athisaari has said the province's final status will be decided by the Security Council after his report. Kosovo has an Muslim ethnic Albanian majority, and many of its people want to sever the ties with Serbia-Montenegro.
Kosovo remains among the most intractable disputes still unresolved from the ethnic and sectarian wars that led to the splintering of the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s. About 17,500 NATO-led peacekeepers patrol Kosovo, where a NATO air war in 1999 ended a bloody crackdown on the province's Albanian majority by the Serbia's central government.
Rice said Monday she will appoint Frank G. Wisner for the negotiations. Besides Egypt and India, Wisner has been ambassador to Zambia and the Philippines. The Kosovo
"Wisner will provide American support to the lead international negotiator, U.N. Special Envoy Martti Ahtisaari, in his efforts to bring together Serbian and Kosovar leaders for discussions on Kosovo's future status," Rice said in a statement.
The talks are under U.N. auspices. U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan appointed Athisaari as his envoy in November. Athisaari has said the province's final status will be decided by the Security Council after his report. Kosovo has an Muslim ethnic Albanian majority, and many of its people want to sever the ties with Serbia-Montenegro.
Kosovo remains among the most intractable disputes still unresolved from the ethnic and sectarian wars that led to the splintering of the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s. About 17,500 NATO-led peacekeepers patrol Kosovo, where a NATO air war in 1999 ended a bloody crackdown on the province's Albanian majority by the Serbia's central government.
Monday, December 19, 2005
Radical official says US congressmen's letter to Bush on Serbia "scandalous"
Text of report by Serbian privately-owned TV Pink on 17 December
[Reporter] A group of US congressmen, members of the Serbian caucus, have written to President George Bush expressing support for Serbia's democratic institutions and its leadership headed by President Boris Tadic. They advocated a final status for Kosovo which would be a fruit of compromise between Belgrade and Pristina. We should strongly support this man [Tadic] as a good friend of the US as he continues to confront the Serbian Radical Party [SRS] and other nationalists who wish to return Serbia to the dark ways of the 1990s, the letter said.
Responding to the letter, the Serbian Radical Party's secretary general Aleksandar Vucic told the National News Bulletin [Pink TV's regular news programme] the following:
[Vucic] The Serbian Radical Party believes that the letter by the Serbian caucus of congressmen to US President George Bush is scandalous, primarily because of the fact that the citizens of Serbia expect the Serbian caucus to represent the interests of Serbian citizens, they expect them to represent the interests of Serbia.
Nowhere in their letter on Kosovo-Metohija did they ask George Bush to do everything in his power so that Kosovo-Metohija does not get independence, they did not do that at any given moment. What is also never mentioned is the possibility of halting support for the Albanians or the possibility of giving support to Serbia in the fight against an independent Kosovo-Metohija.
Is it not now fully clear that when Boris Tadic and [presidential adviser] Vuk Jeremic go abroad they are in fact building their own caucus, not a Serbian caucus? Is it not now clear that the only thing they ask them [US congressmen] to do is to settle scores with the Serbian Radical Party so that they [Tadic, Jeremic] can keep their posts and keep their power?
Naturally, we want normal relations with everyone, and with America, too, and we will have them, but we will always work in the interest of the country and not against our political opponents alone. We will never want clashes inside Serbia, but only to preserve the integrity of our Serbia.
Source: TV Pink, Belgrade, in Serbian 1830 gmt 17 Dec 05
[Reporter] A group of US congressmen, members of the Serbian caucus, have written to President George Bush expressing support for Serbia's democratic institutions and its leadership headed by President Boris Tadic. They advocated a final status for Kosovo which would be a fruit of compromise between Belgrade and Pristina. We should strongly support this man [Tadic] as a good friend of the US as he continues to confront the Serbian Radical Party [SRS] and other nationalists who wish to return Serbia to the dark ways of the 1990s, the letter said.
Responding to the letter, the Serbian Radical Party's secretary general Aleksandar Vucic told the National News Bulletin [Pink TV's regular news programme] the following:
[Vucic] The Serbian Radical Party believes that the letter by the Serbian caucus of congressmen to US President George Bush is scandalous, primarily because of the fact that the citizens of Serbia expect the Serbian caucus to represent the interests of Serbian citizens, they expect them to represent the interests of Serbia.
Nowhere in their letter on Kosovo-Metohija did they ask George Bush to do everything in his power so that Kosovo-Metohija does not get independence, they did not do that at any given moment. What is also never mentioned is the possibility of halting support for the Albanians or the possibility of giving support to Serbia in the fight against an independent Kosovo-Metohija.
Is it not now fully clear that when Boris Tadic and [presidential adviser] Vuk Jeremic go abroad they are in fact building their own caucus, not a Serbian caucus? Is it not now clear that the only thing they ask them [US congressmen] to do is to settle scores with the Serbian Radical Party so that they [Tadic, Jeremic] can keep their posts and keep their power?
Naturally, we want normal relations with everyone, and with America, too, and we will have them, but we will always work in the interest of the country and not against our political opponents alone. We will never want clashes inside Serbia, but only to preserve the integrity of our Serbia.
Source: TV Pink, Belgrade, in Serbian 1830 gmt 17 Dec 05
U.S. Soldiers Bring Cheer to Kosovo School
By Alicia Dill
AFPS
CAMP BONDSTEEL, Kosovo -- Families of U.S. troops in the Kosovo Force have donated clothing and school supplies to an elementary school in a small mountainside village here.
In the village of Ukzmajl, Kosovo, 600 euros -- about $750 -- is the yearly budget allotted by the municipality for the Skenderbeu School. Aware of the scarcity of funding for the school, Kosovo Force soldiers and their families decided to do something to help. Eight soldiers from the 28th Infantry Division, Harrisburg, Pa., visited the school and met with the children.
"We knew that it was a small school and very poor," said Army Capt. Kevin Romine. "I also have teams that work in the area, and they were familiar with the needs of the school."
With donations from churches, families and the Mountain View Elementary School in Harrisburg, the troops had more to give than a friendly visit. The soldiers brought school supplies, as well as winter clothing and boots to help combat cold winter temperatures in the Balkan region, said Army Staff Sgt. Herb Morrow.
"From the day-to-day grind of being tasked with missions, it was nice to go out and be able to benefit the children so they can see us in a different light," Romine said. "Instead of just seeing KFOR vehicles drive down the road, they realize we are caring and compassionate."
Donating to the school was a positive experience for students in both Kosovo and Pennsylvania. For the students who donated from Mountain View Elementary School, it was a way to connect with their global peers.
"Our goal at the elementary level is to develop a sense of citizenship and caring," said Jill McPherson, student council project adviser at Mountain View Elementary School. "We have done projects at a local level, but this was an opportunity for the students to connect in a global way. With a direct connection to our soldiers in Kosovo, the kids could put names with faces, and even our kindergartners can feel like they are helping other people."
"If nothing more, we are showing the children of Kosovo that we care about their future," said Morrow. "I think it is important as well for our children back home to see us doing these things, because it gives them a feeling that they are helping."
Muhamet Murati, principal at the Skenderbeu School, sees a need for supplies, along with the basic pens, pencils and paper, that would enhance the science subjects and add a more challenging curriculum.
"We wish we had a chemistry lab or somewhere they could do practical labs, rather than just learning out of textbooks," he said. "We need the resources to have more specialized subjects to teach at the school here."
However, he does not take for granted the donations of time and supplies that different organizations have contributed.
"These things are big, and they have to come with time," he said. "We don't like asking for things, because you always give us so much."
The soldiers plan on returning to the village before their upcoming end of mission and are still collecting donations from family and friends in Harrisburg.
AFPS
CAMP BONDSTEEL, Kosovo -- Families of U.S. troops in the Kosovo Force have donated clothing and school supplies to an elementary school in a small mountainside village here.
In the village of Ukzmajl, Kosovo, 600 euros -- about $750 -- is the yearly budget allotted by the municipality for the Skenderbeu School. Aware of the scarcity of funding for the school, Kosovo Force soldiers and their families decided to do something to help. Eight soldiers from the 28th Infantry Division, Harrisburg, Pa., visited the school and met with the children.
"We knew that it was a small school and very poor," said Army Capt. Kevin Romine. "I also have teams that work in the area, and they were familiar with the needs of the school."
With donations from churches, families and the Mountain View Elementary School in Harrisburg, the troops had more to give than a friendly visit. The soldiers brought school supplies, as well as winter clothing and boots to help combat cold winter temperatures in the Balkan region, said Army Staff Sgt. Herb Morrow.
"From the day-to-day grind of being tasked with missions, it was nice to go out and be able to benefit the children so they can see us in a different light," Romine said. "Instead of just seeing KFOR vehicles drive down the road, they realize we are caring and compassionate."
Donating to the school was a positive experience for students in both Kosovo and Pennsylvania. For the students who donated from Mountain View Elementary School, it was a way to connect with their global peers.
"Our goal at the elementary level is to develop a sense of citizenship and caring," said Jill McPherson, student council project adviser at Mountain View Elementary School. "We have done projects at a local level, but this was an opportunity for the students to connect in a global way. With a direct connection to our soldiers in Kosovo, the kids could put names with faces, and even our kindergartners can feel like they are helping other people."
"If nothing more, we are showing the children of Kosovo that we care about their future," said Morrow. "I think it is important as well for our children back home to see us doing these things, because it gives them a feeling that they are helping."
Muhamet Murati, principal at the Skenderbeu School, sees a need for supplies, along with the basic pens, pencils and paper, that would enhance the science subjects and add a more challenging curriculum.
"We wish we had a chemistry lab or somewhere they could do practical labs, rather than just learning out of textbooks," he said. "We need the resources to have more specialized subjects to teach at the school here."
However, he does not take for granted the donations of time and supplies that different organizations have contributed.
"These things are big, and they have to come with time," he said. "We don't like asking for things, because you always give us so much."
The soldiers plan on returning to the village before their upcoming end of mission and are still collecting donations from family and friends in Harrisburg.
Serbia Wants Broad-reaching Autonomy For Kosovo
SOFIA, Bulgaria (AP)--Kosovo needs broad-reaching autonomy and better protection of minorities, Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica said Monday, but confirmed Belgrade's readiness to seek a compromise with Kosovo's ethnic Albanians.
"The Kosovo issue must be solved by (granting it) broad autonomy...and not by drawing new borderlines, which create precedents and divide people," Kostunica told reporters in Sofia after meeting Bulgarian Prime Minister Sergei Stanishev. "Kosovo needs better protection of all minorities and more powers for the local authorities."
Kostunica reaffirmed Serbia's readiness "to find a solution for Kosovo through negotiations, by reaching a mutually acceptable...compromise."
The U.N.-mediated talks on Kosovo's future status are expected to formally begin in January.
Although still officially a province of Serbia-Montenegro, the U.N. has administered Kosovo since a 1999 North Atlantic Treaty Organization bombing campaign halted the Serbian crackdown on independence-seeking ethnic Albanians.
Serbia wants to retain at least formal control over Kosovo in the future while the province's ethnic Albanians insist on gaining independence.
Bulgaria has said it will agree with any deal that would be mutually acceptable for Serbia-Montenegro and the ethnic Albanians in Kosovo.
Monday, however, Stanishev appeared to agree with Kostunica that changing state borders would be a step back.
"This sensitive issue should be solved in a way that would bring stability for the whole region, instead of taking us back to the past by creating new division lines," Stanishev said.
He also said that international presence, including that of the NATO-led peacekeeping force, KFOR, was still essential for Kosovo's security and stability.
"The Kosovo issue must be solved by (granting it) broad autonomy...and not by drawing new borderlines, which create precedents and divide people," Kostunica told reporters in Sofia after meeting Bulgarian Prime Minister Sergei Stanishev. "Kosovo needs better protection of all minorities and more powers for the local authorities."
Kostunica reaffirmed Serbia's readiness "to find a solution for Kosovo through negotiations, by reaching a mutually acceptable...compromise."
The U.N.-mediated talks on Kosovo's future status are expected to formally begin in January.
Although still officially a province of Serbia-Montenegro, the U.N. has administered Kosovo since a 1999 North Atlantic Treaty Organization bombing campaign halted the Serbian crackdown on independence-seeking ethnic Albanians.
Serbia wants to retain at least formal control over Kosovo in the future while the province's ethnic Albanians insist on gaining independence.
Bulgaria has said it will agree with any deal that would be mutually acceptable for Serbia-Montenegro and the ethnic Albanians in Kosovo.
Monday, however, Stanishev appeared to agree with Kostunica that changing state borders would be a step back.
"This sensitive issue should be solved in a way that would bring stability for the whole region, instead of taking us back to the past by creating new division lines," Stanishev said.
He also said that international presence, including that of the NATO-led peacekeeping force, KFOR, was still essential for Kosovo's security and stability.
Serb lobby ask for support of President Bush (Zëri/Express/Kosova Sot)
The papers report that a group of U.S. congressmen members of Serb lobby have written a letter to U.S. President George W. Bush where they ask him to support institutions of Serbia and engage in the status of Kosovo issue.
The letter reads that direct involvement of President Bush would be necessary to resolve the “delicate final status of Kosovo”. Congressmen in the letter also suggest that several principles would have to be adopted to lead to a successful conclusion of negotiations on Kosovo.
The initiative of the Serb lobby in the United States has been welcomed by Serbian President Boris Tadic who said that one of the successes of the Serb caucus was that it prevented U.S. Congress from adopting a resolution in favour of Kosovo’s independence.
The letter reads that direct involvement of President Bush would be necessary to resolve the “delicate final status of Kosovo”. Congressmen in the letter also suggest that several principles would have to be adopted to lead to a successful conclusion of negotiations on Kosovo.
The initiative of the Serb lobby in the United States has been welcomed by Serbian President Boris Tadic who said that one of the successes of the Serb caucus was that it prevented U.S. Congress from adopting a resolution in favour of Kosovo’s independence.
Press coverage on upcoming establishment of two new ministries
One of the leading stories in the daily press today is the upcoming creation of the two ministries – the Ministry of Interior Affairs and the Ministry of Justice.
According to Koha Ditore, the signing of the administrative regulation for the creation of the new ministries is expected to occur today. In the lead front page headline, Koha Ditore reports that “the battle for the appointment of the ministers begins – 20 December is the deadline to submit names”.
According to the paper, the LDK will decide what ministry it will take and which it will leave to the AAK. The LDK, notes the paper, will also get more posts of deputy ministers and advisors in the two new ministries.
Zëri quotes officials of the Kosovo Government as saying that all preparations have been made for the signing of the regulation for the two new ministries; in fact senior government officials expect this to happen today.
Ramadan Qehaja, advisor for security to Prime Minister Kosumi, told Koha Ditore that the regulation would be signed on Monday.
On the other hand, Zëri quotes UNMIK spokesman Remi Dourlot as saying, “We have said that the signing of the regulation will be done before the end of this week, and maybe even before Wednesday. However, I cannot confirm if it will be done on Monday.”
Under the front page headline, Disagreement over the Ministers, Express reports that the AAK claims an agreement has been reached with the LDK for the allocation of the two ministries – that the AAK would get the Ministry of Interior while the Justice Ministry would go to the LDK. The LDK, on the other hand, denies any existing agreement.
Express also quotes Astrit Haraqija, who the paper refers to as member of the LDK Presidency, as saying, “When the coalition government was formed, we agreed that the new ministries that will be formed will belong to us. This is quite clear.”
At the same time, Naim Maloku, member of the AAK presidency, told Express that he believed that there would be talks between the coalition partners. AAK spokesman Ernest Luma said: “We think that the Ministry of Interior Affairs belongs to us. The AAK has the best candidate for Minister.”
Epoka e Re’s headline of the story says, “The race for the minister posts has caused tremors in the LDK-AAK coalition, due to their different positions”. The paper also recalls a quote by UNMIK Pillar I head Jean Dussourd who said that some responsibilities would still remain with the SRSG.
Zëri says Kosovo Serb political representatives have objected to the establishment of the two ministries, saying this in contravention to UNSC Resolution 1244.
Express rounds up its coverage on the issue by saying: “as debates are growing on the issue, there is fear in the United Nations Mission in Kosovo that with the transfer of competencies comes the risk of politicisation of two of the most important ministries.”
According to Koha Ditore, the signing of the administrative regulation for the creation of the new ministries is expected to occur today. In the lead front page headline, Koha Ditore reports that “the battle for the appointment of the ministers begins – 20 December is the deadline to submit names”.
According to the paper, the LDK will decide what ministry it will take and which it will leave to the AAK. The LDK, notes the paper, will also get more posts of deputy ministers and advisors in the two new ministries.
Zëri quotes officials of the Kosovo Government as saying that all preparations have been made for the signing of the regulation for the two new ministries; in fact senior government officials expect this to happen today.
Ramadan Qehaja, advisor for security to Prime Minister Kosumi, told Koha Ditore that the regulation would be signed on Monday.
On the other hand, Zëri quotes UNMIK spokesman Remi Dourlot as saying, “We have said that the signing of the regulation will be done before the end of this week, and maybe even before Wednesday. However, I cannot confirm if it will be done on Monday.”
Under the front page headline, Disagreement over the Ministers, Express reports that the AAK claims an agreement has been reached with the LDK for the allocation of the two ministries – that the AAK would get the Ministry of Interior while the Justice Ministry would go to the LDK. The LDK, on the other hand, denies any existing agreement.
Express also quotes Astrit Haraqija, who the paper refers to as member of the LDK Presidency, as saying, “When the coalition government was formed, we agreed that the new ministries that will be formed will belong to us. This is quite clear.”
At the same time, Naim Maloku, member of the AAK presidency, told Express that he believed that there would be talks between the coalition partners. AAK spokesman Ernest Luma said: “We think that the Ministry of Interior Affairs belongs to us. The AAK has the best candidate for Minister.”
Epoka e Re’s headline of the story says, “The race for the minister posts has caused tremors in the LDK-AAK coalition, due to their different positions”. The paper also recalls a quote by UNMIK Pillar I head Jean Dussourd who said that some responsibilities would still remain with the SRSG.
Zëri says Kosovo Serb political representatives have objected to the establishment of the two ministries, saying this in contravention to UNSC Resolution 1244.
Express rounds up its coverage on the issue by saying: “as debates are growing on the issue, there is fear in the United Nations Mission in Kosovo that with the transfer of competencies comes the risk of politicisation of two of the most important ministries.”
Saturday, December 17, 2005
Macedonia wins green light to be EU membership candidate
BRUSSELS, Dec 17 (AFP) -
One-time Balkan tinderbox Macedonia moved a step closer Saturday to realising its dream of European Union membership when the bloc's leaders gave their blessing for it to start membership talks.
It became the second former Yugoslav republic, after Croatia, to get a green light this year to open negotiations with Brussels, eventually to join the 25-nation bloc which already includes Slovenia.
British Prime Minister Tony Blair, whose nation holds the EU presidency, confirmed the decision on Macedonia, unlocked by an agreement on an EU budget for 2007-13 which had dominated a gruelling two-day summit in Brussels.
He said he hoped the EU's blessing "emphasises that again, in the future, we hope to see a Europe reunited in all its aspects. Obviously, Macedonia is an important part of that vision," he told reporters.
No date was set for a start of the membership talks.
Macedonian Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski welcomed the decision, describing the move as recognition for recent reforms.
"This is a big day for us, we received recognition for everything we have done in the recent past," he told the state-owned Mia news agency.
"Macedonia finally leaves the Balkan road paved with cobblestones and joins a highway that leads to Europe," said Buckovski, whose government was to meet in extraordinary session to define an "action plan" of further steps.
A celebration was scheduled Saturday evening in Skopje's main square, with performances by some of the country's most popular music stars.
Macedonia had been praised for its concerted effort to implement reforms since the end in 2001 of an uprising by its ethnic Albanian minority which threatened to spiral into all-out civil war.
The European Commission, which negotiates with candidates on behalf of the Union, recommended a month ago that Macedonia be accepted as a candidate but it declined to predict when membership talks would start.
In a statement, enlargement commissioner Olli Rehn said the decision was good news, not just for Macedonia, but for the rest of the volatile Balkans.
"This decision is also the right political signal to send to the region of the western Balkans as a whole: the EU has given a clear European perspective to these countries, provided they fulfil the conditions," Rehn said.
"It proves the credibility of our policy for the western Balkans and that the EU respects its commitments."
Many in Europe see the perspective of EU membership as paramount to encouraging democratic reform and avoiding future conflict in the region.
Landlocked between Kosovo, Bulgaria and Greece, tiny Macedonia found itself on the edge of the Balkan wars which brought the demise of former communist Yugoslavia in the 1990s.
In their summit conclusions, the EU leaders said they welcomed the "significant progress" made by Macedonia to meet the bloc's prerequisites -- notably democratic politics and free-market economics.
They underlined that Macedonia must continue to consolidate its political and economic system to bring them up to European norms.
But they stressed that a date for talks and further steps "will have to be considered in the light of the debate on the enlargement strategy", which the Union hopes to undertake next year.
Just five days earlier, EU foreign ministers had failed to reach a consensus on Skopje's candidacy, amid opposition from France apparently linked to the dispute over the bloc's budget.
France believed that enlargement issues had to be set aside until the 2007-2013 spending package was agreed, because if the Union could not agree on its finances with 25 members things would be worse with more.
One-time Balkan tinderbox Macedonia moved a step closer Saturday to realising its dream of European Union membership when the bloc's leaders gave their blessing for it to start membership talks.
It became the second former Yugoslav republic, after Croatia, to get a green light this year to open negotiations with Brussels, eventually to join the 25-nation bloc which already includes Slovenia.
British Prime Minister Tony Blair, whose nation holds the EU presidency, confirmed the decision on Macedonia, unlocked by an agreement on an EU budget for 2007-13 which had dominated a gruelling two-day summit in Brussels.
He said he hoped the EU's blessing "emphasises that again, in the future, we hope to see a Europe reunited in all its aspects. Obviously, Macedonia is an important part of that vision," he told reporters.
No date was set for a start of the membership talks.
Macedonian Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski welcomed the decision, describing the move as recognition for recent reforms.
"This is a big day for us, we received recognition for everything we have done in the recent past," he told the state-owned Mia news agency.
"Macedonia finally leaves the Balkan road paved with cobblestones and joins a highway that leads to Europe," said Buckovski, whose government was to meet in extraordinary session to define an "action plan" of further steps.
A celebration was scheduled Saturday evening in Skopje's main square, with performances by some of the country's most popular music stars.
Macedonia had been praised for its concerted effort to implement reforms since the end in 2001 of an uprising by its ethnic Albanian minority which threatened to spiral into all-out civil war.
The European Commission, which negotiates with candidates on behalf of the Union, recommended a month ago that Macedonia be accepted as a candidate but it declined to predict when membership talks would start.
In a statement, enlargement commissioner Olli Rehn said the decision was good news, not just for Macedonia, but for the rest of the volatile Balkans.
"This decision is also the right political signal to send to the region of the western Balkans as a whole: the EU has given a clear European perspective to these countries, provided they fulfil the conditions," Rehn said.
"It proves the credibility of our policy for the western Balkans and that the EU respects its commitments."
Many in Europe see the perspective of EU membership as paramount to encouraging democratic reform and avoiding future conflict in the region.
Landlocked between Kosovo, Bulgaria and Greece, tiny Macedonia found itself on the edge of the Balkan wars which brought the demise of former communist Yugoslavia in the 1990s.
In their summit conclusions, the EU leaders said they welcomed the "significant progress" made by Macedonia to meet the bloc's prerequisites -- notably democratic politics and free-market economics.
They underlined that Macedonia must continue to consolidate its political and economic system to bring them up to European norms.
But they stressed that a date for talks and further steps "will have to be considered in the light of the debate on the enlargement strategy", which the Union hopes to undertake next year.
Just five days earlier, EU foreign ministers had failed to reach a consensus on Skopje's candidacy, amid opposition from France apparently linked to the dispute over the bloc's budget.
France believed that enlargement issues had to be set aside until the 2007-2013 spending package was agreed, because if the Union could not agree on its finances with 25 members things would be worse with more.
Albanians of Preseva Valley seek rights similar to Kosovo Serbs
Excerpt from report by Kosovo Albanian television KohaVision TV on 16 December
[Announcer] Albanians of the Presheva [Preseva] Valley seek similar position as the Serbs in Kosova [Kosovo] and they are trying to achieve this through work and consultation with the Kosova Negotiating Team, said participants of a meeting between the Advisory Council for Communities and the representatives of the Presheva Valley. The head of the Council Veton Surroi met also representatives of Ashkali [Roma] community in Kosova.
[Reporter Blerta Dalloshi] Presheva Valley has set up a working group for the establishment of a political platform which would be handed over to the Kosova Negotiating Team. This platform would be completed and passed on soon, said participants of the meeting of Presheva Valley representatives and the head of the Advisory Council for Communities Veton Surroi. This platform would include the problems Albanians of Presheva Valley are faced with. Meanwhile, Veton Surroi said after the meeting that next year Kosova is expected to decide about the judicial status of communities. It would be good if Serbia did this as well, said Surroi.
[Veton Surroi] In Kosova talks on decentralisation are ongoing and there is realistic need for decentralisation in order to place the authority closer to the citizens, but this is also a needed to take place in Presheva, Bujanovc [Bujanovac] and Medvegja [Mendvedje]. In Presheva as well as Bujanovc decentralisation is badly needed. If these are a good will on the Belgrade side - and Belgrade's persistent to see decentralisation take place in Kosova - it would be good, very good if this process took place in Presheva and Bujanovc municipalities.
[Reporter] According to the head of the Advisory Council for Communities the return of displaced persons in the Medvegja municipality is necessary. Not long ago there were 5 thousand inhabitants in this municipality, whereas today there are only 750. This comes as a result of fear from massive presence of police and security forces.
[Veton Surroi] Future resolutions will be of positive discriminatory nature. If we in Kosova manage to establish high standards of positive discrimination there is no justification why these high standards cannot be put in place by Belgrade regime and be implemented to meet the needs of the population.
[Reporter] The contacts of the Advisory Council for Communities with the municipal authorities of Presheva will continue in the future.
[Ragmi Mustafa, Presheva Mayor] Naturally during this process, as Mr Veton Surroi promised, we will have other meetings in order to stay in permanent contact, to draw a parallelisms between Serb requests for more rights in Kosova with our demands, we want to be on the same level.
[Reporter] Representatives of the Advisory Council for Communities met also with the representatives of Ashkali community, headed by Sabit Rrahmani. They [Ashkali representatives] sought to have a municipality which would involve a number of villages inhabited mainly by Ashkali. [Passage Omitted]
Source: KohaVision TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1800 gmt 16 Dec 05
[Announcer] Albanians of the Presheva [Preseva] Valley seek similar position as the Serbs in Kosova [Kosovo] and they are trying to achieve this through work and consultation with the Kosova Negotiating Team, said participants of a meeting between the Advisory Council for Communities and the representatives of the Presheva Valley. The head of the Council Veton Surroi met also representatives of Ashkali [Roma] community in Kosova.
[Reporter Blerta Dalloshi] Presheva Valley has set up a working group for the establishment of a political platform which would be handed over to the Kosova Negotiating Team. This platform would be completed and passed on soon, said participants of the meeting of Presheva Valley representatives and the head of the Advisory Council for Communities Veton Surroi. This platform would include the problems Albanians of Presheva Valley are faced with. Meanwhile, Veton Surroi said after the meeting that next year Kosova is expected to decide about the judicial status of communities. It would be good if Serbia did this as well, said Surroi.
[Veton Surroi] In Kosova talks on decentralisation are ongoing and there is realistic need for decentralisation in order to place the authority closer to the citizens, but this is also a needed to take place in Presheva, Bujanovc [Bujanovac] and Medvegja [Mendvedje]. In Presheva as well as Bujanovc decentralisation is badly needed. If these are a good will on the Belgrade side - and Belgrade's persistent to see decentralisation take place in Kosova - it would be good, very good if this process took place in Presheva and Bujanovc municipalities.
[Reporter] According to the head of the Advisory Council for Communities the return of displaced persons in the Medvegja municipality is necessary. Not long ago there were 5 thousand inhabitants in this municipality, whereas today there are only 750. This comes as a result of fear from massive presence of police and security forces.
[Veton Surroi] Future resolutions will be of positive discriminatory nature. If we in Kosova manage to establish high standards of positive discrimination there is no justification why these high standards cannot be put in place by Belgrade regime and be implemented to meet the needs of the population.
[Reporter] The contacts of the Advisory Council for Communities with the municipal authorities of Presheva will continue in the future.
[Ragmi Mustafa, Presheva Mayor] Naturally during this process, as Mr Veton Surroi promised, we will have other meetings in order to stay in permanent contact, to draw a parallelisms between Serb requests for more rights in Kosova with our demands, we want to be on the same level.
[Reporter] Representatives of the Advisory Council for Communities met also with the representatives of Ashkali community, headed by Sabit Rrahmani. They [Ashkali representatives] sought to have a municipality which would involve a number of villages inhabited mainly by Ashkali. [Passage Omitted]
Source: KohaVision TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1800 gmt 16 Dec 05
Kosovo to establish interior, justice ministries
Text of report by Kosovo Albanian television KohaVision TV on 16 December
[Announcer] Head of UNMIK [United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] Pillar I Jean Dussourd told Kosova Assembly Committee for Preparedness and Emergency that at the beginning of next week UNMIK would promulgate a regulation by which it will establish the Ministry of Interiors, Ministry of Justice and Kosova Judicial Council. Promulgation of the regulation for the establishment of two ministries is coming at the time when the process for the resolution of Kosova status is developing. Such a step was taken owing to good cooperation and the agreement with Premier [Bajram] Kosumi and Kosova Speaker [Nexhat] Daci, said Dussourd. This regulation will enable the election of ministers in a regular and democratic way. Transfer of competences would help security and the rule of law in Kosova, a key precondition for a quiet work environment and peaceful life for all citizens, a suitable trust climate in a multi-ethnic society. Dussourd said that after the establishment of the ministries some of the competences would continue to remain with the UNMIK chief [Soeren Jessen-Petersen] until the final resolution of Kosova status.
Source: KohaVision TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1800 gmt 16 Dec 05
[Announcer] Head of UNMIK [United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] Pillar I Jean Dussourd told Kosova Assembly Committee for Preparedness and Emergency that at the beginning of next week UNMIK would promulgate a regulation by which it will establish the Ministry of Interiors, Ministry of Justice and Kosova Judicial Council. Promulgation of the regulation for the establishment of two ministries is coming at the time when the process for the resolution of Kosova status is developing. Such a step was taken owing to good cooperation and the agreement with Premier [Bajram] Kosumi and Kosova Speaker [Nexhat] Daci, said Dussourd. This regulation will enable the election of ministers in a regular and democratic way. Transfer of competences would help security and the rule of law in Kosova, a key precondition for a quiet work environment and peaceful life for all citizens, a suitable trust climate in a multi-ethnic society. Dussourd said that after the establishment of the ministries some of the competences would continue to remain with the UNMIK chief [Soeren Jessen-Petersen] until the final resolution of Kosova status.
Source: KohaVision TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1800 gmt 16 Dec 05
Friday, December 16, 2005
Kosovo Protection Corps chief to head expert group on status talks
Text of report by Radio-Television Kosovo TV on 15 December
[Announcer] Kosovo Protection Corps Commander Gen Agim Ceku is to head an expert group on security and international presence. This is one of three expert groups appointed today by the Kosovo Negotiation Team for status talks. Sources close to the Kosovo Negotiation Team say that Fatmir Sejdiu and Arsim Bajrami are to head the expert group on constitutional issues. An economic financial expert group has also been appointed, which will be headed by Prof Dr Muhamet Mustafa and the RIINVEST Institute. These expert groups have already started their work and will provide the Negotiation Team with the necessary documentation to be used during the Kosovo status talks.
Source: RTK TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1830 gmt 15 Dec 05
[Announcer] Kosovo Protection Corps Commander Gen Agim Ceku is to head an expert group on security and international presence. This is one of three expert groups appointed today by the Kosovo Negotiation Team for status talks. Sources close to the Kosovo Negotiation Team say that Fatmir Sejdiu and Arsim Bajrami are to head the expert group on constitutional issues. An economic financial expert group has also been appointed, which will be headed by Prof Dr Muhamet Mustafa and the RIINVEST Institute. These expert groups have already started their work and will provide the Negotiation Team with the necessary documentation to be used during the Kosovo status talks.
Source: RTK TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1830 gmt 15 Dec 05
Former Kosovo rebel Limaj calls for unity in address to Assembly
Excerpt from report by Radio-Television Kosovo TV on 15 December
[Announcer] Today's Kosovo Assembly session started with an address by the former head of the PDK [Democratic Party of Kosovo] parliamentary group, Fatmir Limaj [acquitted by the Hague tribunal in November 2005 of torturing and murdering Serbian and Albanian civilians at a prison camp during the 1998-99 war].
[Reporter] After three years of absence in the Kosovo Assembly, the former deputy called for unity within the Kosovo Assembly. He added that cooperation between Albanians is not difficult and can be achieved very quickly; all that is needed is engagement, something that should be the principle of every deputy and Kosovo citizen.
[Fatmir Limaj] We should never be afraid of telling the majority population of Kosovo that Kosovo will never be happy, nor will it be democratic, if even one citizen of another ethnicity feels ignored or oppressed as a result of the majority. [Passage omitted]
Therefore we have to be the ones who carry the burden of the process of coexistence between all Kosovo citizens, regardless of ethnic or religious background. Not for one group, or one ethnicity, regardless how big or small it is, but for the good of Kosovo and its future. In the name of Kosovo and for Kosovo, we have to be ready to do everything to be able to fulfil our long-awaited ideals. Let us unify our stances, we need true unity, a unity that will produce results and all we need for this is some will to do so. The Assembly and the institutions have to be more active in fighting the indictments against former Kosovo Liberation Army [KLA] soldiers. All of Kosovo should be on their side because in this way we take the side of justice.
[Reporter] Kosovo assembly Speaker Nexhat Daci said that the people of Kosovo, political parties and the region have back in their midst a person who has proved in a dignified manner his engagement for Kosovo's freedom and who has throughout his political life spread the breath of tolerance and understanding.
[Announcer] Today's Kosovo Assembly session started with an address by the former head of the PDK [Democratic Party of Kosovo] parliamentary group, Fatmir Limaj [acquitted by the Hague tribunal in November 2005 of torturing and murdering Serbian and Albanian civilians at a prison camp during the 1998-99 war].
[Reporter] After three years of absence in the Kosovo Assembly, the former deputy called for unity within the Kosovo Assembly. He added that cooperation between Albanians is not difficult and can be achieved very quickly; all that is needed is engagement, something that should be the principle of every deputy and Kosovo citizen.
[Fatmir Limaj] We should never be afraid of telling the majority population of Kosovo that Kosovo will never be happy, nor will it be democratic, if even one citizen of another ethnicity feels ignored or oppressed as a result of the majority. [Passage omitted]
Therefore we have to be the ones who carry the burden of the process of coexistence between all Kosovo citizens, regardless of ethnic or religious background. Not for one group, or one ethnicity, regardless how big or small it is, but for the good of Kosovo and its future. In the name of Kosovo and for Kosovo, we have to be ready to do everything to be able to fulfil our long-awaited ideals. Let us unify our stances, we need true unity, a unity that will produce results and all we need for this is some will to do so. The Assembly and the institutions have to be more active in fighting the indictments against former Kosovo Liberation Army [KLA] soldiers. All of Kosovo should be on their side because in this way we take the side of justice.
[Reporter] Kosovo assembly Speaker Nexhat Daci said that the people of Kosovo, political parties and the region have back in their midst a person who has proved in a dignified manner his engagement for Kosovo's freedom and who has throughout his political life spread the breath of tolerance and understanding.
Thursday, December 15, 2005
EU summit to back FYROM candidacy bid-Germany
BERLIN, Dec 15 (Reuters) - A summit of European Union leaders in Brussels will likely approve a bid by the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) to become a candidate to join the bloc, German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier said on Thursday.
"...I assume that the European summit will come out in favour of Macedonia being granted candidate status," Steinmeier said in a speech to the Bundestag lower house of parliament.
Steinmeier said to meet objections raised by four EU countries he expected leaders to link opening talks with FYROM to a debate on the bloc's future borders, something France has requested.
The executive European Commission has recommended granting FYROM, which was on the brink of civil war four years ago before an EU-mediated power-sharing agreement with its Albanian minority, candidate status as part of a broader strategy of integrating all the countries of the Western Balkans.
Steinmeier said Germany believed granting FYROM candidate status was also important to provide a tailwind for talks next year on the status of Kosovo.
Steinmeier was speaking before leaving for the summit in Brussels, that is due to start later on Thursday. He said the summit could run into Saturday because of talks about a long-term EU budget, the main issue on its agenda.
"...I assume that the European summit will come out in favour of Macedonia being granted candidate status," Steinmeier said in a speech to the Bundestag lower house of parliament.
Steinmeier said to meet objections raised by four EU countries he expected leaders to link opening talks with FYROM to a debate on the bloc's future borders, something France has requested.
The executive European Commission has recommended granting FYROM, which was on the brink of civil war four years ago before an EU-mediated power-sharing agreement with its Albanian minority, candidate status as part of a broader strategy of integrating all the countries of the Western Balkans.
Steinmeier said Germany believed granting FYROM candidate status was also important to provide a tailwind for talks next year on the status of Kosovo.
Steinmeier was speaking before leaving for the summit in Brussels, that is due to start later on Thursday. He said the summit could run into Saturday because of talks about a long-term EU budget, the main issue on its agenda.
Kosovo can be 'independent' within Serbia: Serbian president
BELGRADE, Dec 15 (AFP) -
Kosovo Albanians can achieve a form of "independence" within Serbia, the former Yugoslav republic's President Boris Tadic said, clarifying his position in talks on the UN protectorate's future status.
In an interview with AFP, Tadic said he was ready "to recognise all the possible rights of ethnic Albanians and maximum possible independence from Belgrade, but at the same time preserve the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Serbia over Kosovo."
Albanians, who outnumber Serbs, Roma and other minorities in Kosovo by more than nine to one, are determined to secure full independence from Serbia in the province's future status negotiations -- a demand that Belgrade strongly opposes.
The ethnic group could have "some kind of international representatives, but no seat in the United Nations, no defence sector and no ministry of foreign affairs," Tadic said, adding an "international presence" would be needed at borders.
In a bid to gain support for his plan, Tadic is to present it to French President Jacques Chirac next week, making France the third member of the Contact Group of foreign powers in the Balkans after Russia and Germany to be officially informed about the idea.
The UN special envoy for resolving Kosovo's status, former Finnish president Martti Ahtisaari, last month launched initial negotiations in an effort to bring Belgrade and Pristina in from their diametrically opposed positions.
Tadic proposed that two entities should be formed in the province, with the Serbian one "institutionally linked to Belgrade."
"My proposal is to form a Serbian entity which is going to be in charge of few very important fields (including), for example, health care, education, judiciary and local security," Tadic said.
"I'm trying to define the position of Albanian (people) in Kosovo in terms of self-government (and) de facto independent institutions, but at the same time to protect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of my country in Kosovo," he added.
Forces from Serbia, whose people consider Kosovo the origins of their history and culture, were driven out of the province in June 1999 after a 78-day campaign of air strikes against them by NATO in response to a crackdown against separatist Albanian rebels.
The province, which legally remains a part of Serbia, has since been administered and protected by the United Nations and the military alliance.
"Kosovo is part of our identity. Losing Kosovo would mean we are losing our identity," Tadic said.
However, the Serbian president warned Belgrade was likely to have more of a say about Kosovo's status if it managed to track down the two most wanted war criminals from the Balkans wars of the 1990s, ex-Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic and his military chief Ratko Mladic.
Karadzic and Mladic were indicted 10 years ago by the International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia (ICTY) for their roles in the siege of Sarajevo and the 1995 massacre of about 8,000 Muslim in the Bosnian enclave of Srebrenica, the worst single atrocity in Europe since World War II.
"We are cooperating with The Hague tribunal but this is not enough," Tadic said.
Last week's arrest of former Croatian general Ante Gotovina -- who was the court's third most wanted war crimes fugitive -- left Serbia, its union partner Montenegro and Bosnia's Serb entity in a difficult position as the only parts of former Yugoslavia yet to arrest and extradite war crime indictees.
"We are doing everything we can," Tadic said, adding however that "those people have a huge (amount of) experience" in avoiding arrest.
The ICTY's chief prosecutor, Carla Del Ponte, has insisted Mladic is hiding in Serbia, but Belgrade has repeatedly denied any knowledge about his whereabouts.
"If he is in Serbia this is a better position, because we have more forces to find him. But if he is not in Serbia we are in trouble because everything is depending on Ratko Mladic's destiny," Tadic said.
"I hope that he is in Serbia, so we can find him and send him to The Hague," he added.
Kosovo Albanians can achieve a form of "independence" within Serbia, the former Yugoslav republic's President Boris Tadic said, clarifying his position in talks on the UN protectorate's future status.
In an interview with AFP, Tadic said he was ready "to recognise all the possible rights of ethnic Albanians and maximum possible independence from Belgrade, but at the same time preserve the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Serbia over Kosovo."
Albanians, who outnumber Serbs, Roma and other minorities in Kosovo by more than nine to one, are determined to secure full independence from Serbia in the province's future status negotiations -- a demand that Belgrade strongly opposes.
The ethnic group could have "some kind of international representatives, but no seat in the United Nations, no defence sector and no ministry of foreign affairs," Tadic said, adding an "international presence" would be needed at borders.
In a bid to gain support for his plan, Tadic is to present it to French President Jacques Chirac next week, making France the third member of the Contact Group of foreign powers in the Balkans after Russia and Germany to be officially informed about the idea.
The UN special envoy for resolving Kosovo's status, former Finnish president Martti Ahtisaari, last month launched initial negotiations in an effort to bring Belgrade and Pristina in from their diametrically opposed positions.
Tadic proposed that two entities should be formed in the province, with the Serbian one "institutionally linked to Belgrade."
"My proposal is to form a Serbian entity which is going to be in charge of few very important fields (including), for example, health care, education, judiciary and local security," Tadic said.
"I'm trying to define the position of Albanian (people) in Kosovo in terms of self-government (and) de facto independent institutions, but at the same time to protect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of my country in Kosovo," he added.
Forces from Serbia, whose people consider Kosovo the origins of their history and culture, were driven out of the province in June 1999 after a 78-day campaign of air strikes against them by NATO in response to a crackdown against separatist Albanian rebels.
The province, which legally remains a part of Serbia, has since been administered and protected by the United Nations and the military alliance.
"Kosovo is part of our identity. Losing Kosovo would mean we are losing our identity," Tadic said.
However, the Serbian president warned Belgrade was likely to have more of a say about Kosovo's status if it managed to track down the two most wanted war criminals from the Balkans wars of the 1990s, ex-Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic and his military chief Ratko Mladic.
Karadzic and Mladic were indicted 10 years ago by the International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia (ICTY) for their roles in the siege of Sarajevo and the 1995 massacre of about 8,000 Muslim in the Bosnian enclave of Srebrenica, the worst single atrocity in Europe since World War II.
"We are cooperating with The Hague tribunal but this is not enough," Tadic said.
Last week's arrest of former Croatian general Ante Gotovina -- who was the court's third most wanted war crimes fugitive -- left Serbia, its union partner Montenegro and Bosnia's Serb entity in a difficult position as the only parts of former Yugoslavia yet to arrest and extradite war crime indictees.
"We are doing everything we can," Tadic said, adding however that "those people have a huge (amount of) experience" in avoiding arrest.
The ICTY's chief prosecutor, Carla Del Ponte, has insisted Mladic is hiding in Serbia, but Belgrade has repeatedly denied any knowledge about his whereabouts.
"If he is in Serbia this is a better position, because we have more forces to find him. But if he is not in Serbia we are in trouble because everything is depending on Ratko Mladic's destiny," Tadic said.
"I hope that he is in Serbia, so we can find him and send him to The Hague," he added.
UN, Serbia plan direct Kosovo talks next month
BELGRADE, Dec 15 (AFP) -
The United Nations and Serbia said Thursday they were hopeful that direct talks between Belgrade and Pristina on the future status of disputed Kosovo can start next month.
Albert Rohan, the assistant to UN special Kosovo talks envoy Martti Ahtisaari, said the purpose of his visit to the Serbian capital was to get concrete positions ahead of the talks.
"The shuttle diplomacy serves the purpose to clarify matters and also to (get) the parties to put forward concrete positions, and of course they have then to lead to lead to direct talks with our facilitation," the Austrian diplomat said.
"We are expecting to receive now complete position papers on both sides and we shall use the Christmas season to study all these papers and then resume our activities in early January," Rohan added.
He was speaking to the media after meeting with Sanda Raskovic-Ivic, one of the 13-member team representing Serbia in the talks on resolving the status of Kosovo, which has been run by the United Nations since its 1998-1999 war.
Raskovic-Ivic, for her part, indicated the direct talks could take place in the Austrian capital Vienna, where Ahtisaari and Rohan are based.
"They could take place in second half of January probably in Vienna where, I think, these negotiations will generally be held," she said, adding that Belgrade favoured direct talks.
The United Nations and Serbia said Thursday they were hopeful that direct talks between Belgrade and Pristina on the future status of disputed Kosovo can start next month.
Albert Rohan, the assistant to UN special Kosovo talks envoy Martti Ahtisaari, said the purpose of his visit to the Serbian capital was to get concrete positions ahead of the talks.
"The shuttle diplomacy serves the purpose to clarify matters and also to (get) the parties to put forward concrete positions, and of course they have then to lead to lead to direct talks with our facilitation," the Austrian diplomat said.
"We are expecting to receive now complete position papers on both sides and we shall use the Christmas season to study all these papers and then resume our activities in early January," Rohan added.
He was speaking to the media after meeting with Sanda Raskovic-Ivic, one of the 13-member team representing Serbia in the talks on resolving the status of Kosovo, which has been run by the United Nations since its 1998-1999 war.
Raskovic-Ivic, for her part, indicated the direct talks could take place in the Austrian capital Vienna, where Ahtisaari and Rohan are based.
"They could take place in second half of January probably in Vienna where, I think, these negotiations will generally be held," she said, adding that Belgrade favoured direct talks.
Television main source of information, Koha Ditore favourite Kosovo daily - poll
Text of report by Kosovo Albanian Kosovapress news agency website
Prishtina [Pristina], 9 December: According to a survey carried out by Index Kosova, television remains the main source of information for Kosova [Kosovo] citizens, and TV21, Radio Dukagjini, and Koha Ditore are the preferred media. The most trusted ones are RTK [Kosovo Radio Television], Radio Kosova and Koha Ditore.
Index Kosova, in partnership with BBSS Gallup International, carried out its 12th media survey in Kosova in November.
The survey was carried out between 22 and 28 November. It included Albanian and minority (without Serbs) respondents in Kosova. The selected sample was representative of the Kosova population over the age of 15.
The main source of information for Kosova citizens, according to this survey, is undoubtedly television, with 85 per cent of the respondents' votes, followed by radio with 7 per cent and newspapers with 6 per cent of the votes, as secondary sources of information. The preferred media for citizens continues to be TV21, with 88 per cent of the respondents' votes, the public television channel RTK, with 82 per cent, and the KTV [Koha Television], with 75 per cent.
Even though the respondents' preferences in television channels place them very close to each other, the actual viewing rates of national channels at the time the survey was carried out showed more striking differences. Thus, in the last week of November, 42 per cent of the respondents watched TV21, 37 per cent watched RTK, and 22 per cent watched KTV. In this respect, TV21 has suffered a slight drop in viewing rates, while the RTK and the KTV have had a rise of 8 per cent and 6 per cent respectively.
RTK remains the most trusted television channel in Kosova (48 per cent), followed by the TV21 (32 per cent), and the KTV (11 per cent).
Radio Dukagjini is the preferred radio station in Kosova, favoured by 46 per cent of respondents, followed by Radio Kosova (32 per cent) and Radio 21 (11 per cent). The last two have suffered a small drop in ratings compared to the August survey.
The survey shows that Radio Kosova is the most trusted radio station, with 21 per cent of the votes, followed by Radio Dukagjini with 16 per cent, and Radio 21 in third place with 6 per cent of the votes.
The Index Kosova survey shows that the ratings of Radio Kosova and Radio Dukagjini have remained unchanged since the last survey, whereas trust in Radio 21 has fallen steadily.
On the other hand, Koha Ditore remains the preferred daily newspaper in Kosova, favoured by 38 per cent of respondents, leaving behind Bota Sot, with 19 per cent of the votes, Zeri Ditor with 11 per cent, Epoka e Re with 8 per cent, Kosova Sot with 8 per cent, Lajm with 8 per cent, and Express with 4 per cent of the votes.
As far as trust in daily newspapers is concerned, according to this survey, 29 per cent of readers trust Koha Ditore, 15 per cent Bota Sot, 6 per cent Zeri Ditor, and 6 per cent trust Epoka e Re.
Source: Kosovapress news agency website, Pristina, in Albanian 9 Dec 05
Prishtina [Pristina], 9 December: According to a survey carried out by Index Kosova, television remains the main source of information for Kosova [Kosovo] citizens, and TV21, Radio Dukagjini, and Koha Ditore are the preferred media. The most trusted ones are RTK [Kosovo Radio Television], Radio Kosova and Koha Ditore.
Index Kosova, in partnership with BBSS Gallup International, carried out its 12th media survey in Kosova in November.
The survey was carried out between 22 and 28 November. It included Albanian and minority (without Serbs) respondents in Kosova. The selected sample was representative of the Kosova population over the age of 15.
The main source of information for Kosova citizens, according to this survey, is undoubtedly television, with 85 per cent of the respondents' votes, followed by radio with 7 per cent and newspapers with 6 per cent of the votes, as secondary sources of information. The preferred media for citizens continues to be TV21, with 88 per cent of the respondents' votes, the public television channel RTK, with 82 per cent, and the KTV [Koha Television], with 75 per cent.
Even though the respondents' preferences in television channels place them very close to each other, the actual viewing rates of national channels at the time the survey was carried out showed more striking differences. Thus, in the last week of November, 42 per cent of the respondents watched TV21, 37 per cent watched RTK, and 22 per cent watched KTV. In this respect, TV21 has suffered a slight drop in viewing rates, while the RTK and the KTV have had a rise of 8 per cent and 6 per cent respectively.
RTK remains the most trusted television channel in Kosova (48 per cent), followed by the TV21 (32 per cent), and the KTV (11 per cent).
Radio Dukagjini is the preferred radio station in Kosova, favoured by 46 per cent of respondents, followed by Radio Kosova (32 per cent) and Radio 21 (11 per cent). The last two have suffered a small drop in ratings compared to the August survey.
The survey shows that Radio Kosova is the most trusted radio station, with 21 per cent of the votes, followed by Radio Dukagjini with 16 per cent, and Radio 21 in third place with 6 per cent of the votes.
The Index Kosova survey shows that the ratings of Radio Kosova and Radio Dukagjini have remained unchanged since the last survey, whereas trust in Radio 21 has fallen steadily.
On the other hand, Koha Ditore remains the preferred daily newspaper in Kosova, favoured by 38 per cent of respondents, leaving behind Bota Sot, with 19 per cent of the votes, Zeri Ditor with 11 per cent, Epoka e Re with 8 per cent, Kosova Sot with 8 per cent, Lajm with 8 per cent, and Express with 4 per cent of the votes.
As far as trust in daily newspapers is concerned, according to this survey, 29 per cent of readers trust Koha Ditore, 15 per cent Bota Sot, 6 per cent Zeri Ditor, and 6 per cent trust Epoka e Re.
Source: Kosovapress news agency website, Pristina, in Albanian 9 Dec 05
No return to old situation in Kosovo, Albanian foreign minister warns Serbia
Tirana, 14 December: Serbia must get used to the idea that there is no return to the old situation in Kosovo and that the result of this will be independence; and the whole of Kosovo society must understand that independence is not achieved in one day, but is a process to which a number of conditions will be attached. This has been stated by Albanian Foreign Minister Besnik Mustafaj.
In an interview with the BETA agency, Mustafaj detailed the conditions for independence as the inviolability of borders, the indivisibility of Kosovo, an international civilian and military presence, a strong legal state, and guarantees for the rights of all minorities in accordance with international standards.
Comparing the stance of his own government on the status of Kosovo and that of the previous cabinet of Prime Minister Fatos Nano, whose general position was "respect for the free will of the people of Kosovo", Mustafaj said that the current government, unlike Nano's, "who spoke rather from a distance", tried to be close to events, to watch them closely and to encourage them " [ellipses as received throughout]
The Albanian foreign minister made it clear that the current government agreed with the previous one on respect for the will of the people of Kosovo, but that it was the view of the present cabinet that a range of other factors had to be taken into account when defining the status of Kosovo: the population of Kosovo, "Albanians and others who live in Kosovo", the international factor, and "of course Serbia, which is part of the negotiations on the future of Kosovo".
"The mass of these facts and their placement on the negotiating table makes the idea of compromise necessary, which means that we must all give a little," said Mustafaj, stressing that an independent Kosovo made sense only as a democratic society.
Asked how long he thought a Kosovo with conditional independence (with an international presence), as favoured by Tirana, would last, Mustafaj said that this could not be forecast in Tirana or Belgrade, but only in Pristina. "This means that the main negotiators and those are the political and institutional factors of Kosovo together with the international community will define how long there needs to be an international presence, which will have the task there of helping to strengthen Kosovo and its institutions At the juncture when Kosovo, with its institutions, political class and public administration, really is finally prepared to manage its own independence, then that international presence will no longer be necessary," said Mustafaj.
Asked whether he believed that Kosovo would be stable and that the minorities would be protected in this period, bearing in mind that there were still ethnic tensions, the Albanian foreign minister expressed the view that ethnic tensions were on the decrease, "which means that they will be eliminated, and independence will be viable since it serves all sides. It will serve both the Albanians as well as the Serbs and other minorities."
"It is much better to have a common democratic reality in an independent Kosovo, than a Kosovo that will not be independent," said Mustafaj.
Asked to comment on the assessment delivered by officials from Serbia-Montenegro at the United Nations General Assembly in October to the effect that Tirana's stance on conditional independence before negotiations on Kosovo's status started was prejudging its status, Mustafaj said that he did not believe that "they consider this to be prejudging things: by saying this they are really trying to hide their own conviction that this is what will happen."
"As a politician of what is viable, and by analysing all the options that can be discussed in Kosovo, I have come to the conclusion that the most viable and realistic option is conditional independence, which could also be called limited, associated, guaranteed or some other adjectives to which you might attach to it," said Mustafaj.
"As soon as it saw that a viable formula had been identified, Belgrade came out against it, since it feels more secure in a process that starts with maximalist formulations that are utopian and unacceptable to one side or the other, but between those sides I especially bear in mind the international community and the Albanian factors in Kosovo," he said.
"I advocate a realistic policy, and realistic policies usually do not please people or evoke a reaction on the part of those who do not want problems to be resolved," Mustafaj added.
Relations between Albania, SCG
Speaking about the relations between Tirana and Belgrade in the context of disagreements over Kosovo's status, the Albanian foreign minister answered that he was convinced that these relations should be a priority for both countries, since they were in the interests of both, as well as in the interests of the whole region. He said that Albania was determined not to make relations with Belgrade conditional on its stance towards Kosovo, but he demanded that Belgrade do the same.
The Albanian foreign minister expressed satisfaction with the "evolution" of the stance of his "colleague and friend" Vuk Draskovic towards such a concept, noting that when they met in Strasbourg recently Draskovic also voiced the opinion that Tirana and Belgrade should extend their relations in all fields regardless of the stance that Tirana and Belgrade would adopt individually with regard to the negotiations on Kosovo.
Asked whether fears of the creation of a so-called Greater Albania were justified, Mustafaj replied that these were "phantom ideas" that did not merit attention and had not been created "in Albanian fortresses".
"The concept of a Greater Albania is product of the media, although definitely not the Albanian media, a concept that is not an integral part of the current political or historical Albanian vocabulary. When we make it clear in advance that we stand for conditional independence, then we are acknowledging in advance that there can be no change in borders nor in Kosovo's relation with Albania, just as there should be no change in Kosovo's relation with Serbia-Montenegro," he said.
Asked whether Tirana was satisfied with the position of the Albanians in the municipalities in southern Serbia in Presevo, Bujanovac and Medvedja and with Belgrade's efforts to involve them in Serbia's political life, Mustafaj said that he would not wish to give a final opinion on the matter.
"I think that the dissatisfaction that is evident among the Albanians in the municipalities in the Presevo Valley is a reflection of a reality with which they do not sufficiently agree. In other words, if there were a genuine wish on the part of Belgrade for them to be integrated into political life and for the development of these municipalities, then this should be noticed first by their inhabitants, and by the representatives of those citizens," said Mustafaj.
He added that intensive work should be carried out to foster this integration, both by Belgrade and by the international community, and that Tirana was prepared to encourage and influence the Albanians from the Presevo Valley "to be serious in their activities so that they take their fate into their own hands, within the framework of the constitutional norms and international standards".
Asked whether as a minister and man of letters he got on well with his colleague, minister and man of letters Vuk Draskovic, Mustafaj said that their relations were "very proper, not to say friendly."
He said that at all their meetings he and Draskovic exchanged views calmly and without tension, without any particular emotions of the type of "the early period when the ministers of Albania and Serbia used to hold talks".
"This is a very important basis for our work to have positive results. I try to respond in the same way, in a friendly spirit, so that we can further promote our communication," said the Albanian foreign minister, Besnik Mustafaj, in his BETA interview.
Source: Beta news agency, Belgrade, in Serbian 1158 gmt 14 Dec 05
In an interview with the BETA agency, Mustafaj detailed the conditions for independence as the inviolability of borders, the indivisibility of Kosovo, an international civilian and military presence, a strong legal state, and guarantees for the rights of all minorities in accordance with international standards.
Comparing the stance of his own government on the status of Kosovo and that of the previous cabinet of Prime Minister Fatos Nano, whose general position was "respect for the free will of the people of Kosovo", Mustafaj said that the current government, unlike Nano's, "who spoke rather from a distance", tried to be close to events, to watch them closely and to encourage them " [ellipses as received throughout]
The Albanian foreign minister made it clear that the current government agreed with the previous one on respect for the will of the people of Kosovo, but that it was the view of the present cabinet that a range of other factors had to be taken into account when defining the status of Kosovo: the population of Kosovo, "Albanians and others who live in Kosovo", the international factor, and "of course Serbia, which is part of the negotiations on the future of Kosovo".
"The mass of these facts and their placement on the negotiating table makes the idea of compromise necessary, which means that we must all give a little," said Mustafaj, stressing that an independent Kosovo made sense only as a democratic society.
Asked how long he thought a Kosovo with conditional independence (with an international presence), as favoured by Tirana, would last, Mustafaj said that this could not be forecast in Tirana or Belgrade, but only in Pristina. "This means that the main negotiators and those are the political and institutional factors of Kosovo together with the international community will define how long there needs to be an international presence, which will have the task there of helping to strengthen Kosovo and its institutions At the juncture when Kosovo, with its institutions, political class and public administration, really is finally prepared to manage its own independence, then that international presence will no longer be necessary," said Mustafaj.
Asked whether he believed that Kosovo would be stable and that the minorities would be protected in this period, bearing in mind that there were still ethnic tensions, the Albanian foreign minister expressed the view that ethnic tensions were on the decrease, "which means that they will be eliminated, and independence will be viable since it serves all sides. It will serve both the Albanians as well as the Serbs and other minorities."
"It is much better to have a common democratic reality in an independent Kosovo, than a Kosovo that will not be independent," said Mustafaj.
Asked to comment on the assessment delivered by officials from Serbia-Montenegro at the United Nations General Assembly in October to the effect that Tirana's stance on conditional independence before negotiations on Kosovo's status started was prejudging its status, Mustafaj said that he did not believe that "they consider this to be prejudging things: by saying this they are really trying to hide their own conviction that this is what will happen."
"As a politician of what is viable, and by analysing all the options that can be discussed in Kosovo, I have come to the conclusion that the most viable and realistic option is conditional independence, which could also be called limited, associated, guaranteed or some other adjectives to which you might attach to it," said Mustafaj.
"As soon as it saw that a viable formula had been identified, Belgrade came out against it, since it feels more secure in a process that starts with maximalist formulations that are utopian and unacceptable to one side or the other, but between those sides I especially bear in mind the international community and the Albanian factors in Kosovo," he said.
"I advocate a realistic policy, and realistic policies usually do not please people or evoke a reaction on the part of those who do not want problems to be resolved," Mustafaj added.
Relations between Albania, SCG
Speaking about the relations between Tirana and Belgrade in the context of disagreements over Kosovo's status, the Albanian foreign minister answered that he was convinced that these relations should be a priority for both countries, since they were in the interests of both, as well as in the interests of the whole region. He said that Albania was determined not to make relations with Belgrade conditional on its stance towards Kosovo, but he demanded that Belgrade do the same.
The Albanian foreign minister expressed satisfaction with the "evolution" of the stance of his "colleague and friend" Vuk Draskovic towards such a concept, noting that when they met in Strasbourg recently Draskovic also voiced the opinion that Tirana and Belgrade should extend their relations in all fields regardless of the stance that Tirana and Belgrade would adopt individually with regard to the negotiations on Kosovo.
Asked whether fears of the creation of a so-called Greater Albania were justified, Mustafaj replied that these were "phantom ideas" that did not merit attention and had not been created "in Albanian fortresses".
"The concept of a Greater Albania is product of the media, although definitely not the Albanian media, a concept that is not an integral part of the current political or historical Albanian vocabulary. When we make it clear in advance that we stand for conditional independence, then we are acknowledging in advance that there can be no change in borders nor in Kosovo's relation with Albania, just as there should be no change in Kosovo's relation with Serbia-Montenegro," he said.
Asked whether Tirana was satisfied with the position of the Albanians in the municipalities in southern Serbia in Presevo, Bujanovac and Medvedja and with Belgrade's efforts to involve them in Serbia's political life, Mustafaj said that he would not wish to give a final opinion on the matter.
"I think that the dissatisfaction that is evident among the Albanians in the municipalities in the Presevo Valley is a reflection of a reality with which they do not sufficiently agree. In other words, if there were a genuine wish on the part of Belgrade for them to be integrated into political life and for the development of these municipalities, then this should be noticed first by their inhabitants, and by the representatives of those citizens," said Mustafaj.
He added that intensive work should be carried out to foster this integration, both by Belgrade and by the international community, and that Tirana was prepared to encourage and influence the Albanians from the Presevo Valley "to be serious in their activities so that they take their fate into their own hands, within the framework of the constitutional norms and international standards".
Asked whether as a minister and man of letters he got on well with his colleague, minister and man of letters Vuk Draskovic, Mustafaj said that their relations were "very proper, not to say friendly."
He said that at all their meetings he and Draskovic exchanged views calmly and without tension, without any particular emotions of the type of "the early period when the ministers of Albania and Serbia used to hold talks".
"This is a very important basis for our work to have positive results. I try to respond in the same way, in a friendly spirit, so that we can further promote our communication," said the Albanian foreign minister, Besnik Mustafaj, in his BETA interview.
Source: Beta news agency, Belgrade, in Serbian 1158 gmt 14 Dec 05
American mediator in Karabakh settlement does not supports parallels with Kosovo
On December 15, co-chairmen of OSCE Minsk Group on settlement of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict have made a joint statement where they expressed positive attitude towards the results of negotiations in Armenia with President Robert Kocharyan, Foreign Minister Vardan Oskanyan and President of Nagorno Karabakh Arkadi Gukasyan. They noted that the process of conflict settlement is progressing and can create the basis for strengthening peace at the contact line, and further lead to a stable peace. The statement also noted that with President Kocharyan they discussed the results of negotiations of foreign ministers of Armenia and Azerbaijan that took place in Ljubljana.
As a REGNUM correspondent informs, Co-Chairman from the Russian party Yuri Merzlyakov did not rule out that the positive results of negotiation process in 2006 can be the recommencement of full-scale negotiations process within OSCE Minsk Group, including Karabakh. He said that participation of Karabakh in negotiations is inevitable, but it must be the decision of the parties in the conflict, not the co-chairmen.
Speaking about “Kosovo model” in Nagorno Karabakh conflict settlement, American Co-Chairman Steven Mann stated that he could not make any parallels of Kosovo and Karabakh, because every conflict has its own peculiarities. According to Mann, “the parties in negotiations have only tough positions; none of them has demonstrated soft approach. Baku and Yerevan are sincere in their willingness to solve the conflict, but it doesn't simplify the task.”
French co-chairman Bernard Fassier stated that present time is the “golden window” in the conflict settlement that will last for 1-1.5 years, because of absence of any electoral activity in both countries. “Elections make this tough problem even tougher,” he said.
Speaking about the possibility of a meeting between Kocharyan and Aliyev (Azerbaijani President), the co-chairmen noted that organizing process continued. They also noted that foreign ministers of both countries presented proposals in Ljubljana on fundamental issues of the conflict settlement. Nagorno Karabakh president has been also informed about them. “The negotiations with Robert Kocharyan make us optimistic about our work,” stated Steven Mann.
As a REGNUM correspondent informs, Co-Chairman from the Russian party Yuri Merzlyakov did not rule out that the positive results of negotiation process in 2006 can be the recommencement of full-scale negotiations process within OSCE Minsk Group, including Karabakh. He said that participation of Karabakh in negotiations is inevitable, but it must be the decision of the parties in the conflict, not the co-chairmen.
Speaking about “Kosovo model” in Nagorno Karabakh conflict settlement, American Co-Chairman Steven Mann stated that he could not make any parallels of Kosovo and Karabakh, because every conflict has its own peculiarities. According to Mann, “the parties in negotiations have only tough positions; none of them has demonstrated soft approach. Baku and Yerevan are sincere in their willingness to solve the conflict, but it doesn't simplify the task.”
French co-chairman Bernard Fassier stated that present time is the “golden window” in the conflict settlement that will last for 1-1.5 years, because of absence of any electoral activity in both countries. “Elections make this tough problem even tougher,” he said.
Speaking about the possibility of a meeting between Kocharyan and Aliyev (Azerbaijani President), the co-chairmen noted that organizing process continued. They also noted that foreign ministers of both countries presented proposals in Ljubljana on fundamental issues of the conflict settlement. Nagorno Karabakh president has been also informed about them. “The negotiations with Robert Kocharyan make us optimistic about our work,” stated Steven Mann.
Wednesday, December 14, 2005
U.N. envoy says Kosovo still far from the deal on its future
PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro (AP) - A U.N. envoy told ethnic Albanian leaders Wednesday that minority protection was essential to resolving Kosovo's disputed status.
Albert Rohan, who is helping U.N. envoy Martti Ahtisaari lead the talks, also told representatives of the Serb minority in Kosovo to participate in the province's political life, which they have boycotted for nearly two years.
"Status won't come automatically," Rohan told reporters, concluding his visit in Kosovo.
"The solution won't fall from heaven," he said. "They have to really pull up their socks and start to work."
Rohan urged ethnic Albanian leaders to reach out to the Serb and other minorities living here by addressing issues such as local government reform aimed at giving them more say in the areas where they live.
Kosovo's 100,000-strong Serb minority lives in isolated enclaves, protected by NATO-led peacekeepers. Their leaders have refused participation in the province's ethnic-Albanian dominated institutions since a wave of riots by ethnic Albanian mobs targeted them in 2004.
"We want them to have a future in Kosovo, we want to facilitate this and guarantee this, but they must also participate in shaping the future of Kosovo," Rohan said of the Serbs.
After the meetings in Kosovo, Rohan traveled to Serbia's capital, Belgrade.
Kosovo, officially a province of Serbia-Montenegro, has been administered by the United Nations since a 1999 NATO bombing campaign halted the Serbian crackdown on independence-seeking ethnic Albanians.
The U.N.-mediated talks on solving Kosovo's future status are expected to formally begin in January. Negotiations are expected to be tough, with Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority insisting on independence, while Serbia and the Serb minority wanting to retain at least formal control over the region.
Rohan said that the intetention of joining the European Union one day was an essential incentive in the process of determining the future of the province, but conceded that the body "is in crisis" over the future enlargement which could eventually bring in the countries of the Balkans.
Albert Rohan, who is helping U.N. envoy Martti Ahtisaari lead the talks, also told representatives of the Serb minority in Kosovo to participate in the province's political life, which they have boycotted for nearly two years.
"Status won't come automatically," Rohan told reporters, concluding his visit in Kosovo.
"The solution won't fall from heaven," he said. "They have to really pull up their socks and start to work."
Rohan urged ethnic Albanian leaders to reach out to the Serb and other minorities living here by addressing issues such as local government reform aimed at giving them more say in the areas where they live.
Kosovo's 100,000-strong Serb minority lives in isolated enclaves, protected by NATO-led peacekeepers. Their leaders have refused participation in the province's ethnic-Albanian dominated institutions since a wave of riots by ethnic Albanian mobs targeted them in 2004.
"We want them to have a future in Kosovo, we want to facilitate this and guarantee this, but they must also participate in shaping the future of Kosovo," Rohan said of the Serbs.
After the meetings in Kosovo, Rohan traveled to Serbia's capital, Belgrade.
Kosovo, officially a province of Serbia-Montenegro, has been administered by the United Nations since a 1999 NATO bombing campaign halted the Serbian crackdown on independence-seeking ethnic Albanians.
The U.N.-mediated talks on solving Kosovo's future status are expected to formally begin in January. Negotiations are expected to be tough, with Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority insisting on independence, while Serbia and the Serb minority wanting to retain at least formal control over the region.
Rohan said that the intetention of joining the European Union one day was an essential incentive in the process of determining the future of the province, but conceded that the body "is in crisis" over the future enlargement which could eventually bring in the countries of the Balkans.
Austria to drive EU Balkan expansion -Kosovo envoy
PRISTINA, Serbia and Montenegro, Dec 14 (Reuters) - Austria will devote its presidency of the European Union from Jan. 1 to cementing the bloc's commitment to membership for all countries of the former Yugoslavia, a U.N. Kosovo envoy said on Wednesday.
Albert Rohan, former secretary-general of Austria's Foreign Ministry, said Vienna intended to "reaffirm" the EU's recently strained commitment to embrace the western Balkans, as agreed at the EU summit in Thessaloniki in 2003.
Split by a dispute over the EU budget and rejection of its new constitution, some EU members have gone cold on the idea of further enlargement to embrace the Balkans.
France on Monday proposed postponing a decision to give the former Yugoslav republic of Macedonia "candidate status", saying the 25-nation bloc needed first to finance its existing enlargement and hold a wider debate on its future.
Concerned the Balkans could suffer the fallout from a deeper EU crisis, advocates of expansion say the prospect of EU membership remains the best hope of stabilising a region torn apart by war in the 1990s and where the prospect of fresh ethnic conflict remains real.
"It is Europe's task to help stabilise the Balkan region," Rohan, the deputy U.N. envoy negotiating the future of Kosovo, told a news conference in the Kosovo capital, Pristina.
"We have an enormous chance to do it because we have this instrument which is called the European perspective, the perspective of membership," he said.
ONE EU ROOF
Western capitals hope the promise of a joint future under one EU roof will help ease a decision due next year on the future of Serbia's U.N.-run province of Kosovo, where Western diplomats say the ethnic Albanian majority will likely win independence in spite of Serbian opposition.
Rohan, deputy to Finland's Martti Ahtisaari in U.N.-led negotiations just beginning on Kosovo's future, said Austria planned to use its presidency to include the region in EU deliberations by inviting Balkan ministers to take part in informal council discussions in Brussels.
"It is known that the EU is in crisis and this moment is not very conducive for thinking about future enlargement," he said. "But the EU has always had ups and downs and I would consider this hopefully a temporary down."
Slovenia became the first former Yugoslav republic to join the EU in 2004. Croatia is next in line, probably in 2010. Estimates suggested Macedonia could join by 2012, followed by Serbia-Montenegro and Bosnia in 2015.
Albert Rohan, former secretary-general of Austria's Foreign Ministry, said Vienna intended to "reaffirm" the EU's recently strained commitment to embrace the western Balkans, as agreed at the EU summit in Thessaloniki in 2003.
Split by a dispute over the EU budget and rejection of its new constitution, some EU members have gone cold on the idea of further enlargement to embrace the Balkans.
France on Monday proposed postponing a decision to give the former Yugoslav republic of Macedonia "candidate status", saying the 25-nation bloc needed first to finance its existing enlargement and hold a wider debate on its future.
Concerned the Balkans could suffer the fallout from a deeper EU crisis, advocates of expansion say the prospect of EU membership remains the best hope of stabilising a region torn apart by war in the 1990s and where the prospect of fresh ethnic conflict remains real.
"It is Europe's task to help stabilise the Balkan region," Rohan, the deputy U.N. envoy negotiating the future of Kosovo, told a news conference in the Kosovo capital, Pristina.
"We have an enormous chance to do it because we have this instrument which is called the European perspective, the perspective of membership," he said.
ONE EU ROOF
Western capitals hope the promise of a joint future under one EU roof will help ease a decision due next year on the future of Serbia's U.N.-run province of Kosovo, where Western diplomats say the ethnic Albanian majority will likely win independence in spite of Serbian opposition.
Rohan, deputy to Finland's Martti Ahtisaari in U.N.-led negotiations just beginning on Kosovo's future, said Austria planned to use its presidency to include the region in EU deliberations by inviting Balkan ministers to take part in informal council discussions in Brussels.
"It is known that the EU is in crisis and this moment is not very conducive for thinking about future enlargement," he said. "But the EU has always had ups and downs and I would consider this hopefully a temporary down."
Slovenia became the first former Yugoslav republic to join the EU in 2004. Croatia is next in line, probably in 2010. Estimates suggested Macedonia could join by 2012, followed by Serbia-Montenegro and Bosnia in 2015.
Albania supports independent, "West-oriented" Kosovo, Speaker tells Rugova
Text of report in English by independent internet news agency KosovaLive
Prishtina [Pristina], 14 December: Albanian Assembly chairwoman [Speaker] Jozefina Topalli and Kosova [Kosovo] President Ibrahim Rugova consider that an independent Kosova integrated into Euro-Atlantic structures is a realistic solution that absolutely helps peace and stability in the region.
Topalli is in a two-day visit to Kosova at the invitation of Kosova Assembly chairman [Speaker] Nexhat Daci.
On behalf of the Albanian parliament, Topalli greeted President Rugova for his great contribution to Kosova's political life and for his leadership.
Topalli shared with President Rugova her optimism that the will of Kosovar people for independence will be realized soon.
"And Mr president, you enjoy the support of the entire Albanian parliament, Albanian government, and all Albanians in Albania," Topalli said.
She said that Albania will support an independent Kosova with a West-oriented vision. While President Rugova informed the Albanian parliament speaker with the progress in Kosova and for the political developments in Prishtina towards independence.
"I insist for a direct recognition of Kosova's independence, a democratic, independent, and peaceful Kosova, in the European Union, maintaining a permanent friendship with the United States. So, this would lead to new paths, new perspectives, and it would calm this part of Europe and the world," Rugova said.
The Kosova president said that he expects even greater support from Albania.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 14 Dec 05
Prishtina [Pristina], 14 December: Albanian Assembly chairwoman [Speaker] Jozefina Topalli and Kosova [Kosovo] President Ibrahim Rugova consider that an independent Kosova integrated into Euro-Atlantic structures is a realistic solution that absolutely helps peace and stability in the region.
Topalli is in a two-day visit to Kosova at the invitation of Kosova Assembly chairman [Speaker] Nexhat Daci.
On behalf of the Albanian parliament, Topalli greeted President Rugova for his great contribution to Kosova's political life and for his leadership.
Topalli shared with President Rugova her optimism that the will of Kosovar people for independence will be realized soon.
"And Mr president, you enjoy the support of the entire Albanian parliament, Albanian government, and all Albanians in Albania," Topalli said.
She said that Albania will support an independent Kosova with a West-oriented vision. While President Rugova informed the Albanian parliament speaker with the progress in Kosova and for the political developments in Prishtina towards independence.
"I insist for a direct recognition of Kosova's independence, a democratic, independent, and peaceful Kosova, in the European Union, maintaining a permanent friendship with the United States. So, this would lead to new paths, new perspectives, and it would calm this part of Europe and the world," Rugova said.
The Kosova president said that he expects even greater support from Albania.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 14 Dec 05
Tuesday, December 13, 2005
Kosovo Insurers 9-mo Gross Premium Income Up 24.75% Y/Y
PRISTINA (Serbia and Montenegro), December 12 (SeeNews) - Insurance companies in the U.N.-administered southern Serbian province of Kosovo reported 37.9 million euro ($44.76 million) in combined gross premium income through September, up 24.75% on the year, Kosovo's Banking and Payments Authority (BPA) said on Monday.
Details follow (in millions of euro):
.....................................9-mo'05..............8-mo'05...............9-mo'04
total premiums..................37.90................33.97..................30.38
-third-party liability...........26.10................23.19..................21.85
-other...............................11.80..................10.78...................8.53
number of policies sold.....290,714...........281,908..............258,583
paid indemnities................5.99....................5.26..................4.81
The combined gross premium income in 2004 was 37.06 million euro.
Eight licenced insurance companies are currently operational in Kosovo.
Kosovo, legally still part of the loose union of Serbia and Montenegro, has been under U.N. administration since 1999 following a NATO bombing campaign to halt Serb repression of the ethnic Albanian majority in the province.
Kosovo's financial sector is supervised and regulated by BPA, which performs many of the functions normally performed by a central bank.
Details follow (in millions of euro):
.....................................9-mo'05..............8-mo'05...............9-mo'04
total premiums..................37.90................33.97..................30.38
-third-party liability...........26.10................23.19..................21.85
-other...............................11.80..................10.78...................8.53
number of policies sold.....290,714...........281,908..............258,583
paid indemnities................5.99....................5.26..................4.81
The combined gross premium income in 2004 was 37.06 million euro.
Eight licenced insurance companies are currently operational in Kosovo.
Kosovo, legally still part of the loose union of Serbia and Montenegro, has been under U.N. administration since 1999 following a NATO bombing campaign to halt Serb repression of the ethnic Albanian majority in the province.
Kosovo's financial sector is supervised and regulated by BPA, which performs many of the functions normally performed by a central bank.
Kosovo Sept Unemployment Numbers Up 5.64% Y/Y- Table
PRISTINA (Serbia and Montenegro), December 12 (SeeNews) - The number of people unemployed in the U.N.-run province of Kosovo in September rose by 5.64% year-on-year to 315,708, Kosovo's Banking and Payments Authority (BPA) said on Monday.
KOSOVO UNEMPLOYED:....Sept'05..............Aug'05..............Sept'04
........................................315,708.............314,446.............298,851
Kosovo, population around two million, legally is part of the loose union of Serbia and Montenegro. Kosovo has been under U.N. administration since 1999 following a NATO bombing campaign to halt Serb repression of the ethnic Albanian majority in the province.
NOTE: According to the Kosovo's Statistical Office the unemployment rate was 57% at the end of 2002.
KOSOVO UNEMPLOYED:....Sept'05..............Aug'05..............Sept'04
........................................315,708.............314,446.............298,851
Kosovo, population around two million, legally is part of the loose union of Serbia and Montenegro. Kosovo has been under U.N. administration since 1999 following a NATO bombing campaign to halt Serb repression of the ethnic Albanian majority in the province.
NOTE: According to the Kosovo's Statistical Office the unemployment rate was 57% at the end of 2002.
Kosovo Serbs displeased with Belgrade's policy on Kosovo, appeal for unity
Excerpt from report by Belgrade-based private BKTV on 12 December
[Presenter] The Serb National Council [SNV] representatives have appealed to all state and political structures in Serbia to be united during the forthcoming talks on Kosovo-Metohija status. They criticized Belgrade's hitherto negotiating position and our team's strategy.
[Reporter] The Serb National Council is opposing division of Kosovo-Metohija and believes that the state leadership should insist on full decentralization.
[SNV official Rada Trajkovic] What worries me at this point is Belgrade's completely unclear policy, and I have to say that very openly. I have to say that the meeting we had, and which was defined as the first meeting of our negotiating team, called by [Serbian Orthodox Church] Patriarch Pavle, was more like dialogue between the state and church regarding the preparation of platform for solving the future status of Kosovo-Metohija.
[Reporter] Raska-Prizren Bishop Artemije said that Serb leaders and people had proved to be bad history pupils regarding Kosovo-Metohija, adding that we have to show during the forthcoming negotiations that Serbia and the Serb nation form part of the fundamentals of Kosovo-Metohija.
[Bishop Artemije] We have wasted many opportunities over the past 15 years by gambling with our biggest values, which we have been losing in the process. The last chance is here and today. Let us be wise and united, that is the precondition of salvation, the only way not to waste this chance.
[Passage omitted: more on previously covered details]
Source: BKTV, Belgrade, in Serbian 1755 gmt 12 Dec 05
[Presenter] The Serb National Council [SNV] representatives have appealed to all state and political structures in Serbia to be united during the forthcoming talks on Kosovo-Metohija status. They criticized Belgrade's hitherto negotiating position and our team's strategy.
[Reporter] The Serb National Council is opposing division of Kosovo-Metohija and believes that the state leadership should insist on full decentralization.
[SNV official Rada Trajkovic] What worries me at this point is Belgrade's completely unclear policy, and I have to say that very openly. I have to say that the meeting we had, and which was defined as the first meeting of our negotiating team, called by [Serbian Orthodox Church] Patriarch Pavle, was more like dialogue between the state and church regarding the preparation of platform for solving the future status of Kosovo-Metohija.
[Reporter] Raska-Prizren Bishop Artemije said that Serb leaders and people had proved to be bad history pupils regarding Kosovo-Metohija, adding that we have to show during the forthcoming negotiations that Serbia and the Serb nation form part of the fundamentals of Kosovo-Metohija.
[Bishop Artemije] We have wasted many opportunities over the past 15 years by gambling with our biggest values, which we have been losing in the process. The last chance is here and today. Let us be wise and united, that is the precondition of salvation, the only way not to waste this chance.
[Passage omitted: more on previously covered details]
Source: BKTV, Belgrade, in Serbian 1755 gmt 12 Dec 05
UN police stop Kosovo prison breakout
PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro, Dec 13 (AFP) -
UN police thwarted an attempted breakout by 14 inmates from Kosovo's biggest prison, officials said Tuesday.
"Fourteen inmates attempted to break out of the yard of the Dubrava prison (in western Kosovo) late Monday," local police spokesman Refki Morina told AFP, adding the incident was followed by sporadic gunfire from outside the jail.
"A Romanian unit of the UNMIK (UN mission in Kosovo) police force intervened immediately and after an exchange of fire with unknown persons... thwarted the breakout attempt," he added.
There were no casualties from the failed bid to flee the prison, according to Morina.
Kosovo has been under United Nations administration since a NATO-led bombing campaign in 1999 forced the withdrawal of Serbian troops from the province.
UN police thwarted an attempted breakout by 14 inmates from Kosovo's biggest prison, officials said Tuesday.
"Fourteen inmates attempted to break out of the yard of the Dubrava prison (in western Kosovo) late Monday," local police spokesman Refki Morina told AFP, adding the incident was followed by sporadic gunfire from outside the jail.
"A Romanian unit of the UNMIK (UN mission in Kosovo) police force intervened immediately and after an exchange of fire with unknown persons... thwarted the breakout attempt," he added.
There were no casualties from the failed bid to flee the prison, according to Morina.
Kosovo has been under United Nations administration since a NATO-led bombing campaign in 1999 forced the withdrawal of Serbian troops from the province.
Monday, December 12, 2005
Kosovo leaders reject UNMIK proposal to include decentralization in status talks
Text of report in English by independent internet news agency KosovaLive
Prishtina [Pristina], 12 December: Members of the Kosova [Kosovo] Negotiating Team opposed today the proposal of the head of UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] for inclusion of decentralization in the status talks.
After a meeting between [UNMIK Chief Soeren] Jessen-Petersen and the Kosovar Negotiating Team, both sides introduced opposite stances as far as this issue is concerned.
Jessen-Petersen believes that decentralization is one of the main factors on which depends the result of the talks.
"For this reason, Kosovar leaders should be ready for dialogue and to discuss the document with minorities, for including them in the process, because such a thing is very useful," Jessen-Petersen said.
Meanwhile, the members of the Kosovar Negotiating Team unanimously said that decentralization cannot be part of the talks.
Kosova Assembly Chairman Nexhat Daci said that priority issues of Kosova, such as decentralization, cannot be part of talks with anybody.
"We as institutions gave priority to decentralization and it will not be part of any talks," Daci said, adding that Kosovar institutions as well as the Negotiating Team are not exposed to any pressure from the side of the international community regarding this issue.
Kosova Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi believes that reformation of local power is an issue that concerns the Kosova institutions.
According to him, it is important to push the process ahead in order to prevent gaps, but he added that the process should go on without any discouragement.
"Everything should be talked with the international factor. But, we should also discuss some issues with Belgrade, and why not reach an agreement on issues that we can," Kosumi said.
Regarding the question whether the Negotiating Team will assume responsibility for decentralization, Democratic Party of Kosova [PDK] chairman Hashim Thaci said that none can impact this issue because, according to him, "other people's impact in decentralization can lead to the jeopardy of internal division of Kosova."
"This issue should remain a responsibility of Kosovar institutions," Thaci said. According to him, reformation of the country's authority should be in accordance with the law, and it should not be a politically or ethnically motivated process, like the government plan is.
An eventual meeting of Kosova Local Power Minister Lutfi Haziri, and his counterpart, Zoran Loncar, in Vienna was one of the issues discussed in the meeting of the Kosova Negotiating Team, President Ibrahim Rugova, and Jessen-Petersen.
Daci said that "not well prepared meeting are neither preferred nor recommended" and added that all arguments regarding this should be introduced to the Kosova president, who also is the leader of the Negotiating Team and supported for his decisions.
On the other hand, Prime Minister Kosumi said that a meeting will take place, but he was not sure of the date the meeting is going to take place. "We should continue with the meeting that we have started in order to prove our readiness for preventing gaps in the process that is on the way," Kosumi said.
Leader of the PDK Hashim Thaci said that meetings of good-willed people should take place on right time and right place. He said that the success of the process of Kosova, and not tying it to particular meetings, is important.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 12 Dec 05
Prishtina [Pristina], 12 December: Members of the Kosova [Kosovo] Negotiating Team opposed today the proposal of the head of UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] for inclusion of decentralization in the status talks.
After a meeting between [UNMIK Chief Soeren] Jessen-Petersen and the Kosovar Negotiating Team, both sides introduced opposite stances as far as this issue is concerned.
Jessen-Petersen believes that decentralization is one of the main factors on which depends the result of the talks.
"For this reason, Kosovar leaders should be ready for dialogue and to discuss the document with minorities, for including them in the process, because such a thing is very useful," Jessen-Petersen said.
Meanwhile, the members of the Kosovar Negotiating Team unanimously said that decentralization cannot be part of the talks.
Kosova Assembly Chairman Nexhat Daci said that priority issues of Kosova, such as decentralization, cannot be part of talks with anybody.
"We as institutions gave priority to decentralization and it will not be part of any talks," Daci said, adding that Kosovar institutions as well as the Negotiating Team are not exposed to any pressure from the side of the international community regarding this issue.
Kosova Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi believes that reformation of local power is an issue that concerns the Kosova institutions.
According to him, it is important to push the process ahead in order to prevent gaps, but he added that the process should go on without any discouragement.
"Everything should be talked with the international factor. But, we should also discuss some issues with Belgrade, and why not reach an agreement on issues that we can," Kosumi said.
Regarding the question whether the Negotiating Team will assume responsibility for decentralization, Democratic Party of Kosova [PDK] chairman Hashim Thaci said that none can impact this issue because, according to him, "other people's impact in decentralization can lead to the jeopardy of internal division of Kosova."
"This issue should remain a responsibility of Kosovar institutions," Thaci said. According to him, reformation of the country's authority should be in accordance with the law, and it should not be a politically or ethnically motivated process, like the government plan is.
An eventual meeting of Kosova Local Power Minister Lutfi Haziri, and his counterpart, Zoran Loncar, in Vienna was one of the issues discussed in the meeting of the Kosova Negotiating Team, President Ibrahim Rugova, and Jessen-Petersen.
Daci said that "not well prepared meeting are neither preferred nor recommended" and added that all arguments regarding this should be introduced to the Kosova president, who also is the leader of the Negotiating Team and supported for his decisions.
On the other hand, Prime Minister Kosumi said that a meeting will take place, but he was not sure of the date the meeting is going to take place. "We should continue with the meeting that we have started in order to prove our readiness for preventing gaps in the process that is on the way," Kosumi said.
Leader of the PDK Hashim Thaci said that meetings of good-willed people should take place on right time and right place. He said that the success of the process of Kosova, and not tying it to particular meetings, is important.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 12 Dec 05
EU plans leading role in Kosovo
The EU is planning to take a leading role in Kosovo after the future of the Serbian province is decided next year.
Foreign ministers meeting in Brussels are discussing a proposal for the EU to take over policing Kosovo from the UN.
The report also suggests sending prosecutors, judges and prison staff to guarantee the rule of law.
And it calls for a substantial increase in EU aid to the region, currently a UN protectorate, where more than half the population is unemployed.
The report, by EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana and enlargement commission Olli Rehn, talks of a tangible European prospect, whatever the outcome of the status talks between the majority ethnic Albanians and Serbian leaders.
The ethnic Albanians are pressing for independence, while Serbia wants to hold on to the province.
In the past few weeks, the EU has moved to strengthen ties with all the countries in its troubled Balkan backyard, offering eventual membership as an incentive for stability.
But the policy of engaging the Balkans could come unstuck if EU leaders fail to reach an agreement this week on the bloc's long-term financing.
The first casualty would be the former Yugoslav republic of Macedonia, which four years ago managed to step back from the brink of civil war with its ethnic Albanian minority.
A French diplomat told the BBC that it would be totally inexplicable to accept Macedonia as a candidate if the EU can't agree on how to pay for expansion into Central and Eastern Europe.
However, the EU's enlargement commissioner, Olli Rehn, described Macedonia as the only functioning multi-ethnic state in the Balkans.
He said the country had earned candidate status, but was not ready to start membership talks yet.
Mr Rehn urged EU leaders to recognise Macedonia's progress at this week's summit as an important political signal to the whole Balkan region.
Foreign ministers meeting in Brussels are discussing a proposal for the EU to take over policing Kosovo from the UN.
The report also suggests sending prosecutors, judges and prison staff to guarantee the rule of law.
And it calls for a substantial increase in EU aid to the region, currently a UN protectorate, where more than half the population is unemployed.
The report, by EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana and enlargement commission Olli Rehn, talks of a tangible European prospect, whatever the outcome of the status talks between the majority ethnic Albanians and Serbian leaders.
The ethnic Albanians are pressing for independence, while Serbia wants to hold on to the province.
In the past few weeks, the EU has moved to strengthen ties with all the countries in its troubled Balkan backyard, offering eventual membership as an incentive for stability.
But the policy of engaging the Balkans could come unstuck if EU leaders fail to reach an agreement this week on the bloc's long-term financing.
The first casualty would be the former Yugoslav republic of Macedonia, which four years ago managed to step back from the brink of civil war with its ethnic Albanian minority.
A French diplomat told the BBC that it would be totally inexplicable to accept Macedonia as a candidate if the EU can't agree on how to pay for expansion into Central and Eastern Europe.
However, the EU's enlargement commissioner, Olli Rehn, described Macedonia as the only functioning multi-ethnic state in the Balkans.
He said the country had earned candidate status, but was not ready to start membership talks yet.
Mr Rehn urged EU leaders to recognise Macedonia's progress at this week's summit as an important political signal to the whole Balkan region.
Friday, December 09, 2005
Kosovo negotiating team establishes advisory council of communities
Excerpt from report by Kosovo Albanian television KohaVision TV on 9 December
[Announcer] All the needs of the minorities will be integrated in the process Kosova [Kosovo] is currently undergoing, through a common platform; it was said after the first meeting of the Advisory Council of Communities. Veton Surroi, chairman of the Council, after meeting Turkish and Egyptian [Roma] communities separately, said the protection of minority rights should be one of constitutional categories in Kosova.
[Reporter] The purpose of the Advisory Council of Communities is to integrate the realistic needs of the minority communities into the Kosova negotiation process. Head of the Council is Veton Surroi, member of the Kosova negotiating team. He held the first meetings, separately, with the Turkish and Egyptian communities. They gave Surroi the lists of their requests dealing with the use of mother tongue and education. This way their needs would be included in the documents that would be drafted during the negotiation process, as well as after the resolution of the status which will be independence, said the chairman of the Council, Veton Surroi.
[Veton Surroi] I purposely said integration of needs instead of integration of minorities because it is hard to ask Mahir [Yagcilar, Turkish Democratic Party of Kosova chairman] to integrate here, where he has been living for 30 years; the communities that traditionally are part of Kosova's identity. We only wish to integrate that part of its identity into a legal framework of the future independent Kosova.
[Reporter] Surroi announced the establishment of a common platform for minorities in Kosova. [Passage Omitted]. According to Surroi the meeting with the Serb minority will take place on Monday and this has already been confirmed. [Passage omitted]
[Announcer] All the needs of the minorities will be integrated in the process Kosova [Kosovo] is currently undergoing, through a common platform; it was said after the first meeting of the Advisory Council of Communities. Veton Surroi, chairman of the Council, after meeting Turkish and Egyptian [Roma] communities separately, said the protection of minority rights should be one of constitutional categories in Kosova.
[Reporter] The purpose of the Advisory Council of Communities is to integrate the realistic needs of the minority communities into the Kosova negotiation process. Head of the Council is Veton Surroi, member of the Kosova negotiating team. He held the first meetings, separately, with the Turkish and Egyptian communities. They gave Surroi the lists of their requests dealing with the use of mother tongue and education. This way their needs would be included in the documents that would be drafted during the negotiation process, as well as after the resolution of the status which will be independence, said the chairman of the Council, Veton Surroi.
[Veton Surroi] I purposely said integration of needs instead of integration of minorities because it is hard to ask Mahir [Yagcilar, Turkish Democratic Party of Kosova chairman] to integrate here, where he has been living for 30 years; the communities that traditionally are part of Kosova's identity. We only wish to integrate that part of its identity into a legal framework of the future independent Kosova.
[Reporter] Surroi announced the establishment of a common platform for minorities in Kosova. [Passage Omitted]. According to Surroi the meeting with the Serb minority will take place on Monday and this has already been confirmed. [Passage omitted]
EU urged to prepare possible Kosovo police mission
By Mark John
BRUSSELS (Reuters) - The European Union should begin preparations for a possible move to take over the policing of Kosovo from the United Nations, foreign ministers of the bloc will be urged on Monday.
The proposal is part of a report by EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana and Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn that makes clear that the EU seeks a leading role alongside others in the Serbian breakaway province once its future has been settled.
"The EU could take on responsibilities in the police and rule of law and certain economic areas," said the report, a summary of which was seen by Reuters.
"Contingency planning for a possible ESDP mission on police and rule of law should start," it added, using the acronym for EU security and defense operations. The report will be discussed by EU foreign ministers meeting in Brussels on Monday.
Kosovo has been a U.N. protectorate since 1999, when 78 days of NATO bombing drove out Serb forces accused of atrocities against civilians while fighting an ethnic Albanian insurgency.
The report said the EU's future role in Kosovo will depend on how internationally-backed talks manage to resolve the gap between Serbia's insistence on sovereignty and the Albanian majority's demands for independence.
But the bloc is seen seeking a lighter presence there than in Bosnia, where its special representative Paddy Ashdown is also the United Nations' top official in the country.
"The future international civilian presence after UNMIK shall ... not be EUMIK," the report said, rejecting the option of a wholesale takeover of the U.N. Mission in Kosovo by any future EU mission, dubbed EUMIK.
The United Nations does everything from maintaining law and order and supporting reconstruction of the province to basic civilian administrative tasks.
Solana has already said he does not see any prospect for the time being of the EU taking over security from the 17,000-strong NATO-led KFOR force in Kosovo.
EU diplomats hope that diplomacy launched last month by U.N. envoy Martti Ahtisaari to determine Kosovo's future status will come up with an accord by the end of next year.
The EU has not made any formal link between the status talks and Serbia-Montenegro's aspirations ultimately to join the bloc but diplomats say it is difficult to see how it could join without a solution to the Kosovo dispute.
BRUSSELS (Reuters) - The European Union should begin preparations for a possible move to take over the policing of Kosovo from the United Nations, foreign ministers of the bloc will be urged on Monday.
The proposal is part of a report by EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana and Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn that makes clear that the EU seeks a leading role alongside others in the Serbian breakaway province once its future has been settled.
"The EU could take on responsibilities in the police and rule of law and certain economic areas," said the report, a summary of which was seen by Reuters.
"Contingency planning for a possible ESDP mission on police and rule of law should start," it added, using the acronym for EU security and defense operations. The report will be discussed by EU foreign ministers meeting in Brussels on Monday.
Kosovo has been a U.N. protectorate since 1999, when 78 days of NATO bombing drove out Serb forces accused of atrocities against civilians while fighting an ethnic Albanian insurgency.
The report said the EU's future role in Kosovo will depend on how internationally-backed talks manage to resolve the gap between Serbia's insistence on sovereignty and the Albanian majority's demands for independence.
But the bloc is seen seeking a lighter presence there than in Bosnia, where its special representative Paddy Ashdown is also the United Nations' top official in the country.
"The future international civilian presence after UNMIK shall ... not be EUMIK," the report said, rejecting the option of a wholesale takeover of the U.N. Mission in Kosovo by any future EU mission, dubbed EUMIK.
The United Nations does everything from maintaining law and order and supporting reconstruction of the province to basic civilian administrative tasks.
Solana has already said he does not see any prospect for the time being of the EU taking over security from the 17,000-strong NATO-led KFOR force in Kosovo.
EU diplomats hope that diplomacy launched last month by U.N. envoy Martti Ahtisaari to determine Kosovo's future status will come up with an accord by the end of next year.
The EU has not made any formal link between the status talks and Serbia-Montenegro's aspirations ultimately to join the bloc but diplomats say it is difficult to see how it could join without a solution to the Kosovo dispute.
Thursday, December 08, 2005
R Nicholas Burns: 13th Ministerial Council Of OSCE
R. Nicholas Burns, Under Secretary for Political Affairs
Ljubljana, Slovenia
December 6, 2005
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: Thank you for being here. I apologize for keeping you waiting. It's been the normal kind of ministerial meeting where the issues will come down to the final hours, so we were just in a negotiating session with Minister Rupel and the European Union and the Russian delegation.
I'll make a few points and then I'll be happy to respond to your questions. First, let me just thank the Slovenian government and the President and the Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister -- Foreign Minister Rupel, who was Chairman-in-Office -- for their hospitality. Also, for the great work and tireless work they did over the last year. Slovenia had a very active year, did very well as Chairman-in-Office and we're very grateful to you.
I think we released a statement that I made yesterday. You've got it. It is important it's the 30th Anniversary year of the OSCE. It's a historical institution. It did help the Eastern part of Europe to free itself from communism and dictatorship. Now I think what was interesting about yesterday and today's session, if you listen to all the speakers -- and this is an extraordinary group, 55 countries representing Central Asia, the Caucasus, Balkans, Central Europe, Western Europe, and North America -- there was a unity that I found in the statements, and that unity was that the OSCE's new mission has to be to complete the work of democratization in the Balkans, in the Caucasus, in Central Asia. And I think we have full-scale agreement on that.
The overwhelming majority of countries here -- the overwhelming majority -- believe that the OSCE is doing well and that its mission is strong, and that it does not need to be put on a psychiatrist's couch. It doesn't need to be fixed fundamentally. And in particular there was high praise for ODIHR for the election missions. We just saw a performance of ODIHR on Sunday in Kazakhstan, and you saw the excellent report that they produced, in a very difficult situation. You've seen what they've done in other elections across Europe over the last couple of years. Strong support for ODIHR, strong support for its mandate and for strengthening the mandate.
There were a few suggestions, or maybe one suggestion, that ODIHR be weakened or ODIHR's mission should be called into question, but I believe every other delegation said that ODIHR should be stronger, not weaker, and that we had full confidence in ODIHR itself.
We do have a document that I think will be agreed and it will be the reform road map. I think so, although some delegations are still looking at it. That's a good document because that document speaks about strengthening the OSCE and strengthening (inaudible) and doing even more to fulfill the core mission that the OSCE has.
Whether or not there's a declaration, ministerial declaration, at this point, I think it might be problematic. We'll know in a couple of hours. Perhaps someone will pull a rabbit out of a hat, but I kind of doubt it. Simply because we have, as we did in 2004 and 2003, we have the great majority of the countries, nearly all the countries, believing that we should reiterate and reaffirm the commitment of the Istanbul Commitments of 1999: that is that Russia should withdraw its military forces from Georgia and Moldova.
This year we're in an interesting position in that I think all of us are ready to praise the work done by Georgia and Russia together in the May 30th joint statement. We all believe it's a good agreement. We hope there might even be a separate statement on the situation in Georgia. That's also being negotiated as we speak. But there is good news. There has been progress on Georgia. It doesn't mean it's final, there's a final agreement. There are still some remaining obligations that both Georgia and Russia have, but for the most part this is positive.
There has been no progress on Moldova. In fact, there's been no progress since December 2003 in terms of reductions of the Russian force, which is about 1,500 men, and the Russian equipment in Moldova. Because of that, I think, 52 or 53 countries took the position, of the 55, that there has to be mention of the Istanbul Commitments pertaining to Georgia, and until now the Russian delegation has not been able to agree to that.
So unless there is a change in the last moment -- there's currently a proposal on the table by the European Union to which the United States has agreed, by the way, that would recall these Istanbul Commitments, praise the action on Georgia, but say that there needs to be more progress on Moldova. I don't know if the next hour or two we'll get all 55 countries to agree to that. If we do, there will be a declaration. If we don't, there won't be a declaration. But the overwhelming majority of countries believe that these Istanbul commitments are important. And if we do not have a declaration it is because we're not willing to trade principle for a document. The principle is much more important than a ministerial declaration. The principles have to endure. The ministerial declaration fades away as soon as you write your stories. So we've taken a principled position, as we have in past ministerials, and I'm talking -- you can talk to other delegations -- not just on behalf of the United States. I'm reflecting the view of the 52 or 53 countries.
Just a couple of other quick points, then we can go to questions. There are a lot of initiatives that are kind of below the press radar screen, but you might want to get hold of them. The OSCE will be deciding today, I think Ambassador Finley is here, on 15 or 20 other decisions, and some of them are quite important.
I just thought I'd mention a few. There's a trafficking in persons decision that would have the OSCE adopt a zero tolerance policy in trafficking of women and children. This is a policy that NATO has already adopted as of two years ago. It's very important, and we've had strong support from everyone on it so we're happy about that. There are many other documents that are important in this process.
Having said all that, I'm happy to take any questions you might have.
QUESTION: Would you describe the Slovenian chairmanship as balanced, (inaudible) in a different way maybe?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: I was in in the last two days I must have been in four or five hours of meetings with Mr. Rupel outside the plenary, small meetings. I thought he was very creative and very solid, did an excellent job of chairing. So we're very grateful to Mr. Rupel and to his delegation and his government.
QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, on Kazakhstan there was a reaction by the State Department Spokesman, (inaudible) mild criticism of the elections. There has been criticism that in countries like Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, all regions of strategic importance of the U.S., the U.S. is not as critical as with other countries. What do you say to that?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: First, let me say that I fully agree with the State Department Spokesman. I thought the Spokesman made a brilliant statement yesterday. I think it was Adam Ereli, our Deputy Spokesman, who made the statement. I think what he said is pretty much reflected in most of the countries of this organization.
I had a chance to talk to the ODIHR head yesterday, who's just come back from Astana. We talked personally about what he perceived to be the successes and some of the shortcomings of the elections. I believe the OSCE position is very almost identical with the American position as articulated by our Deputy Spokesman, and that is there was some progress in the Kazakh elections. You have to measure it against the prior elections. But there are also shortcomings. The OSCE clearly spelled out where the shortcomings are and we have not taken issue with that. We have agreed that there was some progress. There are also shortcomings, and we've conveyed that directly to the Kazakh authorities. We (inaudible), already.
So what you want to do in a situation like this, if a country that is trying to reform and trying to adapt itself to the democratic principles of Europe and North America, if that country is making progress over the course of 15 years, of course you want to state that as the ODIHR did. But if there are shortcomings you have an ethical obligation to say them, which he did. And we have also said them on the part of the United States. So I think that's the best way to answer your question.
QUESTION: What (inaudible) from Kosovo? You say you don't want (inaudible), but (inaudible)?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: Yes.
QUESTION: So what is that? What is the future?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: Well, I would just refer you to what Secretary-General Kofi Annan said. He said in these negotiations there are two options: one is independence, and the other is continued Kosovar membership in -- involvement in Serbia-Montenegro under Serb sovereignty. And it's not for the United States or any other country to decide what the outcome of the talks shall be. They just began a week ago, so we have to leave it up to them to decide. The Kosovar Albanians, the Kosovar Serbs, and the Serb government in Belgrade. Those talks started last week, and we thought that (inaudible) has done a masterful job in setting up the talks.
There may be a statement here on Kosovo but it will not be to pass judgment on the political issues of the elections, it will be to congratulate the OSCE for its current mission and to ask it to continue to play that mission as these UN final status talks continue.
QUESTION: (Inaudible) the international community should not forget about Serbia. What can the international community offer Serbia in this process, (inaudible) for Serbia?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: In the Kosovo status talks?
QUESTION: Yes.
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: Well, you know the Serb government is a party to the talks, so the Serb government will obviously defend its interests in those talks. The United States has said for many years that we wish to have a full and good relationship with Serbia-Montenegro, but it is an incomplete relationship because Serbia has not arrested Mladic who was responsible for the war crimes massacre at Srebrenica, in July 1995. Until it does, the United States and the other NATO Allies have all said we can't support a normal relationship with Serbia. So it's really up to Serbia to put in place the foundations of the relationship.
QUESTION: Turning to Kazakhstan, how are the chances for the Kazakh chairmanship in 2009 after these elections?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: You know, that decision doesn't need to be made until a year from now, I believe, and I would really refer you to what Ambassador Finley has been saying -- she's here, she's done an outstanding job as our ambassador -- that is that the United States hasn't made, and I don't think most of the other countries have made, any kind of decision on this. We will all do it a year from now. A year is a long time. You have to take things as they come, and we'll have to see what the situation is like a year from now.
QUESTION: When you talk about strengthening, about ODIHR, do you have any concrete suggestions or ideas which go beyond --
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: It's very interesting that you asked that question because one of the proposals made, and it would be indiscreet of me to say which country made the proposal, was to have, in essence, ODIHR out under a spotlight and inspected for what is going right and what is going wrong and have a permanent council do that. Instead, the agreement that I think is going to be reached is that ODIHR will simply be asked, and the ODIHR head will soon be asked: tell us about your missions, tell us about the lessons learned from your missions, are there ways you believe you can strengthen your operation? He would come back a year from now and report back to the ministers and then the ministers would discuss that. A lot of us thought that was the proper way to proceed, since ODIHR is among the strongest parts of the OSCE. We wanted to make it very clear that we are not questioning ODIHR. We believe that ODIHR has been effective. But if ODIHR wants to offer some additional thought, that's perfectly appropriate. So that's been the decision. We are very pleased by that decision as (inaudible).
QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, how must your contacts with the Russian delegation over the last two days -- Russia is going to take over the G-8 next year and the Council of Europe, as well. Could you sense during your talks with the Russian delegation, the minister, any willingness from the Russian side to have some things evolve in the year 2006, give or take the ODIHR issue and --
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: We have great respect for the Russian Federation, Minister Lavrov and for his team, (inaudible) negotiators. I just came from Moscow. I spent three days there last week and we had excellent U.S.-Russian talks. So we're looking forward to the Russian presidency. The Russians have articulated a very good agenda for the G-8 presidency. We've agreed to that agenda. And we think that there's every reason to believe that this will be a good process for the G-8.
I should also say here there's no question that the Russian delegation does not agree with the majority of countries on these Istanbul Commitments, but Russia is giving a lot to the OSCE, has agreed to, obviously, to a budget for the next two years, has agreed to a scale of contributions. In any multilateral organization if you have differences you try to negotiate them. If you can't negotiate them, you still respect the other partner, and we have full respect for the Russian Federation. We just happen not to agree with it on all the issues, and that's not surprising for all of you who have followed the OSCE over the last couple of years.
QUESTION: Has there been any discussion here on the plans by the lower house of the Russian parliament to (inaudible) controls (inaudible) including (inaudible)?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: There has been very little discussion here. I discussed that in my trip to Moscow, and we've had bilateral discussions. I know many other countries are talking. But it is not an issue for the agenda here.
QUESTION: You mentioned the Balkans, Eastern Europe and Central Asia. The Caucasus, as the main focus points for OSCE. Does that mean that the OSCE in the future will be focused on, as it has been said, east of Vienna, south and east of Vienna, which is sort of what the Russians call geographical injustice?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: Well, the OSCE actually focuses on all the member countries. The OSCE has had advice to give the United States, West European countries on (inaudible) processes, and I said in my statement yesterday, you've got it, that we welcome that. We welcome it. Just as we do in NATO, here in the OSCE, if countries have advice for us we're willing to listen to it. That's the democratic way.
So it's not just an organization that focuses on Europe east of Vienna. But let's face it: if you look at the development of Europe over the last 15 years since the end of the Soviet empire and communism, the greatest number of conflicts, frozen conflicts, of course are east of Vienna. And the greatest lack of reform in terms of democracy, human rights, electoral practices, rule of law, are in countries like Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. Countries that are absolute dictatorships, both of them.
So it's appropriate that an organization committed to democracy, human rights, and the rule of law, and free and fair elections, we're focused on those countries that are most challenged in that regard, and I've just named two of them -- Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, among others.
QUESTION: The Spanish minister told me yesterday that the Spanish government would like to see OSCE activity expand more towards the south of the Mediterranean because he said that many problems in Europe have their origins in Africa and the Middle East also, and not only not in the East, in Central Asia he said. What do you think about that?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: Well you know, this organization, like any other, has to reflect the will of its own members and there are 55 members. I think the clear what you heard in most of the statements over the last two days was that we need to focus on the Caucasus and Central Asia and the Balkans. If there's something -- I'd refer you to Ambassador Finley. I don't know if there's been discussion about the OSCE work in the Middle East or North Africa.
QUESTION: What he said is that this partnership should be intensified.
AMBASSADOR JULIE FINLEY:-- dialogue of cultures.
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: You know, we've been open to we very much appreciate the EU, the Barcelona process that just finished after ten years. NATO has its Istanbul Cooperation Initiative. OSCE has its own dialogue. All that's good. We're in favor of that. But the major focus of the organization has to be on the Caucasus, the Balkans and Central Asia. Why do we say that? Because I think there is a strategic consensus here that our ultimate objective is to create a Europe that is stable and peaceful and united. That's the promise of 1989-1991. And that has occurred in Central Europe. It has not yet occurred in the Balkans, the Caucasus or Central Asia. So, that's the historical mission of the OSCE, moving forward out over the next decade. I think if you look at all the statements made, that premise, that strategic vision is there.
QUESTION: (Inaudible) said yesterday that Iran denied (inaudible) proposal to enrich uranium in Russia. So how now do you see the future of talks with Iran (inaudible)?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: Well, the U.S. position is very well articulated on that issue. We understand there may be some further meetings between Iran and the EU-3. We'll have to see how those meetings unfold. But the U.S. position remains as it's been articulated over many, many months.
QUESTION: (Inaudible)?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: We're not part of the meetings. We're not taking part. So you'll have to ask the people who actually go to the meetings.
QUESTION: What (inaudible) more or better?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: I think Slovenia had a very successful presidency. I know Minister Rupel probably has a lot of frequent flyer miles. [Laughter]. And that's probably good for him, the Slovenian government. We really respect the job they've done.
We have a very good relationship with Slovenia, by the way, our ambassador -- and their Ambassador -- Robertson. Ambassador Robertson and I had a chance to talk to Minister Rupel yesterday about our bilateral relationship. We're very grateful for what Slovenia has done in doubling its troop contributions to Bosnia and to Afghanistan and maintaining its troop contributions to Kosovo.
Slovenia has volunteered, on its own, to send demining experts to Iraq. Slovenia is a valued member of the NATO Alliance so we have an excellent bilateral relationship. We have increased American investment coming out in Slovenia by American companies.
Do you want to say anything, Tom, about --
AMBASSADOR TOM ROBERTSON: I think the Slovenian journalists are aware of (inaudible). (Inaudible).
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: Yeah.
AMBASSADOR ROBERTSON: (Inaudible), Slovenian journalists and other journalists, which we (inaudible).
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: You know, being Chairman-in-Office of the OSCE is a hard job. You have 55 unruly countries. All of us with different positions, different statements. I thought that Slovenia did a really fine job.
QUESTION: Sir, what's a question of the (inaudible) with (inaudible), and what do you think about the (inaudible) against Poland and Romania of losing their voting rights, Romania of course if they join.
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: We gave to each delegation yesterday afternoon a copy of Secretary Condoleezza Rice's statement, and we wanted to make sure that each of the 54 governments had it. They all did read it. I would just Secretary Rice is giving a press conference right now in Berlin with Chancellor Merkel, so I would defer all questions to her, obviously. She's my superior, my boss. I obviously -- She's answering all the questions that are being asked.
QUESTION: But what I mean is were worries expressed by delegations to you in this framework?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: Not a single one. Not a single one.
QUESTION: (Inaudible)? Is there no way (inaudible) without agreement on Moldova and Georgia?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: The NATO Allies, all 26 of us, have taken the position since 1999 that while we want to put the CFE treaty before us, we cannot until Russia meets its commitments to withdraw its military forces from Georgia and Moldova. That's important, because Russia started the process of taking its troops out of Poland and then out of Estonia, Latvia, back in the early 1990s. This is a historical process. It must be completed. So our willingness to put the CFE Treaty in the (inaudible) is contingent upon the Russian, the fact of Russia completing military withdrawal from Moldova and Georgia. That's why we may not have a declaration today. I hope we do. That's why we did not have one the last two years. It's that issue. It's an issue of principle. We must defend principle and frankly defend the interests of Georgia and Moldova, two members of this organization. Okay?
QUESTION: Thank you.
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: Thank you very much.
Ljubljana, Slovenia
December 6, 2005
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: Thank you for being here. I apologize for keeping you waiting. It's been the normal kind of ministerial meeting where the issues will come down to the final hours, so we were just in a negotiating session with Minister Rupel and the European Union and the Russian delegation.
I'll make a few points and then I'll be happy to respond to your questions. First, let me just thank the Slovenian government and the President and the Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister -- Foreign Minister Rupel, who was Chairman-in-Office -- for their hospitality. Also, for the great work and tireless work they did over the last year. Slovenia had a very active year, did very well as Chairman-in-Office and we're very grateful to you.
I think we released a statement that I made yesterday. You've got it. It is important it's the 30th Anniversary year of the OSCE. It's a historical institution. It did help the Eastern part of Europe to free itself from communism and dictatorship. Now I think what was interesting about yesterday and today's session, if you listen to all the speakers -- and this is an extraordinary group, 55 countries representing Central Asia, the Caucasus, Balkans, Central Europe, Western Europe, and North America -- there was a unity that I found in the statements, and that unity was that the OSCE's new mission has to be to complete the work of democratization in the Balkans, in the Caucasus, in Central Asia. And I think we have full-scale agreement on that.
The overwhelming majority of countries here -- the overwhelming majority -- believe that the OSCE is doing well and that its mission is strong, and that it does not need to be put on a psychiatrist's couch. It doesn't need to be fixed fundamentally. And in particular there was high praise for ODIHR for the election missions. We just saw a performance of ODIHR on Sunday in Kazakhstan, and you saw the excellent report that they produced, in a very difficult situation. You've seen what they've done in other elections across Europe over the last couple of years. Strong support for ODIHR, strong support for its mandate and for strengthening the mandate.
There were a few suggestions, or maybe one suggestion, that ODIHR be weakened or ODIHR's mission should be called into question, but I believe every other delegation said that ODIHR should be stronger, not weaker, and that we had full confidence in ODIHR itself.
We do have a document that I think will be agreed and it will be the reform road map. I think so, although some delegations are still looking at it. That's a good document because that document speaks about strengthening the OSCE and strengthening (inaudible) and doing even more to fulfill the core mission that the OSCE has.
Whether or not there's a declaration, ministerial declaration, at this point, I think it might be problematic. We'll know in a couple of hours. Perhaps someone will pull a rabbit out of a hat, but I kind of doubt it. Simply because we have, as we did in 2004 and 2003, we have the great majority of the countries, nearly all the countries, believing that we should reiterate and reaffirm the commitment of the Istanbul Commitments of 1999: that is that Russia should withdraw its military forces from Georgia and Moldova.
This year we're in an interesting position in that I think all of us are ready to praise the work done by Georgia and Russia together in the May 30th joint statement. We all believe it's a good agreement. We hope there might even be a separate statement on the situation in Georgia. That's also being negotiated as we speak. But there is good news. There has been progress on Georgia. It doesn't mean it's final, there's a final agreement. There are still some remaining obligations that both Georgia and Russia have, but for the most part this is positive.
There has been no progress on Moldova. In fact, there's been no progress since December 2003 in terms of reductions of the Russian force, which is about 1,500 men, and the Russian equipment in Moldova. Because of that, I think, 52 or 53 countries took the position, of the 55, that there has to be mention of the Istanbul Commitments pertaining to Georgia, and until now the Russian delegation has not been able to agree to that.
So unless there is a change in the last moment -- there's currently a proposal on the table by the European Union to which the United States has agreed, by the way, that would recall these Istanbul Commitments, praise the action on Georgia, but say that there needs to be more progress on Moldova. I don't know if the next hour or two we'll get all 55 countries to agree to that. If we do, there will be a declaration. If we don't, there won't be a declaration. But the overwhelming majority of countries believe that these Istanbul commitments are important. And if we do not have a declaration it is because we're not willing to trade principle for a document. The principle is much more important than a ministerial declaration. The principles have to endure. The ministerial declaration fades away as soon as you write your stories. So we've taken a principled position, as we have in past ministerials, and I'm talking -- you can talk to other delegations -- not just on behalf of the United States. I'm reflecting the view of the 52 or 53 countries.
Just a couple of other quick points, then we can go to questions. There are a lot of initiatives that are kind of below the press radar screen, but you might want to get hold of them. The OSCE will be deciding today, I think Ambassador Finley is here, on 15 or 20 other decisions, and some of them are quite important.
I just thought I'd mention a few. There's a trafficking in persons decision that would have the OSCE adopt a zero tolerance policy in trafficking of women and children. This is a policy that NATO has already adopted as of two years ago. It's very important, and we've had strong support from everyone on it so we're happy about that. There are many other documents that are important in this process.
Having said all that, I'm happy to take any questions you might have.
QUESTION: Would you describe the Slovenian chairmanship as balanced, (inaudible) in a different way maybe?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: I was in in the last two days I must have been in four or five hours of meetings with Mr. Rupel outside the plenary, small meetings. I thought he was very creative and very solid, did an excellent job of chairing. So we're very grateful to Mr. Rupel and to his delegation and his government.
QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, on Kazakhstan there was a reaction by the State Department Spokesman, (inaudible) mild criticism of the elections. There has been criticism that in countries like Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, all regions of strategic importance of the U.S., the U.S. is not as critical as with other countries. What do you say to that?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: First, let me say that I fully agree with the State Department Spokesman. I thought the Spokesman made a brilliant statement yesterday. I think it was Adam Ereli, our Deputy Spokesman, who made the statement. I think what he said is pretty much reflected in most of the countries of this organization.
I had a chance to talk to the ODIHR head yesterday, who's just come back from Astana. We talked personally about what he perceived to be the successes and some of the shortcomings of the elections. I believe the OSCE position is very almost identical with the American position as articulated by our Deputy Spokesman, and that is there was some progress in the Kazakh elections. You have to measure it against the prior elections. But there are also shortcomings. The OSCE clearly spelled out where the shortcomings are and we have not taken issue with that. We have agreed that there was some progress. There are also shortcomings, and we've conveyed that directly to the Kazakh authorities. We (inaudible), already.
So what you want to do in a situation like this, if a country that is trying to reform and trying to adapt itself to the democratic principles of Europe and North America, if that country is making progress over the course of 15 years, of course you want to state that as the ODIHR did. But if there are shortcomings you have an ethical obligation to say them, which he did. And we have also said them on the part of the United States. So I think that's the best way to answer your question.
QUESTION: What (inaudible) from Kosovo? You say you don't want (inaudible), but (inaudible)?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: Yes.
QUESTION: So what is that? What is the future?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: Well, I would just refer you to what Secretary-General Kofi Annan said. He said in these negotiations there are two options: one is independence, and the other is continued Kosovar membership in -- involvement in Serbia-Montenegro under Serb sovereignty. And it's not for the United States or any other country to decide what the outcome of the talks shall be. They just began a week ago, so we have to leave it up to them to decide. The Kosovar Albanians, the Kosovar Serbs, and the Serb government in Belgrade. Those talks started last week, and we thought that (inaudible) has done a masterful job in setting up the talks.
There may be a statement here on Kosovo but it will not be to pass judgment on the political issues of the elections, it will be to congratulate the OSCE for its current mission and to ask it to continue to play that mission as these UN final status talks continue.
QUESTION: (Inaudible) the international community should not forget about Serbia. What can the international community offer Serbia in this process, (inaudible) for Serbia?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: In the Kosovo status talks?
QUESTION: Yes.
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: Well, you know the Serb government is a party to the talks, so the Serb government will obviously defend its interests in those talks. The United States has said for many years that we wish to have a full and good relationship with Serbia-Montenegro, but it is an incomplete relationship because Serbia has not arrested Mladic who was responsible for the war crimes massacre at Srebrenica, in July 1995. Until it does, the United States and the other NATO Allies have all said we can't support a normal relationship with Serbia. So it's really up to Serbia to put in place the foundations of the relationship.
QUESTION: Turning to Kazakhstan, how are the chances for the Kazakh chairmanship in 2009 after these elections?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: You know, that decision doesn't need to be made until a year from now, I believe, and I would really refer you to what Ambassador Finley has been saying -- she's here, she's done an outstanding job as our ambassador -- that is that the United States hasn't made, and I don't think most of the other countries have made, any kind of decision on this. We will all do it a year from now. A year is a long time. You have to take things as they come, and we'll have to see what the situation is like a year from now.
QUESTION: When you talk about strengthening, about ODIHR, do you have any concrete suggestions or ideas which go beyond --
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: It's very interesting that you asked that question because one of the proposals made, and it would be indiscreet of me to say which country made the proposal, was to have, in essence, ODIHR out under a spotlight and inspected for what is going right and what is going wrong and have a permanent council do that. Instead, the agreement that I think is going to be reached is that ODIHR will simply be asked, and the ODIHR head will soon be asked: tell us about your missions, tell us about the lessons learned from your missions, are there ways you believe you can strengthen your operation? He would come back a year from now and report back to the ministers and then the ministers would discuss that. A lot of us thought that was the proper way to proceed, since ODIHR is among the strongest parts of the OSCE. We wanted to make it very clear that we are not questioning ODIHR. We believe that ODIHR has been effective. But if ODIHR wants to offer some additional thought, that's perfectly appropriate. So that's been the decision. We are very pleased by that decision as (inaudible).
QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, how must your contacts with the Russian delegation over the last two days -- Russia is going to take over the G-8 next year and the Council of Europe, as well. Could you sense during your talks with the Russian delegation, the minister, any willingness from the Russian side to have some things evolve in the year 2006, give or take the ODIHR issue and --
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: We have great respect for the Russian Federation, Minister Lavrov and for his team, (inaudible) negotiators. I just came from Moscow. I spent three days there last week and we had excellent U.S.-Russian talks. So we're looking forward to the Russian presidency. The Russians have articulated a very good agenda for the G-8 presidency. We've agreed to that agenda. And we think that there's every reason to believe that this will be a good process for the G-8.
I should also say here there's no question that the Russian delegation does not agree with the majority of countries on these Istanbul Commitments, but Russia is giving a lot to the OSCE, has agreed to, obviously, to a budget for the next two years, has agreed to a scale of contributions. In any multilateral organization if you have differences you try to negotiate them. If you can't negotiate them, you still respect the other partner, and we have full respect for the Russian Federation. We just happen not to agree with it on all the issues, and that's not surprising for all of you who have followed the OSCE over the last couple of years.
QUESTION: Has there been any discussion here on the plans by the lower house of the Russian parliament to (inaudible) controls (inaudible) including (inaudible)?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: There has been very little discussion here. I discussed that in my trip to Moscow, and we've had bilateral discussions. I know many other countries are talking. But it is not an issue for the agenda here.
QUESTION: You mentioned the Balkans, Eastern Europe and Central Asia. The Caucasus, as the main focus points for OSCE. Does that mean that the OSCE in the future will be focused on, as it has been said, east of Vienna, south and east of Vienna, which is sort of what the Russians call geographical injustice?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: Well, the OSCE actually focuses on all the member countries. The OSCE has had advice to give the United States, West European countries on (inaudible) processes, and I said in my statement yesterday, you've got it, that we welcome that. We welcome it. Just as we do in NATO, here in the OSCE, if countries have advice for us we're willing to listen to it. That's the democratic way.
So it's not just an organization that focuses on Europe east of Vienna. But let's face it: if you look at the development of Europe over the last 15 years since the end of the Soviet empire and communism, the greatest number of conflicts, frozen conflicts, of course are east of Vienna. And the greatest lack of reform in terms of democracy, human rights, electoral practices, rule of law, are in countries like Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. Countries that are absolute dictatorships, both of them.
So it's appropriate that an organization committed to democracy, human rights, and the rule of law, and free and fair elections, we're focused on those countries that are most challenged in that regard, and I've just named two of them -- Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, among others.
QUESTION: The Spanish minister told me yesterday that the Spanish government would like to see OSCE activity expand more towards the south of the Mediterranean because he said that many problems in Europe have their origins in Africa and the Middle East also, and not only not in the East, in Central Asia he said. What do you think about that?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: Well you know, this organization, like any other, has to reflect the will of its own members and there are 55 members. I think the clear what you heard in most of the statements over the last two days was that we need to focus on the Caucasus and Central Asia and the Balkans. If there's something -- I'd refer you to Ambassador Finley. I don't know if there's been discussion about the OSCE work in the Middle East or North Africa.
QUESTION: What he said is that this partnership should be intensified.
AMBASSADOR JULIE FINLEY:-- dialogue of cultures.
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: You know, we've been open to we very much appreciate the EU, the Barcelona process that just finished after ten years. NATO has its Istanbul Cooperation Initiative. OSCE has its own dialogue. All that's good. We're in favor of that. But the major focus of the organization has to be on the Caucasus, the Balkans and Central Asia. Why do we say that? Because I think there is a strategic consensus here that our ultimate objective is to create a Europe that is stable and peaceful and united. That's the promise of 1989-1991. And that has occurred in Central Europe. It has not yet occurred in the Balkans, the Caucasus or Central Asia. So, that's the historical mission of the OSCE, moving forward out over the next decade. I think if you look at all the statements made, that premise, that strategic vision is there.
QUESTION: (Inaudible) said yesterday that Iran denied (inaudible) proposal to enrich uranium in Russia. So how now do you see the future of talks with Iran (inaudible)?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: Well, the U.S. position is very well articulated on that issue. We understand there may be some further meetings between Iran and the EU-3. We'll have to see how those meetings unfold. But the U.S. position remains as it's been articulated over many, many months.
QUESTION: (Inaudible)?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: We're not part of the meetings. We're not taking part. So you'll have to ask the people who actually go to the meetings.
QUESTION: What (inaudible) more or better?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: I think Slovenia had a very successful presidency. I know Minister Rupel probably has a lot of frequent flyer miles. [Laughter]. And that's probably good for him, the Slovenian government. We really respect the job they've done.
We have a very good relationship with Slovenia, by the way, our ambassador -- and their Ambassador -- Robertson. Ambassador Robertson and I had a chance to talk to Minister Rupel yesterday about our bilateral relationship. We're very grateful for what Slovenia has done in doubling its troop contributions to Bosnia and to Afghanistan and maintaining its troop contributions to Kosovo.
Slovenia has volunteered, on its own, to send demining experts to Iraq. Slovenia is a valued member of the NATO Alliance so we have an excellent bilateral relationship. We have increased American investment coming out in Slovenia by American companies.
Do you want to say anything, Tom, about --
AMBASSADOR TOM ROBERTSON: I think the Slovenian journalists are aware of (inaudible). (Inaudible).
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: Yeah.
AMBASSADOR ROBERTSON: (Inaudible), Slovenian journalists and other journalists, which we (inaudible).
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: You know, being Chairman-in-Office of the OSCE is a hard job. You have 55 unruly countries. All of us with different positions, different statements. I thought that Slovenia did a really fine job.
QUESTION: Sir, what's a question of the (inaudible) with (inaudible), and what do you think about the (inaudible) against Poland and Romania of losing their voting rights, Romania of course if they join.
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: We gave to each delegation yesterday afternoon a copy of Secretary Condoleezza Rice's statement, and we wanted to make sure that each of the 54 governments had it. They all did read it. I would just Secretary Rice is giving a press conference right now in Berlin with Chancellor Merkel, so I would defer all questions to her, obviously. She's my superior, my boss. I obviously -- She's answering all the questions that are being asked.
QUESTION: But what I mean is were worries expressed by delegations to you in this framework?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: Not a single one. Not a single one.
QUESTION: (Inaudible)? Is there no way (inaudible) without agreement on Moldova and Georgia?
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: The NATO Allies, all 26 of us, have taken the position since 1999 that while we want to put the CFE treaty before us, we cannot until Russia meets its commitments to withdraw its military forces from Georgia and Moldova. That's important, because Russia started the process of taking its troops out of Poland and then out of Estonia, Latvia, back in the early 1990s. This is a historical process. It must be completed. So our willingness to put the CFE Treaty in the (inaudible) is contingent upon the Russian, the fact of Russia completing military withdrawal from Moldova and Georgia. That's why we may not have a declaration today. I hope we do. That's why we did not have one the last two years. It's that issue. It's an issue of principle. We must defend principle and frankly defend the interests of Georgia and Moldova, two members of this organization. Okay?
QUESTION: Thank you.
UNDER SECRETARY BURNS: Thank you very much.
Kosovo to have own Interior Ministry after Christmas - UNMIK official
Text of report by Kosovo Albanian television KohaVision TV on 7 December
[Announcer] After Christmas, Kosova [Kosovo] will have its own Interior Ministry, said head of UNMIK [United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] Pillar I Jean Dussourd, today. He said that UNMIK had informed the Kosova government earlier that two new ministries would be added at the end of the year. In the meantime UNMIK chief [Soeren] Jessen-Petersen said Tuesday [6 December] that UNMIK would not allow politicization of these two ministries which are expected to establish very soon, but for which he gave no timetable. He said the establishment of the ministries was in the interest of all Kosova citizens and not only in the interest of the political parties. He also said that he and Prime Minister Kosumi had agreed on this. Kosovo government is awaiting the official note to start preparations for the establishment of these two ministries. New York [the UN] has already given its consent.
Source: KohaVision TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1800 gmt 7 Dec 05
[Announcer] After Christmas, Kosova [Kosovo] will have its own Interior Ministry, said head of UNMIK [United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] Pillar I Jean Dussourd, today. He said that UNMIK had informed the Kosova government earlier that two new ministries would be added at the end of the year. In the meantime UNMIK chief [Soeren] Jessen-Petersen said Tuesday [6 December] that UNMIK would not allow politicization of these two ministries which are expected to establish very soon, but for which he gave no timetable. He said the establishment of the ministries was in the interest of all Kosova citizens and not only in the interest of the political parties. He also said that he and Prime Minister Kosumi had agreed on this. Kosovo government is awaiting the official note to start preparations for the establishment of these two ministries. New York [the UN] has already given its consent.
Source: KohaVision TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1800 gmt 7 Dec 05
Commentary chides Serbia's Tadic for questioning Fleiner's "autonomy of action"
Text of commentary by "Lj.Sm.": "President and Fleiner"; published by Serbian newspaper Politika on 7 December
Thomas Fleiner, Swiss expert whose services the Serbian government has engaged to advise our negotiating team in talks on Kosovo's future status, is not your typical Serbian friend in the West. It is not that Serbs do not have friends there, they do; only, more often than not, these are to be found among disheveled artistic figures such as Pinter or nonconformist intellectuals such as Chomsky. People that defend Serbs in the Western world rarely belong to the establishment and still more rarely have impeccable professional reputations and stainless characters in their environments (not to mention that having sympathies for Serbs is one of the quickest ways to lose prestige in the governing social circles in the West, a luxury that few can afford with impunity).
In this sense, Fleiner is what Serbs have the least of in the world today: an infinitely decent, utterly respectable, internationally renowned professional, who can hardly be faulted even when judged by the strictest and dullest civic standards.
This, in part, is why Fleiner is perfectly suited to the Serbian negotiating tactic for Kosovo, which relies neither on myth nor on ancestry, but on the old, slightly dull, but still firmly standing principles of international law.
This is what makes it even easier to understand the publicly expressed indignation of this usually extremely discreet Swiss professor at Serbian President Boris Tadic's recent suggestion, made publicly in NIN magazine, that it should be "carefully checked" whether the Swiss Institute of Federalism, of which Fleiner is director, is financed from the budget of the government in Bern, which has declared itself in favour of independence for Kosovo. The average citizen of Serbia, full of fear of global conspiracies, may well believe that the president is only expressing due caution on every score at a difficult moment for Serbia, but Professor Fleiner has good reason to believe that the Serbian president knows what any educated person in the world knows: that as far back as the late 19th century, Switzerland was the country with the greatest autonomy of the university in the history of mankind; that the independence of professors and the autonomy of intellectuals there is not just a dead letter, but a reality; that calling in question Fleiner's autonomy of action is like accusing Noam Chomsky of being a CIA agent on the strength of the information that the institute (MIT) at which he teaches earns the brunt of its revenues from contracts with the US army. However, there, it never occurs to anybody that professors should be required to have particular political opinions.
Another thing that leaves a bad taste in the mouth is that the impression has again been created that party politics is present where it has no place to be. One supposes that Kosovo should be more important and greater than the power struggle in Serbia. Or is it that somebody here would rather that Kosovo did not stay in Serbia if it were to be kept there by the incumbent government?
Source: Politika, Belgrade, in Serbian 7 Dec 05 p6
Thomas Fleiner, Swiss expert whose services the Serbian government has engaged to advise our negotiating team in talks on Kosovo's future status, is not your typical Serbian friend in the West. It is not that Serbs do not have friends there, they do; only, more often than not, these are to be found among disheveled artistic figures such as Pinter or nonconformist intellectuals such as Chomsky. People that defend Serbs in the Western world rarely belong to the establishment and still more rarely have impeccable professional reputations and stainless characters in their environments (not to mention that having sympathies for Serbs is one of the quickest ways to lose prestige in the governing social circles in the West, a luxury that few can afford with impunity).
In this sense, Fleiner is what Serbs have the least of in the world today: an infinitely decent, utterly respectable, internationally renowned professional, who can hardly be faulted even when judged by the strictest and dullest civic standards.
This, in part, is why Fleiner is perfectly suited to the Serbian negotiating tactic for Kosovo, which relies neither on myth nor on ancestry, but on the old, slightly dull, but still firmly standing principles of international law.
This is what makes it even easier to understand the publicly expressed indignation of this usually extremely discreet Swiss professor at Serbian President Boris Tadic's recent suggestion, made publicly in NIN magazine, that it should be "carefully checked" whether the Swiss Institute of Federalism, of which Fleiner is director, is financed from the budget of the government in Bern, which has declared itself in favour of independence for Kosovo. The average citizen of Serbia, full of fear of global conspiracies, may well believe that the president is only expressing due caution on every score at a difficult moment for Serbia, but Professor Fleiner has good reason to believe that the Serbian president knows what any educated person in the world knows: that as far back as the late 19th century, Switzerland was the country with the greatest autonomy of the university in the history of mankind; that the independence of professors and the autonomy of intellectuals there is not just a dead letter, but a reality; that calling in question Fleiner's autonomy of action is like accusing Noam Chomsky of being a CIA agent on the strength of the information that the institute (MIT) at which he teaches earns the brunt of its revenues from contracts with the US army. However, there, it never occurs to anybody that professors should be required to have particular political opinions.
Another thing that leaves a bad taste in the mouth is that the impression has again been created that party politics is present where it has no place to be. One supposes that Kosovo should be more important and greater than the power struggle in Serbia. Or is it that somebody here would rather that Kosovo did not stay in Serbia if it were to be kept there by the incumbent government?
Source: Politika, Belgrade, in Serbian 7 Dec 05 p6
Croatia war crimes suspect Gotovina seized
A Croatian general charged with war crimes has been held in Spain, the UN's chief war crimes prosecutor has said.
Ante Gotovina was one of the most wanted men from the 1990s Balkan wars.
He is accused of war crimes against Serb civilians during a 1995 Croatian offensive to expel Serb forces from the country.
Carla Del Ponte, chief prosecutor at the International War Crimes Tribunal at The Hague, had repeatedly sought Gen Gotovina's detention.
She had criticised Croatian efforts to arrest the general.
Ante Gotovina was one of the most wanted men from the 1990s Balkan wars.
He is accused of war crimes against Serb civilians during a 1995 Croatian offensive to expel Serb forces from the country.
Carla Del Ponte, chief prosecutor at the International War Crimes Tribunal at The Hague, had repeatedly sought Gen Gotovina's detention.
She had criticised Croatian efforts to arrest the general.
Wednesday, December 07, 2005
NATO to appoint its envoy at UN team for Kosovo talks
(Brussels, DTT-NET.COM) – NATO is expected to name its envoy to assist UN team on Kosovo status talks led by former-Finnish president Martti Ahtissari, following the moves made by EU and US.
James Appathurai, the spokesperson of the 26 nation military alliance told reporters in Brussels that in the coming days an member of international staff of the alliance will be named, who should be working with Ahtissari’s team stationed in Vienna, Austria.
Earlier EU has appointed Stefan Lehne and US appointed Frank Wisner, to join the UN negotiation team on the talks between Serbian and Kosovan leadership on the future status of UN administrated province.
However, contrary to the EU and US envoys the NATO new envoy will not have a political role but only technical, helping the team to develop security terms necessary in Kosovo, ones the resolution of the new status is achieved.
James Appathurai, the spokesperson of the 26 nation military alliance told reporters in Brussels that in the coming days an member of international staff of the alliance will be named, who should be working with Ahtissari’s team stationed in Vienna, Austria.
Earlier EU has appointed Stefan Lehne and US appointed Frank Wisner, to join the UN negotiation team on the talks between Serbian and Kosovan leadership on the future status of UN administrated province.
However, contrary to the EU and US envoys the NATO new envoy will not have a political role but only technical, helping the team to develop security terms necessary in Kosovo, ones the resolution of the new status is achieved.
PM Bajram Kosumi travels to London today (Express, Zëri)
Both dailies report on the trip of PM Kosumi to London in a ceremony declaring British Prime Minister Tony Blair ‘European statesman’, organized by the US East-West Institute.
Zëri writes that Kosovo Prime Minister will travel to London today, and that government officials did not disclose any more information as to any eventual meeting with other participants in the ceremony. The paper reports that the British Prime Minister will be declared ‘Statesman of the Decade”, because he proved responsibility for the people in need.
Express lead story on the front page says that Martti Ahtisaari is going to bring together in a secret location in London the key leaders from the Balkans and the world.
Express sources say that Martti Ahtisaari is going to use the meeting to relax relations between Balkan leaders before the launch of the Kosovo status talks. The organizers of the meeting have also been thinking of a possibility of an informal but important meeting between Prime Minister Kosumi and President Tadic.
UN envoy for Kosovo’s status, Martti Ahtisaari is also expected to hold a speech, says Express.
Zëri writes that Kosovo Prime Minister will travel to London today, and that government officials did not disclose any more information as to any eventual meeting with other participants in the ceremony. The paper reports that the British Prime Minister will be declared ‘Statesman of the Decade”, because he proved responsibility for the people in need.
Express lead story on the front page says that Martti Ahtisaari is going to bring together in a secret location in London the key leaders from the Balkans and the world.
Express sources say that Martti Ahtisaari is going to use the meeting to relax relations between Balkan leaders before the launch of the Kosovo status talks. The organizers of the meeting have also been thinking of a possibility of an informal but important meeting between Prime Minister Kosumi and President Tadic.
UN envoy for Kosovo’s status, Martti Ahtisaari is also expected to hold a speech, says Express.
Tuesday, December 06, 2005
Serbs question Kosovo adviser's impartiality
Serbian President Boris Tadic has criticised the role of a Swiss expert at talks on Kosovo's future, questioning his independence from the Swiss government.
Thomas Fleiner, head of Fribourg University's Federalism Institute, was asked by Belgrade in November to advise the team of Serb negotiators.
In an interview with the Belgrade-based weekly magazine Nin, Tadic indirectly questioned Fleiner's independence, and whether his institute's research is funded by public money.
The Serb leader said it would be reasonable to clarify the sources of the institute's funding. Tadic criticised the Swiss government earlier this year for making a public statement in favour of a form of independence for Kosovo.
Belgrade, which says that the province must remain a part of Serbia, called on Switzerland at the time not to jeopardise its credentials as a neutral facilitator.
In a letter on Monday, Fleiner told the Tanjug news agency that he was prepared to give up his advisory role if his political and professional independence were questioned.
He added that those working for his institute were not under the Swiss government's thumb, since their academic freedom was guaranteed by the constitution and canton Fribourg's own legislation.
The institute received SFr1.865 million ($1.43 million) last year in mandates from the Swiss government, with another SFr780,000 from other sources. The cantonal university contributes SFr1.1 million.
Ties
Fleiner, a lawyer who has headed the institute since 1984, told swissinfo earlier that Serbia and Montenegro had approached him because of his knowledge of "federalist systems, multiculturalism and international law".
He said his role would mainly be that of legal adviser to Belgrade's negotiating team.
While he has refused to say whether the Swiss made a mistake by publicly endorsing the idea of an independent Kosovo even before the start of status talks, Fleiner has made it clear that continuing with the status quo is not an option.
The Serb media have pointed out in the past few days that besides the Swiss expert, Slobodan Samardzic - an adviser to Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica - should also join the negotiating team. He is currently a guest professor at the federalism institute.
Fleiner has other ties to the Serb prime minister. His wife Lidija Basta, a legal expert who runs the institute's international section, is an old family friend of Kostunica and his spouse.
Observers say the Swiss expert could simply be paying the price for the uneasy cohabitation between Tadic and Kostunica, who are opposed on a variety of issues.
The two men, who are bitter rivals, are both taking part in the Kosovo talks, which began officially on November 21.
Kosovo
Last month, Serbian lawmakers passed a resolution enabling the government to participate in negotiations, but at the same time made it clear that an independent Kosovo would be unacceptable.
The resolution says it "will proclaim any imposed solution illegitimate, illegal, and invalid" - a warning to the international community not to attempt to force the independence issue unilaterally.
Kostunica told parliament that a solution for Kosovo's status must guarantee the preservation of Serbia and Montenegro's sovereignty as well as essential autonomy for Kosovar Albanians.
Tadic has suggested splitting Kosovo into separate Serb and Albanian entities, along the lines of what was done in Bosnia-Herzegovina. But Kosovo's Albanian leaders have rejected this solution outright.
Thomas Fleiner, head of Fribourg University's Federalism Institute, was asked by Belgrade in November to advise the team of Serb negotiators.
In an interview with the Belgrade-based weekly magazine Nin, Tadic indirectly questioned Fleiner's independence, and whether his institute's research is funded by public money.
The Serb leader said it would be reasonable to clarify the sources of the institute's funding. Tadic criticised the Swiss government earlier this year for making a public statement in favour of a form of independence for Kosovo.
Belgrade, which says that the province must remain a part of Serbia, called on Switzerland at the time not to jeopardise its credentials as a neutral facilitator.
In a letter on Monday, Fleiner told the Tanjug news agency that he was prepared to give up his advisory role if his political and professional independence were questioned.
He added that those working for his institute were not under the Swiss government's thumb, since their academic freedom was guaranteed by the constitution and canton Fribourg's own legislation.
The institute received SFr1.865 million ($1.43 million) last year in mandates from the Swiss government, with another SFr780,000 from other sources. The cantonal university contributes SFr1.1 million.
Ties
Fleiner, a lawyer who has headed the institute since 1984, told swissinfo earlier that Serbia and Montenegro had approached him because of his knowledge of "federalist systems, multiculturalism and international law".
He said his role would mainly be that of legal adviser to Belgrade's negotiating team.
While he has refused to say whether the Swiss made a mistake by publicly endorsing the idea of an independent Kosovo even before the start of status talks, Fleiner has made it clear that continuing with the status quo is not an option.
The Serb media have pointed out in the past few days that besides the Swiss expert, Slobodan Samardzic - an adviser to Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica - should also join the negotiating team. He is currently a guest professor at the federalism institute.
Fleiner has other ties to the Serb prime minister. His wife Lidija Basta, a legal expert who runs the institute's international section, is an old family friend of Kostunica and his spouse.
Observers say the Swiss expert could simply be paying the price for the uneasy cohabitation between Tadic and Kostunica, who are opposed on a variety of issues.
The two men, who are bitter rivals, are both taking part in the Kosovo talks, which began officially on November 21.
Kosovo
Last month, Serbian lawmakers passed a resolution enabling the government to participate in negotiations, but at the same time made it clear that an independent Kosovo would be unacceptable.
The resolution says it "will proclaim any imposed solution illegitimate, illegal, and invalid" - a warning to the international community not to attempt to force the independence issue unilaterally.
Kostunica told parliament that a solution for Kosovo's status must guarantee the preservation of Serbia and Montenegro's sovereignty as well as essential autonomy for Kosovar Albanians.
Tadic has suggested splitting Kosovo into separate Serb and Albanian entities, along the lines of what was done in Bosnia-Herzegovina. But Kosovo's Albanian leaders have rejected this solution outright.
EU Foreign Policy Chief Solana In Kosovo For Talks
PRISTINA (AP)--The European Union's foreign policy chief Javier Solana arrives in Kosovo Tuesday for talks on the province's future.
Solana expressed hope Monday during talks in Serbia's capital Belgrade that a balanced solution would be found for the contested Kosovo province at upcoming U.N.-mediated negotiations.
"It is important not only to start the process...but to be able to find a win- win solution," Solana said, adding that the E.U. will "follow very closely the development of the negotiations."
In Kosovo he will meet with President Ibrahim Rugova and the province's negotiating team that will lead the talks. He will also meet with Soren Jessen- Petersen, the top U.N. official here.
The negotiations on Kosovo's future status are expected to begin in January. Although still officially a province of Serbia-Montenegro, Kosovo has been administered by the U.N. since a 1999 NATO bombing campaign halted the Serbian crackdown on ethnic Albanian separatists.
Belgrade and Kosovo's Serb minority want the province to remain within Serbia's borders, while its ethnic Albanian majority seeks full independence.
Also visiting Tuesday is Greek Foreign Minister Petros Molyviatis, and senior foreign ministry officials from Croatia and Romania will also hold talks with Kosovo officials as the countries in the region attempt to get involved in the process of determining Kosovo's future.
(END) Dow Jones Newswires
Solana expressed hope Monday during talks in Serbia's capital Belgrade that a balanced solution would be found for the contested Kosovo province at upcoming U.N.-mediated negotiations.
"It is important not only to start the process...but to be able to find a win- win solution," Solana said, adding that the E.U. will "follow very closely the development of the negotiations."
In Kosovo he will meet with President Ibrahim Rugova and the province's negotiating team that will lead the talks. He will also meet with Soren Jessen- Petersen, the top U.N. official here.
The negotiations on Kosovo's future status are expected to begin in January. Although still officially a province of Serbia-Montenegro, Kosovo has been administered by the U.N. since a 1999 NATO bombing campaign halted the Serbian crackdown on ethnic Albanian separatists.
Belgrade and Kosovo's Serb minority want the province to remain within Serbia's borders, while its ethnic Albanian majority seeks full independence.
Also visiting Tuesday is Greek Foreign Minister Petros Molyviatis, and senior foreign ministry officials from Croatia and Romania will also hold talks with Kosovo officials as the countries in the region attempt to get involved in the process of determining Kosovo's future.
(END) Dow Jones Newswires
American diagnosis for Mitrovica (Express)
Express reports that the head of the US Office in Pristina, Philip Goldberg, is explaining the document on Kosovo that the US has distributed to its diplomatic partners. He says that the north of Mitrovica is a different reality from Kosovo, and says that some areas like this require special solutions, for which it is stupidity not to think about, writes the paper on the front page.
Monday, December 05, 2005
Using trade agreements to help bind the Balkans
By Eric Jansson in Belgrade and Kerin Hope in Athens
>Published: December 6 2005 02:00 | Last updated: December 6 2005 02:00
>>
Recent moves have raised hopes that the Balkan region may one day join the European Union. Accession negotiations have been launched with Croatia, Serbia-Montenegro is in talks on a "stabilisation and association agreement" and Brussels decided this month to start talks with Bosnia.
But while praise flows thick and fast to presidents and prime ministers in Zagreb, Belgrade and Sarajevo for invigorating efforts to apprehend fugitives indicted for war crimes of the 1990s, efforts to build a regional market economy in the former Communist enclave have barely attracted notice.
The region's trade negotiators have undertaken a quiet but ambitious effort to bind the republics of the former Yugoslavia together with Romania, Bulgaria and Albania, thereby creating Eur-ope's second-largest trading area, bridging the large territory between the Adriatic and Black seas.
Last month saw the establishment under EU tutelage of the South East Europe Energy Community, slashing regulations on cross-border electricity trading between Romania, Bulgaria, Croatia, Serbia-Montenegro, Bosnia, Macedonia, Albania and Kosovo. Officials from the Stability Pact, the international community's Brussels-based office for conflict-prevention in the Balkans, praised the electricity deal as a "highly ambitious" step. Although it will take time and at least $15bn (€12.8bn, £8.7bn) of investment to create a genuine electricity market, officials compared it to the European Coal and Steel Community Treaty, which in 1951 planted the seeds for the EU.
Following the conclusion of more than two dozen bilateral trade agreements since 2002, western companies active in the region say the elimination of tariffs on most products has encouraged them to take more seriously small, poor Balkan markets such as Macedonia with only 2m people.
"The countries we have grouped together have a population of 55m, a sizeable market worth developing and investing in, provided we can treat the sub-region as one market," says Martina Kastler, chairman of Unilever South Central Europe, which co-ordinates the consumer goods manufacturer's business in seven Balkan countries from headquarters in Romania.
Since signing a raft of trade agreements, Bosnia has watched its exports grow 50 per cent annually, says Seadeta Ceric, the Sarajevo economist who signed the deals as Bosnia's chief trade negotiator.
With other cash-strapped Balkan countries benefiting from export growth, support is growing for a unified regional treaty to simplify trade. Imports have grown even faster thanks to remittances from south-east Europeans working in the EU, and an explosion in consumer lending by foreign-owned banks in the Balkans.
Such trading zeal counteracts the political fragmentation that became widely known as "Balkanisation" and followed the collapseof communism in 1989.
Further fragmentation is still possible, especially in Serbia, whose partner republic Montenegro and breakaway province Kosovo aim to declare independence next year. But EU officials argue that closer economic relations will create incentives to patch the region back together again politically.
However, some officials and traders still warn against exaggerating the progress on Balkan trade. A catalogue of non-tariff barriers governments have failed to eliminate include items as absurd as Serbia's practice of testing imported cosmetics for radiation levels.
Inadequate roads, rail networks and large numbers of bureaucratic border crossings, resulting from countries' small size, have also slowed the growth of trade within the region. For example, a Romanian truck driver hauling goods to Bosnia must obtain visas for both himself and his vehicle at Bosnia's consulate in a third country, Hungary.
New trade disputes also dog some Balkan capitals, with Ms Ceric accusing Bosnian political leaders of applying the new trade rules selectively. Officials in Sarajevo act "without any economic logic" in order to protect favoured domestic companies such as meat exporters, she says.
Mary O'Mahoney, trade expert at the Stability Pact, that helped negotiate the bilateral deals, says some of the "non-tariff barriers" will have to be left to an over-arching trade deal that is next on the region's menu.
>Published: December 6 2005 02:00 | Last updated: December 6 2005 02:00
>>
Recent moves have raised hopes that the Balkan region may one day join the European Union. Accession negotiations have been launched with Croatia, Serbia-Montenegro is in talks on a "stabilisation and association agreement" and Brussels decided this month to start talks with Bosnia.
But while praise flows thick and fast to presidents and prime ministers in Zagreb, Belgrade and Sarajevo for invigorating efforts to apprehend fugitives indicted for war crimes of the 1990s, efforts to build a regional market economy in the former Communist enclave have barely attracted notice.
The region's trade negotiators have undertaken a quiet but ambitious effort to bind the republics of the former Yugoslavia together with Romania, Bulgaria and Albania, thereby creating Eur-ope's second-largest trading area, bridging the large territory between the Adriatic and Black seas.
Last month saw the establishment under EU tutelage of the South East Europe Energy Community, slashing regulations on cross-border electricity trading between Romania, Bulgaria, Croatia, Serbia-Montenegro, Bosnia, Macedonia, Albania and Kosovo. Officials from the Stability Pact, the international community's Brussels-based office for conflict-prevention in the Balkans, praised the electricity deal as a "highly ambitious" step. Although it will take time and at least $15bn (€12.8bn, £8.7bn) of investment to create a genuine electricity market, officials compared it to the European Coal and Steel Community Treaty, which in 1951 planted the seeds for the EU.
Following the conclusion of more than two dozen bilateral trade agreements since 2002, western companies active in the region say the elimination of tariffs on most products has encouraged them to take more seriously small, poor Balkan markets such as Macedonia with only 2m people.
"The countries we have grouped together have a population of 55m, a sizeable market worth developing and investing in, provided we can treat the sub-region as one market," says Martina Kastler, chairman of Unilever South Central Europe, which co-ordinates the consumer goods manufacturer's business in seven Balkan countries from headquarters in Romania.
Since signing a raft of trade agreements, Bosnia has watched its exports grow 50 per cent annually, says Seadeta Ceric, the Sarajevo economist who signed the deals as Bosnia's chief trade negotiator.
With other cash-strapped Balkan countries benefiting from export growth, support is growing for a unified regional treaty to simplify trade. Imports have grown even faster thanks to remittances from south-east Europeans working in the EU, and an explosion in consumer lending by foreign-owned banks in the Balkans.
Such trading zeal counteracts the political fragmentation that became widely known as "Balkanisation" and followed the collapseof communism in 1989.
Further fragmentation is still possible, especially in Serbia, whose partner republic Montenegro and breakaway province Kosovo aim to declare independence next year. But EU officials argue that closer economic relations will create incentives to patch the region back together again politically.
However, some officials and traders still warn against exaggerating the progress on Balkan trade. A catalogue of non-tariff barriers governments have failed to eliminate include items as absurd as Serbia's practice of testing imported cosmetics for radiation levels.
Inadequate roads, rail networks and large numbers of bureaucratic border crossings, resulting from countries' small size, have also slowed the growth of trade within the region. For example, a Romanian truck driver hauling goods to Bosnia must obtain visas for both himself and his vehicle at Bosnia's consulate in a third country, Hungary.
New trade disputes also dog some Balkan capitals, with Ms Ceric accusing Bosnian political leaders of applying the new trade rules selectively. Officials in Sarajevo act "without any economic logic" in order to protect favoured domestic companies such as meat exporters, she says.
Mary O'Mahoney, trade expert at the Stability Pact, that helped negotiate the bilateral deals, says some of the "non-tariff barriers" will have to be left to an over-arching trade deal that is next on the region's menu.
No consensus reached on Kosovo in OSCE ministerial meeting
BELGRADE, Dec. 6 (Xinhuanet) -- No consensus was reached on Monday to adopt a statement on Kosovo at the ministerial meeting of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), said reports reaching here from Slovenian capital of Ljubljana.
Some countries are opposed to mentioning the Helsinki Final Act in the Kosovo statement, which was advocated by Serbia-Montenegro Foreign Minister Vuk Draskovic, reported the Slovene Press Agency.
Addressing the press on the margins of Monday's plenary session, Draskovic said that Belgrade maintains that the Helsinki Final Act, which says that borders cannot be changed by force, must be included in any statement on Kosovo.
He alleged that some unspecified countries have viewed the mention of the Helsinki Final Act as a "barrier to the promotion of Kosovo independence."
Kosovo is a Serbian province under UN administration since mid-1999. Its future status is a bitter subject between Belgrade and Kosovo's Albanian majority who is demanding outright independence instead of maximum autonomy.
Draskovic reiterated Belgrade's view that the only possible compromise solution on Kosovo status would entail a status that is somewhere between autonomy and independence.
There can be no stability in the Western Balkans until there is political stability in Serbia and this cannot happen without a "normal compromise for Kosovo", Draskovic said.
He warned that independence in Kosovo could lead to other independence demands around Europe, such as in Macedonia, Spain, Turkey, the Nagorno-Karabakh and elsewhere.
Some countries are opposed to mentioning the Helsinki Final Act in the Kosovo statement, which was advocated by Serbia-Montenegro Foreign Minister Vuk Draskovic, reported the Slovene Press Agency.
Addressing the press on the margins of Monday's plenary session, Draskovic said that Belgrade maintains that the Helsinki Final Act, which says that borders cannot be changed by force, must be included in any statement on Kosovo.
He alleged that some unspecified countries have viewed the mention of the Helsinki Final Act as a "barrier to the promotion of Kosovo independence."
Kosovo is a Serbian province under UN administration since mid-1999. Its future status is a bitter subject between Belgrade and Kosovo's Albanian majority who is demanding outright independence instead of maximum autonomy.
Draskovic reiterated Belgrade's view that the only possible compromise solution on Kosovo status would entail a status that is somewhere between autonomy and independence.
There can be no stability in the Western Balkans until there is political stability in Serbia and this cannot happen without a "normal compromise for Kosovo", Draskovic said.
He warned that independence in Kosovo could lead to other independence demands around Europe, such as in Macedonia, Spain, Turkey, the Nagorno-Karabakh and elsewhere.
Kosovo independence would fuel separatism - Serbia
By Zoran Radosavljevic
LJUBLJANA (Reuters) - Independence for Serbia's breakaway province of Kosovo would open up a Pandora's box of separatism and lead to new ethnic conflicts in Europe, the foreign minister of Serbia-Montenegro said on Monday.
Kosovo has been a U.N. protectorate since 1999, when 78 days of NATO bombing drove out Serb forces accused of atrocities against civilians while fighting an ethnic Albanian insurgency.
Last month, U.N. envoy Martti Ahtisaari started shuttle diplomacy aimed at reconciling two opposing visions -- the Albanian majority's demands for independence on the basis of self-determination, and Serbia's insistence on sovereignty.
Speaking on the sidelines of an OSCE ministerial meeting in the Slovenian capital Ljubljana, Vuk Draskovic said that giving Kosovo independence could jeopardise stability in the Balkans.
Breaking up Serbia and changing its borders would breach international law, bolster the hopes of separatists elsewhere and fuel new wars.
"If the U.N. charter is crushed, it will become a cancer that spreads quickly," Draskovic said.
"What will then happen with the Turkish part of Cyprus, with the Albanians in Macedonia? Would Bosnia be able to survive? What about the Basques, Northern Ireland, Ossetia?".
Draskovic repeated that Serbia's best offer was broad autonomy that fell short of formal independence.
"Kosovo can have independent representation internationally, everywhere except at the United Nations and other organisations that stand for state sovereignty," he said.
"Serbia does not want to rule the Albanian majority in Kosovo. But majority rule cannot include intimidation and murder and destruction of churches."
SPORADIC VIOLENCE
Ethnic Albanians' impatience for independence has fuelled sporadic violence against minority Serbs. The 100,000 who stayed on in the province after about as many fled in 1999 say they face constant intimidation. Nineteen people died in March 2004 in riots that took Kosovo's 17,000 peacekeepers by surprise.
The talks on Kosovo's status are expected to wrap up by late 2006. Diplomats warn more violence should be expected in the province if negotiations stall, or a solution is seen as unfair.
Almost 70 percent of the province's 2 million people are unemployed and blame Kosovo's legal limbo for the lack of investment that would create jobs.
Draskovic said the international community should not grant Kosovo independence in order to placate extremists.
"(They) should say no to the ultimatums of Albanian extremists, that the remaining Serbs and the international military and police will be targets of terror if Kosovo is not given the status of an independent state," he said.
"Crime as the foundation of a state, a state as the reward for crime -- such an ultimatum is a blow to the moral and legal foundations of Europe."
LJUBLJANA (Reuters) - Independence for Serbia's breakaway province of Kosovo would open up a Pandora's box of separatism and lead to new ethnic conflicts in Europe, the foreign minister of Serbia-Montenegro said on Monday.
Kosovo has been a U.N. protectorate since 1999, when 78 days of NATO bombing drove out Serb forces accused of atrocities against civilians while fighting an ethnic Albanian insurgency.
Last month, U.N. envoy Martti Ahtisaari started shuttle diplomacy aimed at reconciling two opposing visions -- the Albanian majority's demands for independence on the basis of self-determination, and Serbia's insistence on sovereignty.
Speaking on the sidelines of an OSCE ministerial meeting in the Slovenian capital Ljubljana, Vuk Draskovic said that giving Kosovo independence could jeopardise stability in the Balkans.
Breaking up Serbia and changing its borders would breach international law, bolster the hopes of separatists elsewhere and fuel new wars.
"If the U.N. charter is crushed, it will become a cancer that spreads quickly," Draskovic said.
"What will then happen with the Turkish part of Cyprus, with the Albanians in Macedonia? Would Bosnia be able to survive? What about the Basques, Northern Ireland, Ossetia?".
Draskovic repeated that Serbia's best offer was broad autonomy that fell short of formal independence.
"Kosovo can have independent representation internationally, everywhere except at the United Nations and other organisations that stand for state sovereignty," he said.
"Serbia does not want to rule the Albanian majority in Kosovo. But majority rule cannot include intimidation and murder and destruction of churches."
SPORADIC VIOLENCE
Ethnic Albanians' impatience for independence has fuelled sporadic violence against minority Serbs. The 100,000 who stayed on in the province after about as many fled in 1999 say they face constant intimidation. Nineteen people died in March 2004 in riots that took Kosovo's 17,000 peacekeepers by surprise.
The talks on Kosovo's status are expected to wrap up by late 2006. Diplomats warn more violence should be expected in the province if negotiations stall, or a solution is seen as unfair.
Almost 70 percent of the province's 2 million people are unemployed and blame Kosovo's legal limbo for the lack of investment that would create jobs.
Draskovic said the international community should not grant Kosovo independence in order to placate extremists.
"(They) should say no to the ultimatums of Albanian extremists, that the remaining Serbs and the international military and police will be targets of terror if Kosovo is not given the status of an independent state," he said.
"Crime as the foundation of a state, a state as the reward for crime -- such an ultimatum is a blow to the moral and legal foundations of Europe."
EU Foreign Policy Chief Urges Balanced Solution In Kosovo
BELGRADE (AP)--The European Union's foreign policy chief expressed hope Monday that a balanced solution would be found for the contested Kosovo province at upcoming U.N.-mediated negotiations.
Javier Solana spoke after meeting Serbia-Montenegro President Svetozar Marovic as part of his two-day visit to the Balkan republic. Tuesday, he planned to travel to Kosovo to meet the province's ethnic Albanian leaders.
The negotiations on Kosovo's future status are expected to begin in January. Although still officially a province of Serbia, Kosovo has been administered by the U.N. since a 1999 NATO bombing campaign halted the Serbian crackdown on ethnic Albanian separatists.
Belgrade and Kosovo's Serb minority want the province to remain within Serbia's borders, while its ethnic Albanian majority seeks full independence. Solution to the dispute is considered key for stability of the Balkan region.
Solana said he "hoped very much that a solution will be found that will enable everybody to feel comfortable."
"We have to put (in) our best will in order to find a balanced solution," Solana said.
Serbia-Montenegro president Marovic warned that, "if we end up having one winner and many losers, the real loser will be regional stability."
E.U. officials have said a status settlement should respect rights of all Kosovo communities, saying the province cannot return to being directly ruled from Serbia nor be partitioned between Serbs and ethnic Albanians.
The E.U. is expected to play a key role in reaching a solution, and has appointed Austrian Balkan expert Stefan Lehne to assist U.N. envoy Martti Ahtisaari, a former Finnish president, in leading the status talks.
(END) Dow Jones Newswires
Javier Solana spoke after meeting Serbia-Montenegro President Svetozar Marovic as part of his two-day visit to the Balkan republic. Tuesday, he planned to travel to Kosovo to meet the province's ethnic Albanian leaders.
The negotiations on Kosovo's future status are expected to begin in January. Although still officially a province of Serbia, Kosovo has been administered by the U.N. since a 1999 NATO bombing campaign halted the Serbian crackdown on ethnic Albanian separatists.
Belgrade and Kosovo's Serb minority want the province to remain within Serbia's borders, while its ethnic Albanian majority seeks full independence. Solution to the dispute is considered key for stability of the Balkan region.
Solana said he "hoped very much that a solution will be found that will enable everybody to feel comfortable."
"We have to put (in) our best will in order to find a balanced solution," Solana said.
Serbia-Montenegro president Marovic warned that, "if we end up having one winner and many losers, the real loser will be regional stability."
E.U. officials have said a status settlement should respect rights of all Kosovo communities, saying the province cannot return to being directly ruled from Serbia nor be partitioned between Serbs and ethnic Albanians.
The E.U. is expected to play a key role in reaching a solution, and has appointed Austrian Balkan expert Stefan Lehne to assist U.N. envoy Martti Ahtisaari, a former Finnish president, in leading the status talks.
(END) Dow Jones Newswires
Burns Says US Opposes Division Of Kosovo - Report
LJUBLJANA, Slovenia (AP)--U.S. Undersecretary of State Nicholas Burns said in remarks published Monday Washington opposes the division along ethnic lines of Kosovo, a Serbian province now administered by the U.N. and the North Atlantic Traty Organization.
"We do not believe partition (of Kosovo) could be a solution. We are opposed to that," Burns told leading Slovene daily Delo. "We oppose any change to the borders of Kosovo. We oppose changes of borders in the Balkans in general."
U.N.-mediated negotiations on Kosovo's future status are expected to begin in January. Although still officially a province of Serbia, Kosovo has been administered by the U.N. since a 1999 NATO bombing campaign halted the Serbian crackdown on ethnic Albanian separatists.
Belgrade and Kosovo's Serb minority want the province to remain within Serbia's borders, while the province's majority ethnic Albanians seek full independence.
European Union officials have said the province cannot return to being directly ruled from Serbia. They also oppose the idea of its partition between Serbs and ethnic Albanians.
Burns said the U.S. "fully supports" Martti Ahtisaari, the U.N. envoy who is to lead the Kosovo talks.
The status quo in Kosovo "cannot be maintained...it has to be changed," he said.
Washington believes that "the only people who can make a decision on the future of Kosovo are the people who live there: the Kosovar Albanians, the Kosovar Serbs as well as the Serbian government, of course," Delo quoted Burns as saying.
However, he said, "you have a situation where 90% of Kosovar people are Albanians, and their views have to be listened to and respected," he said.
Burns is in Ljubljana at a meeting of ministers of the 55 members of the top trans-Atlantic security agency the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, or OSCE.
(END) Dow Jones Newswires
"We do not believe partition (of Kosovo) could be a solution. We are opposed to that," Burns told leading Slovene daily Delo. "We oppose any change to the borders of Kosovo. We oppose changes of borders in the Balkans in general."
U.N.-mediated negotiations on Kosovo's future status are expected to begin in January. Although still officially a province of Serbia, Kosovo has been administered by the U.N. since a 1999 NATO bombing campaign halted the Serbian crackdown on ethnic Albanian separatists.
Belgrade and Kosovo's Serb minority want the province to remain within Serbia's borders, while the province's majority ethnic Albanians seek full independence.
European Union officials have said the province cannot return to being directly ruled from Serbia. They also oppose the idea of its partition between Serbs and ethnic Albanians.
Burns said the U.S. "fully supports" Martti Ahtisaari, the U.N. envoy who is to lead the Kosovo talks.
The status quo in Kosovo "cannot be maintained...it has to be changed," he said.
Washington believes that "the only people who can make a decision on the future of Kosovo are the people who live there: the Kosovar Albanians, the Kosovar Serbs as well as the Serbian government, of course," Delo quoted Burns as saying.
However, he said, "you have a situation where 90% of Kosovar people are Albanians, and their views have to be listened to and respected," he said.
Burns is in Ljubljana at a meeting of ministers of the 55 members of the top trans-Atlantic security agency the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, or OSCE.
(END) Dow Jones Newswires
Sunday, December 04, 2005
US peacekeepers seal off Kosovo Serb village
Kosovska Kamenica, 3 December: US Kfor [NATO-led Kosovo Force] soldiers from the base in Gnjilane sealed off the Veliko Ropotovo village in the Kosovska Kamenica municipality since 0630 [0530 gmt] this morning.
As the chairman of SPO [Serbian Renewal Movement] municipal committee, Gradimir Mikic, told FoNet, US soldiers had not allowed anyone to enter or leave the village, and so a large column of vehicles was formed on the road accessing the village.
There have been no previous announcements of this blockade, Mikic said, and the US soldiers merely replied that they were "just doing their job" when the inhabitants had asked them what was going on.
Mikic added that a sergeant with the name Andalov written on his uniform had told them "this is not Serbia, this is Kosovo", adding that the soldier got into a political argument with local residents.
Following repeated appeals by local people, one lane on the road was unblocked so that cars carrying sick children and elderly people could reach the medical centre in Ranilug.
Kfor forces are currently in Veliko Ropotovo and several houses have been searched in the meantime.
Veliko Ropotovo is one of the largest Serb-populated villages in Kosovsko Pomoravlje area.
Source: FoNet news agency, Belgrade, in Serbian 1137 gmt 3 Dec 05
As the chairman of SPO [Serbian Renewal Movement] municipal committee, Gradimir Mikic, told FoNet, US soldiers had not allowed anyone to enter or leave the village, and so a large column of vehicles was formed on the road accessing the village.
There have been no previous announcements of this blockade, Mikic said, and the US soldiers merely replied that they were "just doing their job" when the inhabitants had asked them what was going on.
Mikic added that a sergeant with the name Andalov written on his uniform had told them "this is not Serbia, this is Kosovo", adding that the soldier got into a political argument with local residents.
Following repeated appeals by local people, one lane on the road was unblocked so that cars carrying sick children and elderly people could reach the medical centre in Ranilug.
Kfor forces are currently in Veliko Ropotovo and several houses have been searched in the meantime.
Veliko Ropotovo is one of the largest Serb-populated villages in Kosovsko Pomoravlje area.
Source: FoNet news agency, Belgrade, in Serbian 1137 gmt 3 Dec 05
Serbian government defends decision to appoint Swiss professor as Kosovo adviser
Belgrade, 3 December: The Serbian government today condemned as "harmful and unnecessary" the "inappropriate and ill-measured" statements concerning Swiss Professor Thomas Fleiner [director of University of Fribourg's Institute of Federalism] who had been appointed as an adviser to [Serbian] negotiating team [for Kosovo status talks].
"The Serbian government appointed Prof Thomas Fleiner as an adviser to the negotiating team for Kosovo-Metohija status talks as an exceptional and internationally recognized expert," a statement from the Serbian government said.
"The Serbian government chose Prof Fleiner as an adviser to our team on this occasion, too, unanimously and with full confidence and due respect," the statement said. It added that "the Serbian government once again states its same opinion about Prof Fleiner".
"The president of the [Serbian] republic [Boris Tadic] was acquainted with Serbian government's initiative to engage Prof Fleiner in our negotiating team as early as over a month ago. He then did not have any objections against this Serbian government's choice, nor did he have any objections later on," the statement said.
"The Serbian government views these inappropriate and ill-measured statements concerning Prof Fleiner as harmful and unnecessary".
"Such statements," government's statement concluded, "cannot influence the Serbian government's previous decision to have Prof Fleiner as an adviser to our team".
Source: FoNet news agency, Belgrade, in Serbian 1339 gmt 3 Dec 05
"The Serbian government appointed Prof Thomas Fleiner as an adviser to the negotiating team for Kosovo-Metohija status talks as an exceptional and internationally recognized expert," a statement from the Serbian government said.
"The Serbian government chose Prof Fleiner as an adviser to our team on this occasion, too, unanimously and with full confidence and due respect," the statement said. It added that "the Serbian government once again states its same opinion about Prof Fleiner".
"The president of the [Serbian] republic [Boris Tadic] was acquainted with Serbian government's initiative to engage Prof Fleiner in our negotiating team as early as over a month ago. He then did not have any objections against this Serbian government's choice, nor did he have any objections later on," the statement said.
"The Serbian government views these inappropriate and ill-measured statements concerning Prof Fleiner as harmful and unnecessary".
"Such statements," government's statement concluded, "cannot influence the Serbian government's previous decision to have Prof Fleiner as an adviser to our team".
Source: FoNet news agency, Belgrade, in Serbian 1339 gmt 3 Dec 05
John McCain on Meet the Press - Excerpts on Kosovo
MR. RUSSERT: Let me show you something that John McCain said describing a war situation: "And we have a horrific strain on the men and women in the military. We can't keep our pilots. We're lowering our recruiting standards. It's a very serious situation. And to have another one of these extended, unending burdens placed on the men and women in the military has some consequences. All I'm saying is: Let's develop a strategy overall and let's also then develop an exit strategy for this particular situation."
That was February 14, 1999, Kosovo. That's exactly what the Democrats are saying about Iraq.
SEN. McCAIN: Mm-hmm.
MR. RUSSERT: Aren't they saying things that should be said and should be listened to?
SEN. McCAIN: Mm-hmm. Well, I guess this is true confessions. I was wrong about Kosovo. I was right about Bosnia. We did the right thing in Kosovo by going in there and stopping ethnic cleansing. And we haven't done what we should be doing in Darfur and some other parts of the world, by the way. But I--if there's a strategy for withdrawal, it is success. It is the formula that the president described last week and the one I just described to you. I'm not for keeping troops there forever. I hope--I wish we could take them out tomorrow. It's not a question of whether we want to withdraw or not. We all want that. The question is: Will conditions on the ground dictate whether we withdraw or not and when we withdraw, or will it be some arbitrary date? I say conditions on the ground.
That was February 14, 1999, Kosovo. That's exactly what the Democrats are saying about Iraq.
SEN. McCAIN: Mm-hmm.
MR. RUSSERT: Aren't they saying things that should be said and should be listened to?
SEN. McCAIN: Mm-hmm. Well, I guess this is true confessions. I was wrong about Kosovo. I was right about Bosnia. We did the right thing in Kosovo by going in there and stopping ethnic cleansing. And we haven't done what we should be doing in Darfur and some other parts of the world, by the way. But I--if there's a strategy for withdrawal, it is success. It is the formula that the president described last week and the one I just described to you. I'm not for keeping troops there forever. I hope--I wish we could take them out tomorrow. It's not a question of whether we want to withdraw or not. We all want that. The question is: Will conditions on the ground dictate whether we withdraw or not and when we withdraw, or will it be some arbitrary date? I say conditions on the ground.
Security increased in Kosovo after bus attack: UN
PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro, Dec 4 (AFP) -
The head of the United Nations operation in Kosovo ordered police to increase security measures throughout the province after unidentified attackers fired on a bus overnight, a statement said Sunday.
The order came after a bus carrying 11 passengers travelling from the southern Kosovo town of Dragas to the Serbian capital Belgrade was hit by a projectile late Saturday, the UN mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) chief's Soren Jessen-Petersen said in a statement.
The projectile, fired from the roadside, struck the middle of the bus and landed in the passenger area without exploding. No one was injured in the attack and NATO-led peacekeepers removed the projectile, the UN said.
Jessen-Petersen condemned the attack and "directed that security measures across Kosovo be enhanced to ensure that a safe and secure environment is maintained during the ongoing status process" talks on the future of the disputed province.
He said that such incidents "demonstrate that, during the status process which has just begun, isolated individuals or groups who do not have Kosovo's best interests in mind may attempt to disrupt Kosovo's way forward for their own ulterior motives."
"Such provocations must not be tolerated," he said, adding that "such ill-intentioned individuals must be isolated, identified and brought to justice."
In Belgrade, top Serbian leaders warned that the growing number of incidents against minority Serbs in Kosovo would have serious consequences on status talks.
Kosovo Albanians were "increasing their pressure against the Serb community by resorting to explosions, shootings and stoning of houses", said Serbian President Boris Tadic in a statement.
Tadic appealed to international forces in Kosovo to be "more cautious" and provide security for all citizens of the Serbian breakaway province, administered by the UN and NATO since 1999.
And Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica called on the UN envoy on Kosovo status talks, Martti Ahtisaari, to comment on the upsurge of violence against the Serbs in Kosovo.
"We must put an end to this violence against Serbs once and for all, and this is the first obligation that the international community must fulfill," said Kostunica.
Ethnic Albanians, who outnumber Serbs and other minorities in Kosovo by more than nine to one, are demanding the right to break away from Serbia, which the government in Belgrade and its people firmly oppose.
Ahtisaari began the process to define a future status for Kosovo by shuttling among Balkan countries on November 21. Direct talks between Belgrade and Pristina are expected early next year.
The head of the United Nations operation in Kosovo ordered police to increase security measures throughout the province after unidentified attackers fired on a bus overnight, a statement said Sunday.
The order came after a bus carrying 11 passengers travelling from the southern Kosovo town of Dragas to the Serbian capital Belgrade was hit by a projectile late Saturday, the UN mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) chief's Soren Jessen-Petersen said in a statement.
The projectile, fired from the roadside, struck the middle of the bus and landed in the passenger area without exploding. No one was injured in the attack and NATO-led peacekeepers removed the projectile, the UN said.
Jessen-Petersen condemned the attack and "directed that security measures across Kosovo be enhanced to ensure that a safe and secure environment is maintained during the ongoing status process" talks on the future of the disputed province.
He said that such incidents "demonstrate that, during the status process which has just begun, isolated individuals or groups who do not have Kosovo's best interests in mind may attempt to disrupt Kosovo's way forward for their own ulterior motives."
"Such provocations must not be tolerated," he said, adding that "such ill-intentioned individuals must be isolated, identified and brought to justice."
In Belgrade, top Serbian leaders warned that the growing number of incidents against minority Serbs in Kosovo would have serious consequences on status talks.
Kosovo Albanians were "increasing their pressure against the Serb community by resorting to explosions, shootings and stoning of houses", said Serbian President Boris Tadic in a statement.
Tadic appealed to international forces in Kosovo to be "more cautious" and provide security for all citizens of the Serbian breakaway province, administered by the UN and NATO since 1999.
And Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica called on the UN envoy on Kosovo status talks, Martti Ahtisaari, to comment on the upsurge of violence against the Serbs in Kosovo.
"We must put an end to this violence against Serbs once and for all, and this is the first obligation that the international community must fulfill," said Kostunica.
Ethnic Albanians, who outnumber Serbs and other minorities in Kosovo by more than nine to one, are demanding the right to break away from Serbia, which the government in Belgrade and its people firmly oppose.
Ahtisaari began the process to define a future status for Kosovo by shuttling among Balkan countries on November 21. Direct talks between Belgrade and Pristina are expected early next year.
Saturday, December 03, 2005
U.S. picks envoy to spur Kosovo talks
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The United States has chosen a high-profile retired career ambassador, Frank Wisner, as envoy to U.N. talks on whether Kosovo should split from Serbia, in a that sign Washington wants to spur the negotiations, diplomats said.
Criticized for previously neglecting the Balkans, the Bush administration has focussed this year on the region -- led by the No. 3 State Department official, Nicholas Burns, who wants to press for the status talks to advance early in 2006.
The choice of a former ambassador to key nations such as India and Egypt underscores U.S. determination to influence negotiations in which Serbia has to give up at least some control of the volatile province.
"He's good, fits the profile and shows they want the job done properly," a diplomat familiar with the State Department's decision-making said on Thursday. The diplomat asked not to be named because the decision has not been made public.
Wisner, who has held top posts in U.S. corporations such as American Insurance Group, was offered and has accepted the role. But the State Department has not set a date for the announcement.
The United States has pressured Serbia by vowing to block it from joining NATO unless it resolves the territorial dispute over the region.
Kosovo has been run by the United Nations since 1999, when NATO bombing forced then-President Slobodan Milosevic to withdraw his forces. Some 10,000 civilians were killed during his two-year crackdown on an Albanian guerrilla insurgency.
Kosovo's 90-percent Albanian majority has been clamoring for independence ever since. Serbia rejects independence for Kosovo but has offered far-reaching autonomy.
The issue has been dormant for years but -- following U.S. pressure -- U.N. envoy Martti Ahtisaari began a mission late last month to negotiate a way out of one of Europe's biggest diplomatic predicaments.
Criticized for previously neglecting the Balkans, the Bush administration has focussed this year on the region -- led by the No. 3 State Department official, Nicholas Burns, who wants to press for the status talks to advance early in 2006.
The choice of a former ambassador to key nations such as India and Egypt underscores U.S. determination to influence negotiations in which Serbia has to give up at least some control of the volatile province.
"He's good, fits the profile and shows they want the job done properly," a diplomat familiar with the State Department's decision-making said on Thursday. The diplomat asked not to be named because the decision has not been made public.
Wisner, who has held top posts in U.S. corporations such as American Insurance Group, was offered and has accepted the role. But the State Department has not set a date for the announcement.
The United States has pressured Serbia by vowing to block it from joining NATO unless it resolves the territorial dispute over the region.
Kosovo has been run by the United Nations since 1999, when NATO bombing forced then-President Slobodan Milosevic to withdraw his forces. Some 10,000 civilians were killed during his two-year crackdown on an Albanian guerrilla insurgency.
Kosovo's 90-percent Albanian majority has been clamoring for independence ever since. Serbia rejects independence for Kosovo but has offered far-reaching autonomy.
The issue has been dormant for years but -- following U.S. pressure -- U.N. envoy Martti Ahtisaari began a mission late last month to negotiate a way out of one of Europe's biggest diplomatic predicaments.
Friday, December 02, 2005
Kosovo Jubilant at KLA Acquittals
Kosovo’s majority Albanian population welcomes result of Hague tribunal’s first case against former guerrillas.
By Janet Anderson in The Hague (TU No 432, 2-Dec-05)
The streets of Pristina erupted with flags, horns and celebratory gunfire on December 1 as news spread that the Hague tribunal had acquitted two of the first three members of the Kosovo Liberation Army, KLA, ever to face trial there for war crimes.
Judges in The Hague sentenced one former foot soldier, Haradin Bala, to 13 years in prison for his role in a KLA prison camp in the village of Lapusnik where Serbs and suspected Albanian collaborators were tortured and murdered in 1998.
But they declared themselves unconvinced that former commanders Fatmir Limaj and Isak Musliu had played any role at the facility. Limaj, who held a senior role in the guerrilla army which helped drive Belgrade security forces out of Kosovo, gained a high profile as a politician in the wake of the conflict.
While the verdict has met with a predictably downbeat response in Serbia, reactions amongst Kosovo’s majority ethnic Albanian population have been jubilant. Many feel that the court ruling, despite confirming that horrific individual crimes were committed, vindicates the KLA as an organisation.
The judgement comes at a particularly welcome time for Albanians in Kosovo, with talks set to begin on the future political status of the region. Most hope that the process will result in independence from Belgrade.
Observers in Pristina described a collective sense of relief as the judgement hearing in the case was broadcast live on television screens in homes and bars across Kosovo.
The resulting celebrations were a far cry from the dire predictions published in local newspapers of what might happen if the three were found guilty. Just two days before the judgement was issued, an estimated 20,000 people filed through the streets of Pristina protesting the innocence of the three men.
When Limaj went to The Hague in 2003, Kosovo’s then prime minister, Bajram Rexhepi, declared that the trial would give the accused “a chance to prove his innocence and the purity of the war that was led by the KLA”.
Some observers now see particular significance in the judges’ decision to dismiss charges of crimes against humanity against the three accused. They did so on the grounds that there was insufficient evidence that the atrocities at the Lapusnik camp were committed as “part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against a civilian population”.
“It’s been understood here as a cleansing of the resistance,” said Petrit Selimi, the managing director of Pristina’s new Daily Express newspaper. The verdict, he explained, has been “seen as recognition that there were [individual] crimes, not a campaign”.
Kosovo parliamentarian Enver Hoxhaj told IWPR that the judgement is “a good message while Kosovo’s final status talks are going on”, explaining that it has given the local population a feeling that they are supported by the international community.
With Kosovo’s president Ibrahim Rugova in bad health and former prime minister Ramus Haradinaj currently awaiting a Hague war crimes trial, there have been concerns that Albanians will lack a strong figurehead for the talks on Kosovo’s future.
Analysts in Kosovo told IWPR that Limaj is viewed by some as having the potential to fill the vacuum. Selimi explained that Limaj is now viewed as a “sympathetic figure” because of the dignity with which he went to The Hague.
Hoxhaj, who is a senior member of Limaj’s Democratic Party of Kosovo, PDK, told IWPR that he thought Limaj would step back into the “crucial” role he played in the party before being indicted. “We missed him,” he added.
The judgement has also served to support the view that Hague tribunal’s first case involving former KLA fighters was in fact only launched as part of an effort to show the court’s impartiality with regard to the various parties involved in the Balkans conflicts of the Nineties.
A series of senior Serbian generals and politicians, including former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic, have been indicted for their role in alleged ethnic cleansing in Kosovo in 1999.
There has also been speculation about what consequences the outcome might have on the joint trial of Haradinaj and two others said to have been his subordinates in the KLA. They are charged with involvement in the abduction and murder of Serbs, Roma and suspected Albanian collaborators.
Edgar Chen, a long-time observer of proceedings at the Hague tribunal for the Coalition for International Justice, told IWPR, however, that it is important to remember that these are two distinct cases. “Haradinaj is charged under a different set of alleged facts,” he said. “Judges will have to consider Haradinaj's case on the evidence that [prosecutors] and his defence presents.”
The judges hearing the case against Limaj, Musliu and Bala in The Hague appeared keen to emphasise that the acquittal of two of the accused did not mean that crimes had not taken place.
They underlined that civilians had been held in horrific conditions at the KLA camp in Lapusnik, with “gross overcrowding” and some chained to the wall; KLA soldiers, often wearing hoods to hide their faces, beat inmates into unconsciousness; detainees, including some who had been shot, were denied medical treatment despite the existence of a clinic in the village where KLA personnel were treated.
Apart from three prisoners who were murdered at the camp itself, Bala was also found to have taken part in the massacre of nine prisoners in nearby mountains.
But the judges said they were not satisfied that Limaj and Musliu held positions in the KLA which would have made them responsible for the camp.
While there was a “strong possibility” that Limaj had been personally present at the facility, they said, there was not enough evidence to convict of personal involvement crimes there. As for Musliu, the judges ruled that there was in fact “little evidence to identify... [him] as having any kind of involvement in the prison camp”.
Meanwhile, reactions in Belgrade to the verdict have been unsurprisingly gloomy. Rasim Ljajic, president of Serbia’s National Council for Cooperation with the Hague tribunal, told the Beta news agency that the result would bolster the positions of those who are hostile to the United Nations court.
Janet Anderson is IWPR’s programme manager in The Hague.
By Janet Anderson in The Hague (TU No 432, 2-Dec-05)
The streets of Pristina erupted with flags, horns and celebratory gunfire on December 1 as news spread that the Hague tribunal had acquitted two of the first three members of the Kosovo Liberation Army, KLA, ever to face trial there for war crimes.
Judges in The Hague sentenced one former foot soldier, Haradin Bala, to 13 years in prison for his role in a KLA prison camp in the village of Lapusnik where Serbs and suspected Albanian collaborators were tortured and murdered in 1998.
But they declared themselves unconvinced that former commanders Fatmir Limaj and Isak Musliu had played any role at the facility. Limaj, who held a senior role in the guerrilla army which helped drive Belgrade security forces out of Kosovo, gained a high profile as a politician in the wake of the conflict.
While the verdict has met with a predictably downbeat response in Serbia, reactions amongst Kosovo’s majority ethnic Albanian population have been jubilant. Many feel that the court ruling, despite confirming that horrific individual crimes were committed, vindicates the KLA as an organisation.
The judgement comes at a particularly welcome time for Albanians in Kosovo, with talks set to begin on the future political status of the region. Most hope that the process will result in independence from Belgrade.
Observers in Pristina described a collective sense of relief as the judgement hearing in the case was broadcast live on television screens in homes and bars across Kosovo.
The resulting celebrations were a far cry from the dire predictions published in local newspapers of what might happen if the three were found guilty. Just two days before the judgement was issued, an estimated 20,000 people filed through the streets of Pristina protesting the innocence of the three men.
When Limaj went to The Hague in 2003, Kosovo’s then prime minister, Bajram Rexhepi, declared that the trial would give the accused “a chance to prove his innocence and the purity of the war that was led by the KLA”.
Some observers now see particular significance in the judges’ decision to dismiss charges of crimes against humanity against the three accused. They did so on the grounds that there was insufficient evidence that the atrocities at the Lapusnik camp were committed as “part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against a civilian population”.
“It’s been understood here as a cleansing of the resistance,” said Petrit Selimi, the managing director of Pristina’s new Daily Express newspaper. The verdict, he explained, has been “seen as recognition that there were [individual] crimes, not a campaign”.
Kosovo parliamentarian Enver Hoxhaj told IWPR that the judgement is “a good message while Kosovo’s final status talks are going on”, explaining that it has given the local population a feeling that they are supported by the international community.
With Kosovo’s president Ibrahim Rugova in bad health and former prime minister Ramus Haradinaj currently awaiting a Hague war crimes trial, there have been concerns that Albanians will lack a strong figurehead for the talks on Kosovo’s future.
Analysts in Kosovo told IWPR that Limaj is viewed by some as having the potential to fill the vacuum. Selimi explained that Limaj is now viewed as a “sympathetic figure” because of the dignity with which he went to The Hague.
Hoxhaj, who is a senior member of Limaj’s Democratic Party of Kosovo, PDK, told IWPR that he thought Limaj would step back into the “crucial” role he played in the party before being indicted. “We missed him,” he added.
The judgement has also served to support the view that Hague tribunal’s first case involving former KLA fighters was in fact only launched as part of an effort to show the court’s impartiality with regard to the various parties involved in the Balkans conflicts of the Nineties.
A series of senior Serbian generals and politicians, including former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic, have been indicted for their role in alleged ethnic cleansing in Kosovo in 1999.
There has also been speculation about what consequences the outcome might have on the joint trial of Haradinaj and two others said to have been his subordinates in the KLA. They are charged with involvement in the abduction and murder of Serbs, Roma and suspected Albanian collaborators.
Edgar Chen, a long-time observer of proceedings at the Hague tribunal for the Coalition for International Justice, told IWPR, however, that it is important to remember that these are two distinct cases. “Haradinaj is charged under a different set of alleged facts,” he said. “Judges will have to consider Haradinaj's case on the evidence that [prosecutors] and his defence presents.”
The judges hearing the case against Limaj, Musliu and Bala in The Hague appeared keen to emphasise that the acquittal of two of the accused did not mean that crimes had not taken place.
They underlined that civilians had been held in horrific conditions at the KLA camp in Lapusnik, with “gross overcrowding” and some chained to the wall; KLA soldiers, often wearing hoods to hide their faces, beat inmates into unconsciousness; detainees, including some who had been shot, were denied medical treatment despite the existence of a clinic in the village where KLA personnel were treated.
Apart from three prisoners who were murdered at the camp itself, Bala was also found to have taken part in the massacre of nine prisoners in nearby mountains.
But the judges said they were not satisfied that Limaj and Musliu held positions in the KLA which would have made them responsible for the camp.
While there was a “strong possibility” that Limaj had been personally present at the facility, they said, there was not enough evidence to convict of personal involvement crimes there. As for Musliu, the judges ruled that there was in fact “little evidence to identify... [him] as having any kind of involvement in the prison camp”.
Meanwhile, reactions in Belgrade to the verdict have been unsurprisingly gloomy. Rasim Ljajic, president of Serbia’s National Council for Cooperation with the Hague tribunal, told the Beta news agency that the result would bolster the positions of those who are hostile to the United Nations court.
Janet Anderson is IWPR’s programme manager in The Hague.
COMMENT: HOW TO SUCCEED IN KOSOVO - IWPR
Americans and Europeans must work together if they are to avoid the partition of the protectorate and the destabilisation of the whole region.
By Daniel Serwer in Washington
The UN's appointment of the former Finnish president, Marti Ahtisaari, to conduct negotiations on Kosovo's final status indicates that the last remaining war and peace issue in the Balkans is to get attention.
Will Kosovo - a Serbian province with an overwhelmingly Albanian population - become independent, remain part of Serbia, or be divided? Unfortunately the prospects for a negotiated solution are not good, despite Mr Ahtisaari's considerable talents.
While successful in stabilising a troubled part of the Balkans, the UN administration of Kosovo has lasted too long and has failed to bring prosperity or security to the poorest and most ethnically divided part of Europe. After the UN's failures in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the early Nineties, the organisation has no track record of success in handling Balkan issues that require it to prevail against strong political forces - especially those that involve sovereignty.
The political stew in Belgrade will not help. Serbia's nationalist Prime Minister, Vojislav Kostunica, governs with the support not only of Slobodan Milosevic's Socialists but also with the backing of the Serbian Radical Party, whose leader, Vojislav Seselj, is also in The Hague, accused of war crimes during the Nineties.
Serbia's nationalist aspirations continue to upset its own minorities and unsettle its neighbours, Croatia and Macedonia and its partner in the State Union, Montenegro. Mr Kostunica warns that if the Kosovo issue is not settled in Belgrade's favour, elections will bring anti-democratic forces to power. He also hints at the destabilisation of Serbia's other neighbour, Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the large Serb community may demand independence.
Belgrade says it will concede maximum autonomy for Kosovo within Serbia but it is not clear what this means, as Belgrade would not want the 1.8 million Kosovo Albanians to circulate freely in Serbia, vote in Serbian elections, or serve in top government positions.
The only other compromise Belgrade has been willing to contemplate is ethnic division, with Serbs and Albanians each receiving their own territory. But this could destabilise both Bosnia and Macedonia, where local minorities could demand similar treatment.
The political climate in Pristina will not help either. For Kosovo Albanians, the only issue is independence. Some claim Kosovo is already independent and only needs international recognition, others say Kosovo should negotiate independence with the United States and European Union but not with Belgrade, and others say it should declare independence unilaterally. Yet others want to gain independence by force of arms. No Kosovo Albanian negotiating team can return home without a decision that it can call independence.
However, the Albanians have undermined their cause by mistreating the Kosovo Serb minority, which lives in fear and seeks Belgrade's protection. When Serbs return to Albanian-majority areas in Kosovo, they face language difficulties, job discrimination, economic deprivation, ethnic threats and violence. Belgrade controls Serbian-majority northern Kosovo and several enclaves, which it hopes to hold onto when Kosovo's final status is decided.
Only a united effort of the US and EU - not the UN on its own - can overcome Serbian and Albanian resistance, prevent partition and find a solution. This formula worked in Bosnia and Herzegovina after the Dayton accords, signed 10 years ago, and in Kosovo, when NATO halted the expulsion of the Albanians in 1999, and in Macedonia in 2001, when a joint effort ended an Albanian uprising.
But it is difficult for the Europeans and Americans to mount a united effort. So far they have agreed to exclude partition or the union of Kosovo with Albanian-populated territory in Macedonia and Albania but without any clear alternative plan.
Washington, preoccupied with Afghanistan, Iraq, North Korea and Iran, has more important issues than Kosovo to resolve in the Security Council, where Russia and China - mindful of their own internal problems with Chechnya and Tibet - will resist concessions to a province seeking independence. George Bush's administration, which opposes independence for Iraqi Kurdistan, sees Serbia as the pivotal state in the Balkans. Letting the UN - whose members are sovereign states - handle Kosovo gives Belgrade the benefit of the doubt and limits American risks.
Brussels, distracted by difficulties in approving the European constitution and in absorbing new members, does not want to promise early membership to Serbia, though this is a vital "carrot" in the final status negotiations over Kosovo. The EU is split on the status issue, with Britain and Germany prepared to accept independence but France and Italy opposed. The lowest common denominator is to hand it over to the UN.
Possible UN failure is foreshadowed in its own recent report on whether Kosovo is ready for a status decision. This suggested a vague "next" status, hemmed in with conditions.
But such an attempt to fudge the issue could lead to Albanian violence. A Serbian military effort to protect the Serbs in northern Kosovo might then follow, especially as the Serbian army and police are not entirely under civilian control. The result would be partition, Belgrade's fall-back position all along.
A violent denouement in Kosovo may barely register on the Richter scale of current international conflicts but would still be a blow to American and European prestige.
Prevention would be far less burdensome than fixing it after the fact. International intervention in the Balkans, which has been relatively successful (and has benefited large local Muslim communities), should not be allowed to collapse in chaos, so setting a bad example for Iraq and Afghanistan.
Brussels and Washington need to give the UN what it needs to succeed: a clear and united decision on Kosovo's status, and the backing to make it stick.
Daniel Serwer is vice-president and director of peace and stability operations at the United States Institute of Peace, where he has trained both Serbs and Albanians in negotiation skills.
By Daniel Serwer in Washington
The UN's appointment of the former Finnish president, Marti Ahtisaari, to conduct negotiations on Kosovo's final status indicates that the last remaining war and peace issue in the Balkans is to get attention.
Will Kosovo - a Serbian province with an overwhelmingly Albanian population - become independent, remain part of Serbia, or be divided? Unfortunately the prospects for a negotiated solution are not good, despite Mr Ahtisaari's considerable talents.
While successful in stabilising a troubled part of the Balkans, the UN administration of Kosovo has lasted too long and has failed to bring prosperity or security to the poorest and most ethnically divided part of Europe. After the UN's failures in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the early Nineties, the organisation has no track record of success in handling Balkan issues that require it to prevail against strong political forces - especially those that involve sovereignty.
The political stew in Belgrade will not help. Serbia's nationalist Prime Minister, Vojislav Kostunica, governs with the support not only of Slobodan Milosevic's Socialists but also with the backing of the Serbian Radical Party, whose leader, Vojislav Seselj, is also in The Hague, accused of war crimes during the Nineties.
Serbia's nationalist aspirations continue to upset its own minorities and unsettle its neighbours, Croatia and Macedonia and its partner in the State Union, Montenegro. Mr Kostunica warns that if the Kosovo issue is not settled in Belgrade's favour, elections will bring anti-democratic forces to power. He also hints at the destabilisation of Serbia's other neighbour, Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the large Serb community may demand independence.
Belgrade says it will concede maximum autonomy for Kosovo within Serbia but it is not clear what this means, as Belgrade would not want the 1.8 million Kosovo Albanians to circulate freely in Serbia, vote in Serbian elections, or serve in top government positions.
The only other compromise Belgrade has been willing to contemplate is ethnic division, with Serbs and Albanians each receiving their own territory. But this could destabilise both Bosnia and Macedonia, where local minorities could demand similar treatment.
The political climate in Pristina will not help either. For Kosovo Albanians, the only issue is independence. Some claim Kosovo is already independent and only needs international recognition, others say Kosovo should negotiate independence with the United States and European Union but not with Belgrade, and others say it should declare independence unilaterally. Yet others want to gain independence by force of arms. No Kosovo Albanian negotiating team can return home without a decision that it can call independence.
However, the Albanians have undermined their cause by mistreating the Kosovo Serb minority, which lives in fear and seeks Belgrade's protection. When Serbs return to Albanian-majority areas in Kosovo, they face language difficulties, job discrimination, economic deprivation, ethnic threats and violence. Belgrade controls Serbian-majority northern Kosovo and several enclaves, which it hopes to hold onto when Kosovo's final status is decided.
Only a united effort of the US and EU - not the UN on its own - can overcome Serbian and Albanian resistance, prevent partition and find a solution. This formula worked in Bosnia and Herzegovina after the Dayton accords, signed 10 years ago, and in Kosovo, when NATO halted the expulsion of the Albanians in 1999, and in Macedonia in 2001, when a joint effort ended an Albanian uprising.
But it is difficult for the Europeans and Americans to mount a united effort. So far they have agreed to exclude partition or the union of Kosovo with Albanian-populated territory in Macedonia and Albania but without any clear alternative plan.
Washington, preoccupied with Afghanistan, Iraq, North Korea and Iran, has more important issues than Kosovo to resolve in the Security Council, where Russia and China - mindful of their own internal problems with Chechnya and Tibet - will resist concessions to a province seeking independence. George Bush's administration, which opposes independence for Iraqi Kurdistan, sees Serbia as the pivotal state in the Balkans. Letting the UN - whose members are sovereign states - handle Kosovo gives Belgrade the benefit of the doubt and limits American risks.
Brussels, distracted by difficulties in approving the European constitution and in absorbing new members, does not want to promise early membership to Serbia, though this is a vital "carrot" in the final status negotiations over Kosovo. The EU is split on the status issue, with Britain and Germany prepared to accept independence but France and Italy opposed. The lowest common denominator is to hand it over to the UN.
Possible UN failure is foreshadowed in its own recent report on whether Kosovo is ready for a status decision. This suggested a vague "next" status, hemmed in with conditions.
But such an attempt to fudge the issue could lead to Albanian violence. A Serbian military effort to protect the Serbs in northern Kosovo might then follow, especially as the Serbian army and police are not entirely under civilian control. The result would be partition, Belgrade's fall-back position all along.
A violent denouement in Kosovo may barely register on the Richter scale of current international conflicts but would still be a blow to American and European prestige.
Prevention would be far less burdensome than fixing it after the fact. International intervention in the Balkans, which has been relatively successful (and has benefited large local Muslim communities), should not be allowed to collapse in chaos, so setting a bad example for Iraq and Afghanistan.
Brussels and Washington need to give the UN what it needs to succeed: a clear and united decision on Kosovo's status, and the backing to make it stick.
Daniel Serwer is vice-president and director of peace and stability operations at the United States Institute of Peace, where he has trained both Serbs and Albanians in negotiation skills.
COMMENT: TOUGH ROAD AHEAD FOR KOSOVO TALKS
As negotiations on the future status of Kosovo look set to begin, there is no room for complacency.
By Tim Judah in London
Martti Ahtisaari, the man charged with leading talks on the future of Kosovo, has just completed his first tour of the region. Thus far his statements have been factual and neutral in tone. The former Finnish president has discussed the mechanics of the talks he is about to begin and has declined to say either how long they will last or what he thinks the outcome should be.
So far, so good. And of course all concerned hope that when the talks start in earnest they will somehow produce a result acceptable to all.
In reality everyone knows that this will not be possible, for while Kosovo Albanians demand full independence, Serbia is sticking to its position that the province, now under UN jurisdiction, can have "more than autonomy but less than independence".
Western diplomats engaged with the issue hope the result of the talks will be some form of "conditional independence". That means breaking the sovereign link between Serbia and Kosovo and Kosovo becoming independent, albeit with qualifications. These could include restrictions on its sovereignty for years to come and a powerful role for a figure appointed by the international community, drawing in part on the model used in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
As the talks look set to open, however, there is little optimism in diplomatic circles that they will proceed smoothly towards such conditional independence. Indeed, diplomats are seriously considering their options in case the negotiations run into the sand and what is being termed the "disaster scenario" unfolds.
Following Mr Ahtisaari's trip to the region, the most likely next step is the beginning of some form of proximity talks and consultations. In other words, there are to be no face-to-face talks in the immediate future. In theory, this would be good time to deal with those issues that the Serbian authorities and the Kosovo Albanian negotiators could conceivably agree on. These might include certain questions related to the economy.
But it remains to be seen how much common ground can be found on anything without an agreement on the "label" that will be attached to the future Kosovo - i.e. will it be independent or part of Serbia?
If that is the case, then, according to one senior diplomatic source who deals with Kosovo, "it is quite possible that by February or March Ahtisaari will be stuck and then he will have to act. He will have to do so to prevent riots. He won't want to be held accountable for them, so he will have to compile a solution with experts and go to the big capitals and say: 'This is it, go to the United Nations Security Council and sell it.'"
Even if some form of conditional independence is imposed via the Security Council, which Russia and China would have to be induced into agreeing to, that still does not mean it will work, the same source warned. Without some measure of "under-the-table" agreement, it might be impossible to "impose implementation".
There could be huge disagreement, for example, over the question of decentralisation. If this were to give Serbian areas a very large degree of autonomy then, faced by major Albanian resistance, the "disaster scenario" could become a reality.
Other variations on the disaster theme include the Serbian government resigning after finding it is unable to prevent conditional independence, opening the way for the election of a government dominated by the extreme nationalist Serbian Radical Party.
The disaster could begin much earlier if peaceful demonstrations against the negotiations turn violent. Albin Kurti, leader of the Self Determination movement, which is campaigning against any talks on independence, said in London last week that while he was committed to non-violence, others in Kosovo were not.
Mr Kurti is against the talks because by their very nature they aim at compromise and he says that there can be none on the question of independence. He fears that any talks that begin with conditional independence could soon be whittled down to autonomy within Serbia.
If Mr Kurti were able to organise large demonstrations, diplomats fear that "by imposing the dynamics, the elite might follow". Possible outcomes include the Kosovo authorities creating a ministry of defence and declaring the Kosovo Protection Corps - currently, in theory, an unarmed civil defence force - the army.
The main focus for major potential violence in the case of a talks disaster are the Serb enclaves in central and southern Kosovo. These are believed to be home to some 60,000 out of 100,000 Serbs remaining in Kosovo.
Both Serbian and Albanian hardliners would have an interest in ethnically cleansing them. Some extreme nationalist Albanian groups just want all the Serbs out of Kosovo and might see attacks on the enclaves as a beginning. On the other hand, some Serbian groups, seeing partition as the only realistic scenario for Kosovo, might also encourage, or force, Serbs to flee, just as the Bosnian Serb authorities forced the Serbs out of the suburbs of Sarajevo, after they were handed over to the Bosniak side as a result of the Dayton peace agreement in 1995.
The logic of this is simple. A resulting increase in the concentration of Serbs in the already overwhelmingly Serbian-dominated northern part of Kosovo would create a neater ethnic partition than the one that now exists. The hope of anyone behind such moves - inside or outside official Serbian structures - would be that it might pave the way for this region of Kosovo to declare independence from Kosovo and eventually be internationally recognised as a part of Serbia.
"Let us not make this the world's most difficult issue," Mr Ahtisaari urged in Pristina on November 23.
There may indeed be more complex issues in the world but on this one the count-down has started and Mr Ahtisaari is racing against time.
Tim Judah is a leading Balkan commentator and the author of "The Serbs: History, Myth and the Destruction of Yugoslavia" and "Kosovo: War and Revenge", both published by Yale University Press.
By Tim Judah in London
Martti Ahtisaari, the man charged with leading talks on the future of Kosovo, has just completed his first tour of the region. Thus far his statements have been factual and neutral in tone. The former Finnish president has discussed the mechanics of the talks he is about to begin and has declined to say either how long they will last or what he thinks the outcome should be.
So far, so good. And of course all concerned hope that when the talks start in earnest they will somehow produce a result acceptable to all.
In reality everyone knows that this will not be possible, for while Kosovo Albanians demand full independence, Serbia is sticking to its position that the province, now under UN jurisdiction, can have "more than autonomy but less than independence".
Western diplomats engaged with the issue hope the result of the talks will be some form of "conditional independence". That means breaking the sovereign link between Serbia and Kosovo and Kosovo becoming independent, albeit with qualifications. These could include restrictions on its sovereignty for years to come and a powerful role for a figure appointed by the international community, drawing in part on the model used in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
As the talks look set to open, however, there is little optimism in diplomatic circles that they will proceed smoothly towards such conditional independence. Indeed, diplomats are seriously considering their options in case the negotiations run into the sand and what is being termed the "disaster scenario" unfolds.
Following Mr Ahtisaari's trip to the region, the most likely next step is the beginning of some form of proximity talks and consultations. In other words, there are to be no face-to-face talks in the immediate future. In theory, this would be good time to deal with those issues that the Serbian authorities and the Kosovo Albanian negotiators could conceivably agree on. These might include certain questions related to the economy.
But it remains to be seen how much common ground can be found on anything without an agreement on the "label" that will be attached to the future Kosovo - i.e. will it be independent or part of Serbia?
If that is the case, then, according to one senior diplomatic source who deals with Kosovo, "it is quite possible that by February or March Ahtisaari will be stuck and then he will have to act. He will have to do so to prevent riots. He won't want to be held accountable for them, so he will have to compile a solution with experts and go to the big capitals and say: 'This is it, go to the United Nations Security Council and sell it.'"
Even if some form of conditional independence is imposed via the Security Council, which Russia and China would have to be induced into agreeing to, that still does not mean it will work, the same source warned. Without some measure of "under-the-table" agreement, it might be impossible to "impose implementation".
There could be huge disagreement, for example, over the question of decentralisation. If this were to give Serbian areas a very large degree of autonomy then, faced by major Albanian resistance, the "disaster scenario" could become a reality.
Other variations on the disaster theme include the Serbian government resigning after finding it is unable to prevent conditional independence, opening the way for the election of a government dominated by the extreme nationalist Serbian Radical Party.
The disaster could begin much earlier if peaceful demonstrations against the negotiations turn violent. Albin Kurti, leader of the Self Determination movement, which is campaigning against any talks on independence, said in London last week that while he was committed to non-violence, others in Kosovo were not.
Mr Kurti is against the talks because by their very nature they aim at compromise and he says that there can be none on the question of independence. He fears that any talks that begin with conditional independence could soon be whittled down to autonomy within Serbia.
If Mr Kurti were able to organise large demonstrations, diplomats fear that "by imposing the dynamics, the elite might follow". Possible outcomes include the Kosovo authorities creating a ministry of defence and declaring the Kosovo Protection Corps - currently, in theory, an unarmed civil defence force - the army.
The main focus for major potential violence in the case of a talks disaster are the Serb enclaves in central and southern Kosovo. These are believed to be home to some 60,000 out of 100,000 Serbs remaining in Kosovo.
Both Serbian and Albanian hardliners would have an interest in ethnically cleansing them. Some extreme nationalist Albanian groups just want all the Serbs out of Kosovo and might see attacks on the enclaves as a beginning. On the other hand, some Serbian groups, seeing partition as the only realistic scenario for Kosovo, might also encourage, or force, Serbs to flee, just as the Bosnian Serb authorities forced the Serbs out of the suburbs of Sarajevo, after they were handed over to the Bosniak side as a result of the Dayton peace agreement in 1995.
The logic of this is simple. A resulting increase in the concentration of Serbs in the already overwhelmingly Serbian-dominated northern part of Kosovo would create a neater ethnic partition than the one that now exists. The hope of anyone behind such moves - inside or outside official Serbian structures - would be that it might pave the way for this region of Kosovo to declare independence from Kosovo and eventually be internationally recognised as a part of Serbia.
"Let us not make this the world's most difficult issue," Mr Ahtisaari urged in Pristina on November 23.
There may indeed be more complex issues in the world but on this one the count-down has started and Mr Ahtisaari is racing against time.
Tim Judah is a leading Balkan commentator and the author of "The Serbs: History, Myth and the Destruction of Yugoslavia" and "Kosovo: War and Revenge", both published by Yale University Press.
EU afraid to replace UN in Kosovo
(Brussels, DTT-NET.COM)-EU nations are afraid and feel that the 25 nation bloc is unprepared to replace UN mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and have opted only for increased limited role in the province at future international civil presence, ones the talks on the status are concluded, sources said.
“EU doesn’t have experience in such missions” European sources told DTT-NET.COM, referring to the increased demands of Kosovo Albanians that EU takes over completely the UN mission in Kosovo, after the talks on the status are ended.
Ethnic Albanians representing some 90 percent of 2 million inhabitants are increasing their calls that UN mission which is composed from officials of more than 50 countries around the world ends its mission in the province and want EU to replace it.
But EU at the time being is rejecting such a possibility arguing that it has never done before such huge and wide mission. Officials say that certainly EU would not enter such an adventure in Kosovo, which is identified as the most problematic issue in the door-step of the EU territory.
Sources said that the second reason why EU is not ready (or not willing) to replace UN is that it still needs a strong political role and presence of US in Kosovo and the Balkan region.
US presence in Kosovo at the same time is assured via the presence of NATO, where Washington plays an important role with some 6000 soldiers in the theatre.
“We still need a strong American political and military presence in Kosovo” EU officials said.
Kosovo is legally part of Serbia-Montenegro union, but Ethnic Albanians are insisting on final split from Serbia and want Kosovo to become independent state, a demand which Belgrade authorities reject and want the province to remain inside the Serbia-Montenegro union.
The UN Security Council (UNSC) endorsed the start of talks on the future status of the province where ethnic Albanians represent 90 percent of some 2 million inhabitants and which is ruled by UNMIK since NATO drove out Yugoslav forces in 1999 ending the repression against Ethnic Albanians by Serbian regime then-led by Slobodan Milosevic.
Direct UN led talks between Kosovo and Serbia’s authorities could be launched earlier next year, in an attempt to reach a very difficult compromise.
Both sides have said they will not withdraw from their polarised positions on the future of Kosovo.
Since the war ended in 1999 EU has been the major international financial donor for Kosovo reconstruction. EU is one of the key players inside the UNMIK, with its officials being the principal advisors on the economy field and law and order.
Sources said that EU will not change drastically the current situation of its role in Kosovo and have opted only to increase its current contribution.
There is already agreement between EU and US that UN mission should end and there should be a new overhaul of international presence in Kosovo, once a new status solution is found in Kosovo be it final status or another upgraded status-quo.
Brussels and Washington have agreed that the new international civil presence should be similar to the current in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which has an High Representative who is chosen by EU but also must be agreed by other international actors.
EU top officials have already begun dropping the first lines on how such mission should look like in Kosovo, which primarily aims to increase informally and not formally the role of the bloc in the province.
According the proposals of EU’s chief of diplomacy Javier Solana and European Commissioner Olli Rehn, European nations should increase their advisors in Kosovo and help local authorities in economic field, judiciary, law and order, institution building.
In the near future EU is expected to have also a civilian security role in Kosovo.
But the first new formal role in Kosovo by the European bloc is expected to be the EU police mission, on which the nations have already agreed in principle, in what would be the EU’s third such mission in the Balkan region after similar operations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia.
EU police mission would help local police on improving law and order and also help build proper police structures accordint the European standards.
“EU doesn’t have experience in such missions” European sources told DTT-NET.COM, referring to the increased demands of Kosovo Albanians that EU takes over completely the UN mission in Kosovo, after the talks on the status are ended.
Ethnic Albanians representing some 90 percent of 2 million inhabitants are increasing their calls that UN mission which is composed from officials of more than 50 countries around the world ends its mission in the province and want EU to replace it.
But EU at the time being is rejecting such a possibility arguing that it has never done before such huge and wide mission. Officials say that certainly EU would not enter such an adventure in Kosovo, which is identified as the most problematic issue in the door-step of the EU territory.
Sources said that the second reason why EU is not ready (or not willing) to replace UN is that it still needs a strong political role and presence of US in Kosovo and the Balkan region.
US presence in Kosovo at the same time is assured via the presence of NATO, where Washington plays an important role with some 6000 soldiers in the theatre.
“We still need a strong American political and military presence in Kosovo” EU officials said.
Kosovo is legally part of Serbia-Montenegro union, but Ethnic Albanians are insisting on final split from Serbia and want Kosovo to become independent state, a demand which Belgrade authorities reject and want the province to remain inside the Serbia-Montenegro union.
The UN Security Council (UNSC) endorsed the start of talks on the future status of the province where ethnic Albanians represent 90 percent of some 2 million inhabitants and which is ruled by UNMIK since NATO drove out Yugoslav forces in 1999 ending the repression against Ethnic Albanians by Serbian regime then-led by Slobodan Milosevic.
Direct UN led talks between Kosovo and Serbia’s authorities could be launched earlier next year, in an attempt to reach a very difficult compromise.
Both sides have said they will not withdraw from their polarised positions on the future of Kosovo.
Since the war ended in 1999 EU has been the major international financial donor for Kosovo reconstruction. EU is one of the key players inside the UNMIK, with its officials being the principal advisors on the economy field and law and order.
Sources said that EU will not change drastically the current situation of its role in Kosovo and have opted only to increase its current contribution.
There is already agreement between EU and US that UN mission should end and there should be a new overhaul of international presence in Kosovo, once a new status solution is found in Kosovo be it final status or another upgraded status-quo.
Brussels and Washington have agreed that the new international civil presence should be similar to the current in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which has an High Representative who is chosen by EU but also must be agreed by other international actors.
EU top officials have already begun dropping the first lines on how such mission should look like in Kosovo, which primarily aims to increase informally and not formally the role of the bloc in the province.
According the proposals of EU’s chief of diplomacy Javier Solana and European Commissioner Olli Rehn, European nations should increase their advisors in Kosovo and help local authorities in economic field, judiciary, law and order, institution building.
In the near future EU is expected to have also a civilian security role in Kosovo.
But the first new formal role in Kosovo by the European bloc is expected to be the EU police mission, on which the nations have already agreed in principle, in what would be the EU’s third such mission in the Balkan region after similar operations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia.
EU police mission would help local police on improving law and order and also help build proper police structures accordint the European standards.
UN Says Kosovo, Bosnia To Sign Free Trade Agreement
PRISTINA (AP)--Kosovo and Bosnia are to sign a free trade agreement, the U.N. said Friday.
The agreement will be the Kosovo will sign with countries in the region, the U.N. said, following deals with Albania and Macedonia.
The U.N. didn't set a date for the signing or provide any details of the agreement, which it described as "completely acceptable."
Kosovo, which officially remains a province of Serbia-Montenegro, has been administered by the U.N. since 1999. Kosovo's ethnic Albanians want it to become an independent state, while Belgrade and the province's Serb minority insists it remains within its boundaries.
The agreement will be the Kosovo will sign with countries in the region, the U.N. said, following deals with Albania and Macedonia.
The U.N. didn't set a date for the signing or provide any details of the agreement, which it described as "completely acceptable."
Kosovo, which officially remains a province of Serbia-Montenegro, has been administered by the U.N. since 1999. Kosovo's ethnic Albanians want it to become an independent state, while Belgrade and the province's Serb minority insists it remains within its boundaries.
Courts in UN-run Kosovo weak on 2004 riots - OSCE
PRISTINA, Serbia and Montenegro, Dec 2 (Reuters) - The weak judicial response in U.N.-run Kosovo to mass Albanian attacks on Serbs last year added to a sense of impunity in the province for ethnically motivated crimes, the OSCE said on Friday.
Nineteen people died and more than 4,000 fled their homes in 48 hours of Albanian violence in March 2004 that thrust Serbia's southern province back onto the international agenda.
Police estimated 51,000 people took part in torching 800 Serb homes and dozens of Orthodox churches across Kosovo, where ethnic Albanians make up 90 percent of the population.
Just 200 people have been convicted by courts manned by international and local judges. Another 110 cases are pending.
"The justice system failed to send out a clear message to the population condemning this type of violence," said the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe.
"This relatively weak response ... not only contributes to the impression of impunity among the population for such kinds of ethnically motivated crimes but may also be considered inadequate to prevent similar acts of public disorder in the future," it said.
The report highlighted a lack of diligence in pursuing cases, poor cooperation between the courts and police, undue leniency and frequent intimidation of witnesses.
Publication of the report comes as the U.N. mission prepared to hand control over the judiciary to Kosovo's interim institutions with the creation of justice and police ministries.
Legally part of Serbia, Kosovo has been run by the United Nations since 1999, when NATO bombing drove out Serb forces accused of atrocities against ethnic Albanian civilians in a two-year war with separatist guerrillas.
Thousands of Serbs fled a wave of revenge attacks after the war. The 100,000 who stayed have become the target of sporadic violence that critics say often goes unpunished.
Violence exploded last March under the watch of 17,000 NATO peacekeepers and exposed widespread anger and frustration among 2 million Kosovo Albanians at years of political and economic limbo.
The U.N. Security Council has since given the green light to negotiations to decide between Albanian demands for their own independent Kosovo state, and Serbia's insistence the province remain within its borders. A decision is expected in 2006.
Kosovo Albanian leaders argue they can guarantee the security and rights of Serbs but are likely to be shackled with an international supervisory mission for years to come.
Nineteen people died and more than 4,000 fled their homes in 48 hours of Albanian violence in March 2004 that thrust Serbia's southern province back onto the international agenda.
Police estimated 51,000 people took part in torching 800 Serb homes and dozens of Orthodox churches across Kosovo, where ethnic Albanians make up 90 percent of the population.
Just 200 people have been convicted by courts manned by international and local judges. Another 110 cases are pending.
"The justice system failed to send out a clear message to the population condemning this type of violence," said the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe.
"This relatively weak response ... not only contributes to the impression of impunity among the population for such kinds of ethnically motivated crimes but may also be considered inadequate to prevent similar acts of public disorder in the future," it said.
The report highlighted a lack of diligence in pursuing cases, poor cooperation between the courts and police, undue leniency and frequent intimidation of witnesses.
Publication of the report comes as the U.N. mission prepared to hand control over the judiciary to Kosovo's interim institutions with the creation of justice and police ministries.
Legally part of Serbia, Kosovo has been run by the United Nations since 1999, when NATO bombing drove out Serb forces accused of atrocities against ethnic Albanian civilians in a two-year war with separatist guerrillas.
Thousands of Serbs fled a wave of revenge attacks after the war. The 100,000 who stayed have become the target of sporadic violence that critics say often goes unpunished.
Violence exploded last March under the watch of 17,000 NATO peacekeepers and exposed widespread anger and frustration among 2 million Kosovo Albanians at years of political and economic limbo.
The U.N. Security Council has since given the green light to negotiations to decide between Albanian demands for their own independent Kosovo state, and Serbia's insistence the province remain within its borders. A decision is expected in 2006.
Kosovo Albanian leaders argue they can guarantee the security and rights of Serbs but are likely to be shackled with an international supervisory mission for years to come.
SRSG restores PTK – British Telecom alliance (Express)
Express reports on the front page that SRSG Jessen-Petersen has given the green light for the continuation of negotiations between Kosovo Post Telecommunications and the British Telecom for a strategic alliance. The paper reports that the SRSG suspended the process three weeks ago based on ‘street gossip’.
The battle for Kosovo moves to the corridors of US power
By Guy Dinmore
Published: December 2 2005 02:00 | Last updated: December 2 2005 02:00
From the muddy fields and torched villages of Kosovo six years ago, the struggle of its Albanian majority for independence from Serbia is moving to the political battlegrounds of Washington.
Although Martti Ahtisaari, the special United Nations envoy and former Finnish president, launched his shuttle diplomacy in the Balkans last week in a bid to negotiate a final settlement, all sides recognise the critical importance of lobbying the US now that the Bush administration has decided it will actively push the process to a resolution.
All sides involved in the "final status" talks also agree that the status quo is untenable. Kosovo has been under UN administration since 1999 when Nato bombed Serbia and occupied the province to halt waves of ethnic cleansing and killings of the non-Serb population, made up mostly of Muslim Albanians.
Since then, about half the Serb minority has fled the historic cradle of their Christian Orthodox heritage, as ethnic grievances simmer and sometimes explode into violence.
Last month, in the august settings of Washington's elite Metropolitan Club, the "Alliance for a New Kosovo" launched its drive for independence.
Following a well-worn campaign trail, the Kosovo Albanians have a put up a large pool of money, attracted big names among former US officials, brought in a big ticket think-tank and international lobbying company and marshalled their supporters in Congress.
"The only reasonable answer is independence," declared Samuel Hoskinson, president of the Alliance and former deputy head of the National Intelligence Council.
He was joined at the Metropolitan by Frank Carlucci, former defence secretary and emeritus chairman of the Carlyle Group, the private investment firm close to the Bush administration. He warned that Russia, the traditional ally of the Serbs, had fired a warning shot in opposition. "But this is a road we have to travel," he said.
Other former officials suggested the US might have to resort to an "imposed settlement" if Serbia did not yield from its position of "more than autonomy, less than independence".
The conference was co-sponsored by the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a prestigious think-tank whose analyst, Janusz Bugajski, advises the Alliance.
It has also hired Jefferson Waterman International, a lobbying company. Unannounced behind the scenes, however, was the man who made it all happen - Behgjet Pacolli, head of the Swiss-based Mabetex Group and possibly the world's richest Albanian. A resident of Lugano, Mr Pacolli is seeking to convert his wealth into political influence in his native Kosovo, where he grew up in poverty.
Now he numbers the rich and famous among his friends, including former presidents Boris Yeltsin and Bill Clinton.
Serbia has not yet found the right lobbying company to fight its cause, although President Boris Tadic has employed RSLB, a Washington consultancy, in his capacity as head of the Democratic party. RSLB is run by a group of Israeli businessmen and former officials and military figures, including Yuval Rabin, son of the assassinated Israeli prime minister Yitzhak Rabin. This has raised speculation that the Serbian side hopes to attract the support of Washington's influential Jewish lobby groups.
The battle is also being played out in Congress, where Serbia is immediately handicapped on the war crimes issue. As long as Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic, the two Bosnian Serbs wanted for war crimes, remain at large then Serbia will struggle to win explicit backing.
Nonetheless, the Serbs have recently won some skirmishes on Capitol Hill where they have established a Serbian caucus. Last month, the Senate approved a non-binding resolution sponsored by George Voinovich, the Ohio Republican, that urged Kosovo and Serbia to compromise.
Serbs also see victory in a decision by Tom Lantos, a veteran California Democrat in the House, not to try to push through a resolution backing independence. Prominent committee members argued against the proposed bill a year ago. A spokeswoman for Mr Lantos said he had decided to let the Bush administration "pursue its new course" over Kosovo.
Officially the administration says it takes no position on the "final status" talks but that it will not let the matter drag on. Together with the European powers, it says Kosovo cannot be partitioned, or merge with Albania or parts of Macedonia.
But European diplomats strongly believe the US favours "conditional" or "supervised" independence. This would entail Kosovo remaining a ward of the international community for several years until given full statehood and eventual membership of Nato and the European Union. Serbia - and probably an independent Montenegro if it votes to leave its union with Serbia - would be given the same inducements.
Nicholas Burns, the senior State Department official handling the Balkan file, told a Senate hearing: "I made clear to them [the Kosovo Albanian leadership] that independence must be earned".
While some interpreted this to mean the US favoured such an outcome, Mr Burns also said neither side would get everything it wanted and that peace required compromises.
Andy Verich of the non-profit Serbian Unity Congress points out that ethnic Serbs, a large diaspora, played a role in George W. Bush's 2004 election victory. He counters suggestions that the White House has already made its mind up over Kosovo. "It's not all over yet," he says.
Published: December 2 2005 02:00 | Last updated: December 2 2005 02:00
From the muddy fields and torched villages of Kosovo six years ago, the struggle of its Albanian majority for independence from Serbia is moving to the political battlegrounds of Washington.
Although Martti Ahtisaari, the special United Nations envoy and former Finnish president, launched his shuttle diplomacy in the Balkans last week in a bid to negotiate a final settlement, all sides recognise the critical importance of lobbying the US now that the Bush administration has decided it will actively push the process to a resolution.
All sides involved in the "final status" talks also agree that the status quo is untenable. Kosovo has been under UN administration since 1999 when Nato bombed Serbia and occupied the province to halt waves of ethnic cleansing and killings of the non-Serb population, made up mostly of Muslim Albanians.
Since then, about half the Serb minority has fled the historic cradle of their Christian Orthodox heritage, as ethnic grievances simmer and sometimes explode into violence.
Last month, in the august settings of Washington's elite Metropolitan Club, the "Alliance for a New Kosovo" launched its drive for independence.
Following a well-worn campaign trail, the Kosovo Albanians have a put up a large pool of money, attracted big names among former US officials, brought in a big ticket think-tank and international lobbying company and marshalled their supporters in Congress.
"The only reasonable answer is independence," declared Samuel Hoskinson, president of the Alliance and former deputy head of the National Intelligence Council.
He was joined at the Metropolitan by Frank Carlucci, former defence secretary and emeritus chairman of the Carlyle Group, the private investment firm close to the Bush administration. He warned that Russia, the traditional ally of the Serbs, had fired a warning shot in opposition. "But this is a road we have to travel," he said.
Other former officials suggested the US might have to resort to an "imposed settlement" if Serbia did not yield from its position of "more than autonomy, less than independence".
The conference was co-sponsored by the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a prestigious think-tank whose analyst, Janusz Bugajski, advises the Alliance.
It has also hired Jefferson Waterman International, a lobbying company. Unannounced behind the scenes, however, was the man who made it all happen - Behgjet Pacolli, head of the Swiss-based Mabetex Group and possibly the world's richest Albanian. A resident of Lugano, Mr Pacolli is seeking to convert his wealth into political influence in his native Kosovo, where he grew up in poverty.
Now he numbers the rich and famous among his friends, including former presidents Boris Yeltsin and Bill Clinton.
Serbia has not yet found the right lobbying company to fight its cause, although President Boris Tadic has employed RSLB, a Washington consultancy, in his capacity as head of the Democratic party. RSLB is run by a group of Israeli businessmen and former officials and military figures, including Yuval Rabin, son of the assassinated Israeli prime minister Yitzhak Rabin. This has raised speculation that the Serbian side hopes to attract the support of Washington's influential Jewish lobby groups.
The battle is also being played out in Congress, where Serbia is immediately handicapped on the war crimes issue. As long as Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic, the two Bosnian Serbs wanted for war crimes, remain at large then Serbia will struggle to win explicit backing.
Nonetheless, the Serbs have recently won some skirmishes on Capitol Hill where they have established a Serbian caucus. Last month, the Senate approved a non-binding resolution sponsored by George Voinovich, the Ohio Republican, that urged Kosovo and Serbia to compromise.
Serbs also see victory in a decision by Tom Lantos, a veteran California Democrat in the House, not to try to push through a resolution backing independence. Prominent committee members argued against the proposed bill a year ago. A spokeswoman for Mr Lantos said he had decided to let the Bush administration "pursue its new course" over Kosovo.
Officially the administration says it takes no position on the "final status" talks but that it will not let the matter drag on. Together with the European powers, it says Kosovo cannot be partitioned, or merge with Albania or parts of Macedonia.
But European diplomats strongly believe the US favours "conditional" or "supervised" independence. This would entail Kosovo remaining a ward of the international community for several years until given full statehood and eventual membership of Nato and the European Union. Serbia - and probably an independent Montenegro if it votes to leave its union with Serbia - would be given the same inducements.
Nicholas Burns, the senior State Department official handling the Balkan file, told a Senate hearing: "I made clear to them [the Kosovo Albanian leadership] that independence must be earned".
While some interpreted this to mean the US favoured such an outcome, Mr Burns also said neither side would get everything it wanted and that peace required compromises.
Andy Verich of the non-profit Serbian Unity Congress points out that ethnic Serbs, a large diaspora, played a role in George W. Bush's 2004 election victory. He counters suggestions that the White House has already made its mind up over Kosovo. "It's not all over yet," he says.
Thursday, December 01, 2005
U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary for Europe and Eurasian Affairs DiCarlo: No Division of Kosovo in two Entities
U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary for Europe and Eurasian Affairs Rosemary A. DiCarlo visited Macedonia today. The senior U.S. official excluded on Thursday any possibility that Kosovo can be divided on two entities and that the borders in the region can be changed.
Picture of the Day - Kosovo
Former ethnic Albanian rebel commander Fatmir Limaj, addresses the cheering crowds celebrating his acquittal from the allegations by U.N war crimes court of torturing and murdering Serbian and Albanian civilians at a prison camp during the 1998-1999 war, in Pristina on Thursday, Dec. 1, 2005. Thousands of cheering supporters and celebratory gunfire greeted the former ethnic Albanian rebel who returned to Kosovo on Thursday following his acquittal on war crimes charges in the Netherlands. (AP Photo/Visar Kryeziu)
SRSG Addresses DCAF Roundtable in Geneva
PRISTINA – SRSG Søren Jessen-Petersen today addressed a roundtable at the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF). Following is the text of his address:
“Ladies and Gentlemen, thank you.
It is a great pleasure to be back again at DCAF – an organisation with which I personally have had a long and fruitful co-operation over the years. Since taking on the role of Special Representative of the Secretary General in Kosovo that co-operation has intensified and continued to bear fruit, as I hope will be made clear in the course of my comments.
The title of my address is “Kosovo – where are we now?” and I will of course be saying something about that. But I may sometimes stray away from the present and address some questions related to the past, like “how did we get here?” and some related to the future, like “where are we going now?” and “where will we be in two years’ time?”
STATUS – WHY IT’S NECESSARY AND HOW WE GOT HERE
But returning to the question in hand – where are we now? We are at the point of beginning finally to resolve the root cause of the political problem of Kosovo – its status.
Following up on the international community’s military intervention in Kosovo, the Spring and Summer of 1999 was in retrospect the logical moment to have addressed this fundamental issue. But for a variety of reasons – understandable at the time and to some extent now – that opportunity was not grasped.
For five years thereafter we, in the international community, made the error of confusing quietude with contentment and sullen acceptance of the status quo with sustainability. This is not to underestimate the huge achievements of the international community in general, and UNMIK in particular, during this period; the building up from nothing of democratically-controlled institutions and, perhaps more significantly, of a democratic ethos – as witnessed by a string of successfully managed elections – is, for instance, an accomplishment of which we can be justifiably proud.
But it is nonetheless true, in my view, that for too long – because of the “holding” nature of UNMIK’s mandate under SCR 1244 – we failed to provide a sense, a perception, of momentum; of forward movement. Something that could give everyone a belief that the fundamental problems would, in the end, be addressed and solved.
As has been said so often as to become a cliché, March 2004 was for all of us a “wake up call”. I was, at the time, EU Special Representative in Macedonia, and I remember the shock of those events from our vantage point in Skopje. But the contrast set me thinking. Why was Macedonia so stable and peaceful in comparison to Kosovo? Was it only that the conflict there in the summer of 2001 had been so short and mild compared with the more bitter experiences to the North? I was, and am, convinced that this was not the only explanation. What struck me was the fact that the Ohrid Framework Agreement in Macedonia directly addressed the core reasons for the conflict there, without rewarding any side disproportionately. In Kosovo, UN Security Council Resolution 1244 did not.
What we did have, though, was the Standards policy. Formally rolled out in December 2003, this offered a forward looking developmental agenda which provided the framework that could move Kosovo forward. Unfortunately the Standards policy was not seen this way locally. Instead it was regarded as a series of insurmountable obstacles thrown up by the international community specifically in order to maintain its holding operation and avoid the issue of status. As such it was in need of two things: prioritisation and repackaging.
The first was necessary to make the implementation of standards feasible, and the second in order to send the message that they were a positive factor in Kosovo politics, aimed at improving the lives of all its citizens – and not a deliberate barrier imposed by the international community on the road to a status settlement.
THE STATUS PROCESS
Whatever the reason – and I think that the shock of international condemnation of the March events among the political leadership in Kosovo was one major factor, and the appointment of Ramush Haradinaj as Prime Minister in November 2004 another – the pace of political developments, and of standards implementation, picked up noticeably at the end of last year and the beginning of this one. This improvement in standards implementation was what lay behind our positive review and report to the Security Council in May of this year and the subsequent appointment by the Secretary General of the United Nations of Ambassador Eide to undertake his comprehensive review. His report, as you are all aware, led to the recommendation of the Secretary General of the opening of the status process. It was followed by the appointment of Martti Ahtisaari as Special Envoy only a couple of weeks ago.
And so to the present. The status process is now underway, having been kicked-off in earnest by the Special Envoy’s visit last week to Kosovo and to Belgrade, Podgorica, Tirana and Skopje thereafter. There is no fixed timeframe for the process. On the other hand, an indefinitely protracted process – or in my words a continuation of the status quo – is, as has also been made clear by the Contact Group in its guiding principles, intolerable. These principles have been repeatedly referred to by Martti Ahtisaari as forming the fundamental basis for the process which he now has the difficult task of leading, supported by his able deputy, the Austrian diplomat Albert Rohan.
LOOKING AHEAD ON STATUS
But what of the outcome? It is not in my mandate to comment on this. But it seems to me self-evident that the strong, almost unanimous, view of the majority of the people in Kosovo must form the basis for any sustainable status settlement. Their preference is clear.
What is equally clear is that Kosovo’s government and political class cannot treat the status process as the only political game in town. Its pace, progress and outcome are – as Kosovo’s leaders should not now be in any doubt – critically dependent on the way Kosovo is perceived by the outside world. This means that the implementation of standards must continue – and indeed be speeded up – if Kosovo is to be seen as deserving the settlement its people so clearly desire. What the majority wants for itself – peace, stability, and prosperity – it must also want for all other citizens – in other words, the minorities – in Kosovo.
Indeed it is clear that the substance of the settlement of Kosovo’s status must take into account the views of its people. The majority has a duty toward the minority that is not merely a matter of standards implementation for its own sake. It extends to the status process and beyond. The political leadership in Kosovo is now waking up to this reality. The recently-announced formation of a “Council of Communities” to advise the status negotiation team is a welcome first step – the next being to ensure that this Council has real influence and, ideally, that it takes into account the views of Kosovo’s largest minority group; the Kosovo Serbs.
BELGRADE AND THE KOSOVO SERBS
The position of the Kosovo Serbs in relation to the status process has been ambivalent. None of the main Kosovo Serb political figures has engaged with President Rugova’s negotiating team – an extension of their existing boycott, under Belgrade’s insistence, of Kosovo’s governmental and legislative institutions. At the same time there has been no coherent effort to form a purely Kosovo Serb team; one that would be in a position to influence the positions of both Belgrade and Pristina equally. Instead, two Kosovo Serb leaders, Marko Jaksic and Goran Bogdanovic, have been invited to join the Belgrade negotiating team.
Hitherto, the position of Belgrade in relation to Kosovo has been about territory and authority. Whose land is it and who rules it? It has been much less focused, in practical terms, on the position and interests of those Serbs who continue to live in Kosovo. To give an example, the boycott of Kosovo’s legislature and government by Kosovo’s Serbs may be seen in Belgrade as a success, because it underlines their claim that these institutions are illegitimate. But it has brought no benefit at all for Kosovo’s Serbs, who are excluded from the institutions which have the greatest impact on their lives and who receive nothing new to compensate for this exclusion.
The status process is, of course, ultimately about those big issues of sovereignty and authority. But beneath this it will be largely about the practical aspects of life in Kosovo – and in particular about the conditions of minority groups. A Belgrade negotiating strategy that is focused on the first issue may not achieve, or even seek, the best outcome for Kosovo’s Serbs in respect of the second issue. If they are to have the life that we all want for them in Kosovo, it is in my view essential that this process be seen as being one primarily about people, and not just about territory – let alone history.
TWO YEARS’ HENCE
But, putting aside the vexed issue of sovereignty, and assuming that the process goes in the direction I have outlined, what can we say about what will Kosovo look like in twelve months or two years’ time?
Our best guide is the Guiding Principles stated by the Contact Group which will serve as a framework for the status process. I, of course, take it for granted that these principles will be respected fully throughout the process by all parties and by the international community. The last ten to fifteen years in the Balkans have been a period of broken promises by the international community – carrying with them a loss of credibility. This we can no longer afford.
So, looking at the Contact Group’s stated principles, we can be sure that Kosovo’s frontiers will be as they are now and the territory will be undivided as a result of the status process. We can also be sure that Kosovo will not have formed any new union with a neighbouring state. And finally we can be sure that Kosovo will not be returning to the situation before March 1999.
So much, so obvious. Beyond this, we can say with some certainty that Kosovo’s institutions will closely resemble those that currently exist. That is to say there will be a government, an Assembly and a police and judicial system free of undue political control. The fact that these institutions are in one form or another likely to live on beyond the end of the status process is significant, because it highlights the continuing and urgent need for capacity building in those institutions now.
We can also say with confidence that Kosovo’s institutions will, in their staffing and mandates, have strong safeguards for minority communities within Kosovo. The exact nature of such safeguards will, as I have said already, be the subject of negotiation in the talks themselves, but they could include some kind of Badinter-style arrangements for minority groups in the Assembly; extensive language rights; and some form of positive discrimination in recruitment in order to ensure minority representation in public institutions.
We can also predict that Kosovo will have a significantly more decentralised form of government than it currently enjoys. This decentralisation must be of benefit to all communities in Kosovo, bringing the business of government closer to the electorate. But decentralisation is likely, as at the central level, to involve the development of significant safeguards for minority communities – and here I am talking not just of the Kosovo Serbs – without, of course, going beyond the guidelines set out by the Contact Group on the non-partition of Kosovo.
Another key area which is bound to be built into a final status resolution is the continued protection of cultural sites, in particular those of the Serbian Orthodox Church. The twin cultural legacies of Orthodox church architecture and decoration, and also of Ottoman Islamic and secular design, will continue to grace Kosovo in the years to come. Just as they are testaments to its past they may also be keys to its future. The Decani Monastery may be the first – deserved – UNESCO World Heritage Site in Kosovo, but I hope it will not be the last, and I do not find it fanciful to foresee tourism blossoming as a significant employer around such sites.
But preservation of church buildings themselves is not enough. It must be accompanied by preservation of the ecclesiastical and cultural life that the buildings represent. One way or another the Serbian Orthodox Church will be a custodian of this future, and this will need to be written into a status deal.
Keeping Kosovo’s churches alive means not only protecting the buildings and their custodians, but also ensuring that congregations remain. I have mentioned already the necessary guarantees on minority rights that will be required to ensure the quality of life of those Serbs now living in Kosovo. But integral to a final agreement will also need to be assurances and facilitation for Serbs and other minorities wishing to return to Kosovo having fled over the past six years. Efforts to promote return have so far been disappointing, due to a combination of factors, including, I am bound to say, a policy from Belgrade which often amounted to the active discouragement.
Putting this aside though, my own years of experience with refugee return issues convinces me that a large part of the reason for the low rate of returns in Kosovo is its unresolved status. This is not to say that I anticipate a flood of returnees as soon as the process is complete, but the return cannot but increase from its low level once the uncertainties inherent in Kosovo’s unresolved status are dealt with.
INTERNATIONAL ROLE
One final, predictable, outcome of the status process will be a role for the international community continuing well into the future. We have started discussions on the nature of this presence at the working level in Pristina, and at the policy level in Brussels and elsewhere as well – without in any way prejudging the status outcome.
Clearly a continuing international presence will in many ways mirror what we do today – especially in terms of monitoring down to the field level. But in addition to this, there has been a great deal of discussion about the potential need for the international community to retain some executive functions – and to have this built into a status settlement with the agreement of the parties.
The first question here is, what functions do we think need to be retained? Opinions differ on this issue from those who advocate the retention of significant powers – a Bosnian OHR-type model – to those who feel that the retained powers should be limited. My personal feeling on this matter, for what it’s worth, is that any powers retained by the international community should be relatively circumscribed and should also be challengeable and reviewable. In any case they should not, of course, reverse the significant transfers of authority which have already been made to local institutions.
Where there does seem to be general agreement is that a degree of international presence and authority should be retained in the fields of the policing and prosecution of serious and organised crime and war crimes– an area which today is under international authority and should remain so, of course with a capacity-building element built in.
The second question with regard to a continuing international presence is who should do it? What is clear is that it will not be in the form of the UN presence we have had through UNMIK. A status settlement will supersede Security Council Resolution 1244 and with it our interim administrative mandate.
But who will be the primary actors in this continued international presence, if it is decided that there will be one? In my view the answer to this must be the EU. Kosovo is in Europe – and in keeping with the rest of the Balkans was the subject of a promise at Thessaloniki in 2003 that it’s future would be in Europe – so it is the obvious institutional candidate to take a lead role in a post-status Kosovo. We are all clear that any EU mission would not be an “EUMIK” - a carbon copy of the current international structures. It also goes without saying that an EU-led mission would need to act in the closest possible co-operation with other key international actors; the Contact Group, of course, especially the US; the OSCE, with its strong field presence, and other international organisations such as the Council of Europe; and, of course, NATO, which has firmly committed to maintaining KFOR at around its current strength after a status settlement is reached – a commitment that is as welcome as it is essential.
SECURITY
But what of Kosovo’s own security architecture? This is currently the subject of intensive discussion across a wide variety of interest groups in Kosovo thanks to the Internal Security Sector Review – a process in which DCAF is heavily – and invaluably – involved, and for which I would like to thank you now.
Whatever the outcome of the status process, and of the ISSR, the future security architecture of Kosovo will need to underpin a status settlement that will, by its nature, not satisfy everyone. These institutions will need to be effective, impartial and multi-ethnic. Given Kosovo’s economic situation they will also need to be affordable. It is therefore essential that we start investing in capacity building now both in those structures that already exist, like the Kosovo Police Service, but also in the institutions that will oversee them, like the Prime Minister’s Office and the Assembly. DCAF is doing essential work here, for which I thank you again, but a great deal more needs to be done if we are to be able to rely on local institutions in Kosovo to deliver a sustainable status settlement in the medium term.
I have spent only a short time on security issues, as I know that these are to be the focus of discussions here tomorrow. I have also, I fear, spent very little time on where we are on a great deal of time on where we might be going. I hope you will forgive me for this. Managing a place with such formidable, difficult and complex problems – many of them linked to the lack of clarity on status – must of necessity be forward-looking, so that people know that the future will be better than the past. So we are dealing with today’s issues to move Kosovo toward tomorrow and never return to the past.
Thank you, ladies and gentlemen, for your attention – and I would like now to give way to our discussion.”
“Ladies and Gentlemen, thank you.
It is a great pleasure to be back again at DCAF – an organisation with which I personally have had a long and fruitful co-operation over the years. Since taking on the role of Special Representative of the Secretary General in Kosovo that co-operation has intensified and continued to bear fruit, as I hope will be made clear in the course of my comments.
The title of my address is “Kosovo – where are we now?” and I will of course be saying something about that. But I may sometimes stray away from the present and address some questions related to the past, like “how did we get here?” and some related to the future, like “where are we going now?” and “where will we be in two years’ time?”
STATUS – WHY IT’S NECESSARY AND HOW WE GOT HERE
But returning to the question in hand – where are we now? We are at the point of beginning finally to resolve the root cause of the political problem of Kosovo – its status.
Following up on the international community’s military intervention in Kosovo, the Spring and Summer of 1999 was in retrospect the logical moment to have addressed this fundamental issue. But for a variety of reasons – understandable at the time and to some extent now – that opportunity was not grasped.
For five years thereafter we, in the international community, made the error of confusing quietude with contentment and sullen acceptance of the status quo with sustainability. This is not to underestimate the huge achievements of the international community in general, and UNMIK in particular, during this period; the building up from nothing of democratically-controlled institutions and, perhaps more significantly, of a democratic ethos – as witnessed by a string of successfully managed elections – is, for instance, an accomplishment of which we can be justifiably proud.
But it is nonetheless true, in my view, that for too long – because of the “holding” nature of UNMIK’s mandate under SCR 1244 – we failed to provide a sense, a perception, of momentum; of forward movement. Something that could give everyone a belief that the fundamental problems would, in the end, be addressed and solved.
As has been said so often as to become a cliché, March 2004 was for all of us a “wake up call”. I was, at the time, EU Special Representative in Macedonia, and I remember the shock of those events from our vantage point in Skopje. But the contrast set me thinking. Why was Macedonia so stable and peaceful in comparison to Kosovo? Was it only that the conflict there in the summer of 2001 had been so short and mild compared with the more bitter experiences to the North? I was, and am, convinced that this was not the only explanation. What struck me was the fact that the Ohrid Framework Agreement in Macedonia directly addressed the core reasons for the conflict there, without rewarding any side disproportionately. In Kosovo, UN Security Council Resolution 1244 did not.
What we did have, though, was the Standards policy. Formally rolled out in December 2003, this offered a forward looking developmental agenda which provided the framework that could move Kosovo forward. Unfortunately the Standards policy was not seen this way locally. Instead it was regarded as a series of insurmountable obstacles thrown up by the international community specifically in order to maintain its holding operation and avoid the issue of status. As such it was in need of two things: prioritisation and repackaging.
The first was necessary to make the implementation of standards feasible, and the second in order to send the message that they were a positive factor in Kosovo politics, aimed at improving the lives of all its citizens – and not a deliberate barrier imposed by the international community on the road to a status settlement.
THE STATUS PROCESS
Whatever the reason – and I think that the shock of international condemnation of the March events among the political leadership in Kosovo was one major factor, and the appointment of Ramush Haradinaj as Prime Minister in November 2004 another – the pace of political developments, and of standards implementation, picked up noticeably at the end of last year and the beginning of this one. This improvement in standards implementation was what lay behind our positive review and report to the Security Council in May of this year and the subsequent appointment by the Secretary General of the United Nations of Ambassador Eide to undertake his comprehensive review. His report, as you are all aware, led to the recommendation of the Secretary General of the opening of the status process. It was followed by the appointment of Martti Ahtisaari as Special Envoy only a couple of weeks ago.
And so to the present. The status process is now underway, having been kicked-off in earnest by the Special Envoy’s visit last week to Kosovo and to Belgrade, Podgorica, Tirana and Skopje thereafter. There is no fixed timeframe for the process. On the other hand, an indefinitely protracted process – or in my words a continuation of the status quo – is, as has also been made clear by the Contact Group in its guiding principles, intolerable. These principles have been repeatedly referred to by Martti Ahtisaari as forming the fundamental basis for the process which he now has the difficult task of leading, supported by his able deputy, the Austrian diplomat Albert Rohan.
LOOKING AHEAD ON STATUS
But what of the outcome? It is not in my mandate to comment on this. But it seems to me self-evident that the strong, almost unanimous, view of the majority of the people in Kosovo must form the basis for any sustainable status settlement. Their preference is clear.
What is equally clear is that Kosovo’s government and political class cannot treat the status process as the only political game in town. Its pace, progress and outcome are – as Kosovo’s leaders should not now be in any doubt – critically dependent on the way Kosovo is perceived by the outside world. This means that the implementation of standards must continue – and indeed be speeded up – if Kosovo is to be seen as deserving the settlement its people so clearly desire. What the majority wants for itself – peace, stability, and prosperity – it must also want for all other citizens – in other words, the minorities – in Kosovo.
Indeed it is clear that the substance of the settlement of Kosovo’s status must take into account the views of its people. The majority has a duty toward the minority that is not merely a matter of standards implementation for its own sake. It extends to the status process and beyond. The political leadership in Kosovo is now waking up to this reality. The recently-announced formation of a “Council of Communities” to advise the status negotiation team is a welcome first step – the next being to ensure that this Council has real influence and, ideally, that it takes into account the views of Kosovo’s largest minority group; the Kosovo Serbs.
BELGRADE AND THE KOSOVO SERBS
The position of the Kosovo Serbs in relation to the status process has been ambivalent. None of the main Kosovo Serb political figures has engaged with President Rugova’s negotiating team – an extension of their existing boycott, under Belgrade’s insistence, of Kosovo’s governmental and legislative institutions. At the same time there has been no coherent effort to form a purely Kosovo Serb team; one that would be in a position to influence the positions of both Belgrade and Pristina equally. Instead, two Kosovo Serb leaders, Marko Jaksic and Goran Bogdanovic, have been invited to join the Belgrade negotiating team.
Hitherto, the position of Belgrade in relation to Kosovo has been about territory and authority. Whose land is it and who rules it? It has been much less focused, in practical terms, on the position and interests of those Serbs who continue to live in Kosovo. To give an example, the boycott of Kosovo’s legislature and government by Kosovo’s Serbs may be seen in Belgrade as a success, because it underlines their claim that these institutions are illegitimate. But it has brought no benefit at all for Kosovo’s Serbs, who are excluded from the institutions which have the greatest impact on their lives and who receive nothing new to compensate for this exclusion.
The status process is, of course, ultimately about those big issues of sovereignty and authority. But beneath this it will be largely about the practical aspects of life in Kosovo – and in particular about the conditions of minority groups. A Belgrade negotiating strategy that is focused on the first issue may not achieve, or even seek, the best outcome for Kosovo’s Serbs in respect of the second issue. If they are to have the life that we all want for them in Kosovo, it is in my view essential that this process be seen as being one primarily about people, and not just about territory – let alone history.
TWO YEARS’ HENCE
But, putting aside the vexed issue of sovereignty, and assuming that the process goes in the direction I have outlined, what can we say about what will Kosovo look like in twelve months or two years’ time?
Our best guide is the Guiding Principles stated by the Contact Group which will serve as a framework for the status process. I, of course, take it for granted that these principles will be respected fully throughout the process by all parties and by the international community. The last ten to fifteen years in the Balkans have been a period of broken promises by the international community – carrying with them a loss of credibility. This we can no longer afford.
So, looking at the Contact Group’s stated principles, we can be sure that Kosovo’s frontiers will be as they are now and the territory will be undivided as a result of the status process. We can also be sure that Kosovo will not have formed any new union with a neighbouring state. And finally we can be sure that Kosovo will not be returning to the situation before March 1999.
So much, so obvious. Beyond this, we can say with some certainty that Kosovo’s institutions will closely resemble those that currently exist. That is to say there will be a government, an Assembly and a police and judicial system free of undue political control. The fact that these institutions are in one form or another likely to live on beyond the end of the status process is significant, because it highlights the continuing and urgent need for capacity building in those institutions now.
We can also say with confidence that Kosovo’s institutions will, in their staffing and mandates, have strong safeguards for minority communities within Kosovo. The exact nature of such safeguards will, as I have said already, be the subject of negotiation in the talks themselves, but they could include some kind of Badinter-style arrangements for minority groups in the Assembly; extensive language rights; and some form of positive discrimination in recruitment in order to ensure minority representation in public institutions.
We can also predict that Kosovo will have a significantly more decentralised form of government than it currently enjoys. This decentralisation must be of benefit to all communities in Kosovo, bringing the business of government closer to the electorate. But decentralisation is likely, as at the central level, to involve the development of significant safeguards for minority communities – and here I am talking not just of the Kosovo Serbs – without, of course, going beyond the guidelines set out by the Contact Group on the non-partition of Kosovo.
Another key area which is bound to be built into a final status resolution is the continued protection of cultural sites, in particular those of the Serbian Orthodox Church. The twin cultural legacies of Orthodox church architecture and decoration, and also of Ottoman Islamic and secular design, will continue to grace Kosovo in the years to come. Just as they are testaments to its past they may also be keys to its future. The Decani Monastery may be the first – deserved – UNESCO World Heritage Site in Kosovo, but I hope it will not be the last, and I do not find it fanciful to foresee tourism blossoming as a significant employer around such sites.
But preservation of church buildings themselves is not enough. It must be accompanied by preservation of the ecclesiastical and cultural life that the buildings represent. One way or another the Serbian Orthodox Church will be a custodian of this future, and this will need to be written into a status deal.
Keeping Kosovo’s churches alive means not only protecting the buildings and their custodians, but also ensuring that congregations remain. I have mentioned already the necessary guarantees on minority rights that will be required to ensure the quality of life of those Serbs now living in Kosovo. But integral to a final agreement will also need to be assurances and facilitation for Serbs and other minorities wishing to return to Kosovo having fled over the past six years. Efforts to promote return have so far been disappointing, due to a combination of factors, including, I am bound to say, a policy from Belgrade which often amounted to the active discouragement.
Putting this aside though, my own years of experience with refugee return issues convinces me that a large part of the reason for the low rate of returns in Kosovo is its unresolved status. This is not to say that I anticipate a flood of returnees as soon as the process is complete, but the return cannot but increase from its low level once the uncertainties inherent in Kosovo’s unresolved status are dealt with.
INTERNATIONAL ROLE
One final, predictable, outcome of the status process will be a role for the international community continuing well into the future. We have started discussions on the nature of this presence at the working level in Pristina, and at the policy level in Brussels and elsewhere as well – without in any way prejudging the status outcome.
Clearly a continuing international presence will in many ways mirror what we do today – especially in terms of monitoring down to the field level. But in addition to this, there has been a great deal of discussion about the potential need for the international community to retain some executive functions – and to have this built into a status settlement with the agreement of the parties.
The first question here is, what functions do we think need to be retained? Opinions differ on this issue from those who advocate the retention of significant powers – a Bosnian OHR-type model – to those who feel that the retained powers should be limited. My personal feeling on this matter, for what it’s worth, is that any powers retained by the international community should be relatively circumscribed and should also be challengeable and reviewable. In any case they should not, of course, reverse the significant transfers of authority which have already been made to local institutions.
Where there does seem to be general agreement is that a degree of international presence and authority should be retained in the fields of the policing and prosecution of serious and organised crime and war crimes– an area which today is under international authority and should remain so, of course with a capacity-building element built in.
The second question with regard to a continuing international presence is who should do it? What is clear is that it will not be in the form of the UN presence we have had through UNMIK. A status settlement will supersede Security Council Resolution 1244 and with it our interim administrative mandate.
But who will be the primary actors in this continued international presence, if it is decided that there will be one? In my view the answer to this must be the EU. Kosovo is in Europe – and in keeping with the rest of the Balkans was the subject of a promise at Thessaloniki in 2003 that it’s future would be in Europe – so it is the obvious institutional candidate to take a lead role in a post-status Kosovo. We are all clear that any EU mission would not be an “EUMIK” - a carbon copy of the current international structures. It also goes without saying that an EU-led mission would need to act in the closest possible co-operation with other key international actors; the Contact Group, of course, especially the US; the OSCE, with its strong field presence, and other international organisations such as the Council of Europe; and, of course, NATO, which has firmly committed to maintaining KFOR at around its current strength after a status settlement is reached – a commitment that is as welcome as it is essential.
SECURITY
But what of Kosovo’s own security architecture? This is currently the subject of intensive discussion across a wide variety of interest groups in Kosovo thanks to the Internal Security Sector Review – a process in which DCAF is heavily – and invaluably – involved, and for which I would like to thank you now.
Whatever the outcome of the status process, and of the ISSR, the future security architecture of Kosovo will need to underpin a status settlement that will, by its nature, not satisfy everyone. These institutions will need to be effective, impartial and multi-ethnic. Given Kosovo’s economic situation they will also need to be affordable. It is therefore essential that we start investing in capacity building now both in those structures that already exist, like the Kosovo Police Service, but also in the institutions that will oversee them, like the Prime Minister’s Office and the Assembly. DCAF is doing essential work here, for which I thank you again, but a great deal more needs to be done if we are to be able to rely on local institutions in Kosovo to deliver a sustainable status settlement in the medium term.
I have spent only a short time on security issues, as I know that these are to be the focus of discussions here tomorrow. I have also, I fear, spent very little time on where we are on a great deal of time on where we might be going. I hope you will forgive me for this. Managing a place with such formidable, difficult and complex problems – many of them linked to the lack of clarity on status – must of necessity be forward-looking, so that people know that the future will be better than the past. So we are dealing with today’s issues to move Kosovo toward tomorrow and never return to the past.
Thank you, ladies and gentlemen, for your attention – and I would like now to give way to our discussion.”
[Oliver Ivanovic] Bad message from Belgrade (Express)
Express quotes SLKM leader Oliver Ivanovic as saying that there are concerns amongst Kosovo Serbs on the southern side of the Ibar River because Belgrade’s negotiations team has included only Serb representatives from northern Kosovo.
“I have information that the people are very concerned, because the appointment of two representatives from northern Kosovo can send a bad message to Serbs in other parts of the province,” Ivanovic told a press conference in Mitrovica.
Ivanovic also appealed to the government in Serbia to be careful with regards to the key national interest of Serbs in Kosovo and to immediately include in the negotiation steam people from the central part of Kosovo.
“I have information that the people are very concerned, because the appointment of two representatives from northern Kosovo can send a bad message to Serbs in other parts of the province,” Ivanovic told a press conference in Mitrovica.
Ivanovic also appealed to the government in Serbia to be careful with regards to the key national interest of Serbs in Kosovo and to immediately include in the negotiation steam people from the central part of Kosovo.
Former ethnic Albanian rebel to return to Kosovo after war crimes acquittal
PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro (AP) - A senior ethnic Albanian rebel was set to return to Kosovo Thursday after the U.N. war crimes tribunal acquitted him of torturing and murdering civilians during the 1999 conflict in the province.
On Wednesday, the court acquitted chief defendant Fatmir Limaj and another former rebel, Isak Musliu. The third defendant, Haradin Bala, was sentenced to 13 years in prison for executing nine prisoners in the woods in July 1998.
It was tribunal's first trial of members of the NATO-backed Kosovo Liberation Army, which fought for independence from the Serbian state led by President Slobodan Milosevic. The three men were arrested in February 2003.
Wednesday's verdict also marked the first time the U.N. tribunal has ruled in a case involving crimes committed during the Kosovo war.
The court found that crimes were committed at the camp, which held Serbs and ethnic Albanians suspected of collaboration. But it said the prosecution failed to link Limaj to beatings, inhumane treatment, torture and murder.
Limaj's supporters in Kosovo fired celebratory gunfire and drivers honked their horns at the news of his acquittal, which was hailed by the ethnic Albanian leadership and criticized by the province's Serb minority.
The war in Kosovo ended after NATO's aerial bombing campaign against Serbia forced Milosevic to pull his troops out of the region in 1999. The province technically remains part of Serbia-Montenegro, the loose union that has replaced the former Yugoslav federation, but has been administered a U.N. mission and patrolled by NATO-led peacekeepers since mid-1999.
Meanwhile, police closed the road passing through the Serb enclave of Gracanica, just outside Pristina, after local inhabitants stoned vehicles driving through, police said. There were reports of injuries and several vehicles were damaged, officers said.
On Wednesday, the court acquitted chief defendant Fatmir Limaj and another former rebel, Isak Musliu. The third defendant, Haradin Bala, was sentenced to 13 years in prison for executing nine prisoners in the woods in July 1998.
It was tribunal's first trial of members of the NATO-backed Kosovo Liberation Army, which fought for independence from the Serbian state led by President Slobodan Milosevic. The three men were arrested in February 2003.
Wednesday's verdict also marked the first time the U.N. tribunal has ruled in a case involving crimes committed during the Kosovo war.
The court found that crimes were committed at the camp, which held Serbs and ethnic Albanians suspected of collaboration. But it said the prosecution failed to link Limaj to beatings, inhumane treatment, torture and murder.
Limaj's supporters in Kosovo fired celebratory gunfire and drivers honked their horns at the news of his acquittal, which was hailed by the ethnic Albanian leadership and criticized by the province's Serb minority.
The war in Kosovo ended after NATO's aerial bombing campaign against Serbia forced Milosevic to pull his troops out of the region in 1999. The province technically remains part of Serbia-Montenegro, the loose union that has replaced the former Yugoslav federation, but has been administered a U.N. mission and patrolled by NATO-led peacekeepers since mid-1999.
Meanwhile, police closed the road passing through the Serb enclave of Gracanica, just outside Pristina, after local inhabitants stoned vehicles driving through, police said. There were reports of injuries and several vehicles were damaged, officers said.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
