A U.N. report will assess Kosovo's progress in key areas this month.
By Beth Kampschror | Correspondent of The Christian Science Monitor
PRISTINA, KOSOVO - The graffiti appears on apartment buildings, in parks, and outside businesses in Pristina, Kosovo's dusty capital. In Albanian, it reads "no negotiations - self-determination."
The message - six years after NATO bombers drove Serbian forces out and the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) came in - is clear.
"We are here, suffocated with UNMIK over our heads, and Serbia over our necks," says Albin Kurti, who started the graffiti campaign. "UNMIK is now six years here without a deadline. We want a deadline. To become independent from a stronger place you need action, not process."
But process is critical, say local decisionmakers. Diplomats and politicians have their own slogan - "standards before status" - which they say is the only way Kosovo can move out of the limbo it has languished in for the past six years.
In a few weeks, a UN envoy is due to release a report on how well Kosovo's provisional government has met certain standards - democracy, a constitutional framework, minority rights - so that it can move to open negotiations about the province's future with both the international community and Serbia, of which Kosovo is still technically a part.
The talks will determine whether Kosovo becomes independent, as its majority Albanians want, or whether it will gain what Serbian President Boris Tadic calls "more than autonomy, less than independence."
So how will Kosovo measure up? "The report will present a very mixed picture, because Kosovo is a mixed picture," says UNMIK head Soren Jessen-Petersen. He notes that while the government has made strides in building its own institutions and police, those have fallen short in making Kosovo's Serb minority feel safe outside the small enclaves in which they live.
Even a bad grade, most residents say, is unlikely to spark Albanian riots similar to the one that engulfed Kosovo last March, leaving 19 people dead, and hundreds of Serb homes and dozens of Orthodox churches gutted. Kosovo's Albanian politicians say they have their eye too firmly on independence to let that happen.
Opposition leader Hashim Thaci could be speaking for all of Kosovo's Albanians - 90 percent of the population - when he says, "There is only one solution, and that is Kosovo as an independent and sovereign country."
Western capitals, including Washington, have indicated that Kosovo can work on standards while talks continue. Officials say they'll work on the standards for as long as it takes to make Kosovo a proper European country.
"We didn't implement standards because of Brussels or the [UN] Security Council - we have done it for ourselves," says Kosovo Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi, who replaced Ramush Haradinaj in March after he resigned to answer to war-crimes charges at the Hague tribunal.
Mr. Kosumi, like Mr. Haradinaj before him, also extends the olive branch to Kosovo's Serbs, who boycotted last year's election. "Serbs in Kosovo live here in Kosovo," he says. "They should get engaged more in their futures here. I do not expect them to cut their relationship with Belgrade, but these will be the people who will work together with us and decide together about our future."
Kosovo's Serbs, for the most part, aren't buying it. Some 80,000 Serbs live here, mostly in enclaves protected in part by 18,000 NATO peacekeepers. The March riots, the Albanians' choosing a war-crimes suspect - Haradinaj - as prime minister last year, and anxiety about their safety has left them looking to Belgrade, 220 miles north of Pristina, because it's the capital of Serbia proper and is still, on paper, sovereign over Kosovo.
Because he has a job in Pristina, Nenad Maksimovic may not be a typical resident of Gracanica, a Serb enclave about a 10-minute drive southeast of the capital. But he doesn't trust the Kosovo government. Take the constitutional framework, he says. The way things are set up now, Serbs will have at most 40 seats in the 120-seat assembly, leaving them without political clout.
"You can participate, but you don't have substantial influence," he says. "As long as I see Serbs not having influence, I'm not going to vote. I'm not going to vote for a puppet."
The majority of Albanians aren't happy either. Unemployment is gauged at between 33 and 60 percent. A typical monthly wage is about 150 euros ($183). In western Kosovo, which in the late 1990s saw the first clashes between Serbian police and Kosovo Liberation Army guerrillas, analysts have noted that weapons and organized crime have proliferated in the past six years.
"If I'd known it was like this, I wouldn't have returned from Germany," says Istref Kelmndi, at his tire shop outside Pec, in western Kosovo. Mafia assassinations in the town, he says, now mean that people driving from Pristina stop at his shop to ask, "Is it safe?" Business, he says, is catastrophic.
Some 30 minutes down the road, Baskim Kryziu still flies the American flag at his sack shop. He lost more than 20 relatives, including his brother, to Serb forces before NATO intervened in 1999, but says he's willing to wait for whatever has to be done before Kosovo becomes independent.
"We have always been patient. If we look at the will of the people, then you have to implement it," he says. "If [the Americans and the international community] don't want to have their investment in Kosovo up until now lost, they'll listen to us."
Wednesday, August 31, 2005
Kosovo returns minister beaten up in Pristina restaurant
Text of report by Bosnian Serb news agency SRNA
Pristina, 31 August: Slavisa Petkovic, minister for return and communities in the Kosovo government, was beaten up last night in the Cao restaurant outside Pristina.
According to eyewitnesses, Petkovic was manhandled by one of his closest aides Dragisa Vukcevic.
"I did not beat him up - he got a few slaps after we had a debate on whether, as a minister, he has a moral duty to attend the funeral of the two Serbs in Suvi Do village near Lipljan [two Serb youths killed on Saturday evening in drive-by shooting in Strpce]," Vukcevic said.
He stressed that every Serb "should have been there [at the funeral] instead of at political gatherings or visiting other areas".
Source: SRNA news agency, Bijeljina, in Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian 1133 gmt 31 Aug 05
Pristina, 31 August: Slavisa Petkovic, minister for return and communities in the Kosovo government, was beaten up last night in the Cao restaurant outside Pristina.
According to eyewitnesses, Petkovic was manhandled by one of his closest aides Dragisa Vukcevic.
"I did not beat him up - he got a few slaps after we had a debate on whether, as a minister, he has a moral duty to attend the funeral of the two Serbs in Suvi Do village near Lipljan [two Serb youths killed on Saturday evening in drive-by shooting in Strpce]," Vukcevic said.
He stressed that every Serb "should have been there [at the funeral] instead of at political gatherings or visiting other areas".
Source: SRNA news agency, Bijeljina, in Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian 1133 gmt 31 Aug 05
UPDATE 3-Kosovo President Rugova seriously ill - diplomat
PRISTINA, Serbia and Montenegro, Aug 31 (Reuters) - Kosovo's President Ibrahim Rugova was reported to be seriously ill on Wednesday, raising concern about a possible succession ahead of talks on independence for the disputed province.
"He is in very serious condition," a senior foreign diplomat told Reuters in the Kosovo capital Pristina, without specifying the nature of Rugova's ailment. Rugova has been in a U.S. military hospital in Germany for the past four days.
Commenting on speculation that he may return home partly incapacitated, the diplomat said: "Let's see what effect medical treatment might have on his condition."
A pacifist who has championed his people's independence aspirations for the past 15 years, Rugova was flown to the U.S. hospital at Landstuhl on Saturday.
After three days of tabloid speculation, the respected daily Zeri quoted sources on Wednesday as saying he would return by the weekend but continue "rigorous medical treatment".
As president, and a powerful figurehead for the province's 2 million ethnic Albanians, Rugova was expected to take the lead role in steering Kosovo's bitter political rivals into talks.
That now looks doubtful.
The charismatic Rugova, 60, also has no obvious successor in his faction-ridden Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK).
Analysts raised the prospect of an LDK power struggle as United Nations-mediated talks with Serbia draw near on the future of its southern U.N.-run province.
That would probably benefit rival parties which emerged from the 1998-99 guerrilla war to challenge LDK dominance.
PRESERVING COHESION
A U.N. envoy is due to recommend in September whether to launch the talks, probably in October, or delay them.
Rugova hopes to lead Kosovo's 2 million ethnic Albanians to full independence in 2006, seven years after NATO bombing forced the pullout of Serb forces.
Political analyst Baton Haxhiu said that, health permitting, Rugova might stay on as president for the sake of political stability, but cut back considerably on his public role.
"This would be to preserve political cohesion," he told Reuters. "The international community needs calm right now."
Aides said at the weekend that Rugova's health had deteriorated after a bout of flu. They and a Landstuhl official declined to comment on Wednesday.
Kosovo became a de facto U.N. protectorate in 1999 after NATO bombing forced the withdrawal of Serb troops accused of atrocities in a year of combating an insurgency by Albanian separatist guerrillas.
Despite being eclipsed by the rebels, Rugova's popularity rebounded and he has twice been elected president since the war ended six years ago.
The LDK has relied heavily on his personal charisma to maintain a majority share of the vote among Kosovo's ethnic Albanians, but is riven by factionalism.
Rugova took a political gamble in late 2004 when he formed a coalition government with former guerrilla commander Ramush Haradinaj, who became prime minister.
Haradinaj was under investigation at the time by the U.N. war crimes tribunal in The Hague. Once indicted he turned himself in March and the balance of power swung to Rugova.
If he was no longer at the helm of the LDK, the scales could tip once more in favour of Haradinaj's allies and those of another former rebel, Rugova's political nemesis Hashim Thaci.
"He is in very serious condition," a senior foreign diplomat told Reuters in the Kosovo capital Pristina, without specifying the nature of Rugova's ailment. Rugova has been in a U.S. military hospital in Germany for the past four days.
Commenting on speculation that he may return home partly incapacitated, the diplomat said: "Let's see what effect medical treatment might have on his condition."
A pacifist who has championed his people's independence aspirations for the past 15 years, Rugova was flown to the U.S. hospital at Landstuhl on Saturday.
After three days of tabloid speculation, the respected daily Zeri quoted sources on Wednesday as saying he would return by the weekend but continue "rigorous medical treatment".
As president, and a powerful figurehead for the province's 2 million ethnic Albanians, Rugova was expected to take the lead role in steering Kosovo's bitter political rivals into talks.
That now looks doubtful.
The charismatic Rugova, 60, also has no obvious successor in his faction-ridden Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK).
Analysts raised the prospect of an LDK power struggle as United Nations-mediated talks with Serbia draw near on the future of its southern U.N.-run province.
That would probably benefit rival parties which emerged from the 1998-99 guerrilla war to challenge LDK dominance.
PRESERVING COHESION
A U.N. envoy is due to recommend in September whether to launch the talks, probably in October, or delay them.
Rugova hopes to lead Kosovo's 2 million ethnic Albanians to full independence in 2006, seven years after NATO bombing forced the pullout of Serb forces.
Political analyst Baton Haxhiu said that, health permitting, Rugova might stay on as president for the sake of political stability, but cut back considerably on his public role.
"This would be to preserve political cohesion," he told Reuters. "The international community needs calm right now."
Aides said at the weekend that Rugova's health had deteriorated after a bout of flu. They and a Landstuhl official declined to comment on Wednesday.
Kosovo became a de facto U.N. protectorate in 1999 after NATO bombing forced the withdrawal of Serb troops accused of atrocities in a year of combating an insurgency by Albanian separatist guerrillas.
Despite being eclipsed by the rebels, Rugova's popularity rebounded and he has twice been elected president since the war ended six years ago.
The LDK has relied heavily on his personal charisma to maintain a majority share of the vote among Kosovo's ethnic Albanians, but is riven by factionalism.
Rugova took a political gamble in late 2004 when he formed a coalition government with former guerrilla commander Ramush Haradinaj, who became prime minister.
Haradinaj was under investigation at the time by the U.N. war crimes tribunal in The Hague. Once indicted he turned himself in March and the balance of power swung to Rugova.
If he was no longer at the helm of the LDK, the scales could tip once more in favour of Haradinaj's allies and those of another former rebel, Rugova's political nemesis Hashim Thaci.
NATO to reshuffle troops in Kosovo
BRUSSELS, Aug 31 (AFP) -
NATO is to begin a major reshuffle of its KFOR peacekeeping force in Kosovo in October, an official at the transatlantic military alliance said on Wednesday.
"KFOR will transition to a structure based on task forces instead of brigades to improve and facilitate command and control," the official said, on condition of anonymity.
"In addition, operational tactics and techniques will be modified to ensure a closer interaction with the population of Kosovo," the official said.
"There will be an additional headquarters in the southwest of Kosovo, which is going to facilitate command and control."
The official said the transition, expected to take about a year, was being made to improve KFOR effectiveness in the Serbian province and underlined that the capabilities of the peacekeeping force would not be harmed.
Kosovo has been administered by the United Nations since a NATO-led bombing campaign ousted Serb troops from the mainly ethnic Albanian province in 1999 to end fighting between Serbian forces and separatist rebels.
NATO is to begin a major reshuffle of its KFOR peacekeeping force in Kosovo in October, an official at the transatlantic military alliance said on Wednesday.
"KFOR will transition to a structure based on task forces instead of brigades to improve and facilitate command and control," the official said, on condition of anonymity.
"In addition, operational tactics and techniques will be modified to ensure a closer interaction with the population of Kosovo," the official said.
"There will be an additional headquarters in the southwest of Kosovo, which is going to facilitate command and control."
The official said the transition, expected to take about a year, was being made to improve KFOR effectiveness in the Serbian province and underlined that the capabilities of the peacekeeping force would not be harmed.
Kosovo has been administered by the United Nations since a NATO-led bombing campaign ousted Serb troops from the mainly ethnic Albanian province in 1999 to end fighting between Serbian forces and separatist rebels.
Marti Ahtisaari – status negotiator - Update
Koha Ditore on the front page quotes Western sources as saying that former Finnish President Marti Ahtisaari is preferred by all relevant international actors for the post of negotiator for Kosovo’s status and this is expected to be made official in mid-September when the Finnish diplomat will reportedly meet UN Secretary General Kofi Annan.
Under the subhead The international community is getting ready to start the process of Kosovo’s status, the newspaper notes that Ahtisaari’s appointment would fit the plan mentioned several months ago. According to that plan, should Eide’s report on standards implementation be positive, the UN Security Council will give the green light to the opening of the status process. In the meantime, the UN envoy for status would be tasked with finding the final solution, which would then be approved by the UN Security Council.
Other unnamed international sources reportedly confirmed to the paper that Ahtisaari is a candidate for the post, but they hesitated to refer to the issue as a done deal.
Sources from the EU reportedly confirmed to Koha Ditore that Ahtisaari is the key candidate to be appointed UN special envoy for talks on Kosovo’s final status. However, senior EU officials refused to make official statements on this matter, saying that they don’t want to prejudge the decision of UN Secretary General Kofi Annan. The same officials said there is agreement within the EU that Ahtisaari would do a good job in this post, that he is experienced and that the EU would gladly cooperate with him. EU is currently cooperating with Ahtisaari who is mediating to solve disagreements in Indonesia.
According to the paper’s diplomatic sources in Brussels, the international community believes that it wouldn’t be good to give the post of status envoy to an official of countries that are permanent members of the UNSC. There are speculations that this was the reason why former EU Foreign Policy Commissioner Chris Patten is out of the game for this post.
‘Annan will most probably decide on someone who is not too linked with the official policy of the Contact Group and UNSC members, because these countries will anyway play a key role in finding a solution for Kosovo and formalising it by the United Nations,’ diplomatic sources told the paper.
The same sources said Ahtisaari undoubtedly has the best chances of leading negotiations on Kosovo’s status. However, EU and NATO sources warned that one should wait for Eide’s report on standards implementation without whose positive’s note there can be no status negotiations.
At the same time, says the paper, independent analysts have positively assessed the news that Ahtisaari could spearhead status talks. ‘This is a good solution. He has tremendous experience with the former Yugoslavia and he knows many of the people involved,’ British analyst Tim Judah told the paper.
Judah also said that Ahtisaari is familiar with the background of the conflict in Kosovo. ‘However, one should not forget that the issue of Kosovo’s status will be an extremely difficult task,’ Judah concluded.
Under the subhead The international community is getting ready to start the process of Kosovo’s status, the newspaper notes that Ahtisaari’s appointment would fit the plan mentioned several months ago. According to that plan, should Eide’s report on standards implementation be positive, the UN Security Council will give the green light to the opening of the status process. In the meantime, the UN envoy for status would be tasked with finding the final solution, which would then be approved by the UN Security Council.
Other unnamed international sources reportedly confirmed to the paper that Ahtisaari is a candidate for the post, but they hesitated to refer to the issue as a done deal.
Sources from the EU reportedly confirmed to Koha Ditore that Ahtisaari is the key candidate to be appointed UN special envoy for talks on Kosovo’s final status. However, senior EU officials refused to make official statements on this matter, saying that they don’t want to prejudge the decision of UN Secretary General Kofi Annan. The same officials said there is agreement within the EU that Ahtisaari would do a good job in this post, that he is experienced and that the EU would gladly cooperate with him. EU is currently cooperating with Ahtisaari who is mediating to solve disagreements in Indonesia.
According to the paper’s diplomatic sources in Brussels, the international community believes that it wouldn’t be good to give the post of status envoy to an official of countries that are permanent members of the UNSC. There are speculations that this was the reason why former EU Foreign Policy Commissioner Chris Patten is out of the game for this post.
‘Annan will most probably decide on someone who is not too linked with the official policy of the Contact Group and UNSC members, because these countries will anyway play a key role in finding a solution for Kosovo and formalising it by the United Nations,’ diplomatic sources told the paper.
The same sources said Ahtisaari undoubtedly has the best chances of leading negotiations on Kosovo’s status. However, EU and NATO sources warned that one should wait for Eide’s report on standards implementation without whose positive’s note there can be no status negotiations.
At the same time, says the paper, independent analysts have positively assessed the news that Ahtisaari could spearhead status talks. ‘This is a good solution. He has tremendous experience with the former Yugoslavia and he knows many of the people involved,’ British analyst Tim Judah told the paper.
Judah also said that Ahtisaari is familiar with the background of the conflict in Kosovo. ‘However, one should not forget that the issue of Kosovo’s status will be an extremely difficult task,’ Judah concluded.
Years After Milosevic, Serbia's Illusions Persist - The New York Times
By ROGER COHEN
International Herald Tribune
Every month officers of the armed forces of Serbia and Montenegro are asked if they have taken any foreign trips. The questioning is a routine matter, a hangover from the communist era.
In come the replies - a family holiday in Turkey, a visit to the Black Sea coast. More officers are traveling these days, often with newly acquired passports, although monthly salaries of about $450 (for a lieutenant colonel) limit foreign sojourns.
There is also a problem, not a new one in Serbia, with defining what is inside and what outside the country. Some officers who have visited Bosnia balk at categorizing the trips as foreign travel. They say they were stationed there and will never be able to consider the former Yugoslav territory as "foreign."
The protests are summarily dismissed: An international border now separates Serbia from Bosnia. But such little confrontations, witnessed and related by an army member, say much about the confused state of Serbia as the fifth anniversary of the overthrow of Slobodan Milosevic approaches on Oct. 5.
At its most basic level, this confusion centers on geography. Within the greater question of where Europe ends, a matter of growing debate in Brussels, lies the smaller but still volatile question of where Serbia ends.
The historic Serbian mistake of 1918, when the victorious kingdom gambled on a large country that would take the name Yugoslavia, rather than consolidating a compact state of Serbia, continues to haunt Belgrade. Just how to complete the long pullback from this hubris-driven overreach remains unclear.
The territory governed from Belgrade continues to shrink. Next year, under an accord devised by the European Union's foreign policy chief, Javier Solana, Montenegro can call a referendum to decide whether to secede.
Its union with Serbia is already something of a fiction - the two republics use different currencies - and many weary Serbs are inclined to say good riddance to the funny federation sometimes called "Solandia."
But Vojislav Kostunica, Serbia's conservative prime minister, is opposed to Montenegrin independence. So is the army. So is the EU, which sees no need for another European mini-state. So are many Montenegrins, who worry about losing access to good Belgrade hospitals and other perks. As a result, the 2006 referendum remains in doubt.
This uncertainty is unhelpful. "The sooner they decide, the better," said Goran Svilanovic, a former foreign minister. "We need to know the answer to this question: Are you in my country or not? People suffer from a chronic identity problem."
The nature of that problem is familiar enough. Belgrade is the capital of a vanishing state that once stretched to the Austrian border. Its peeling stucco and abandoned old cars are emblematic of decline. Nobody needs a thousand guesses to determine who the big loser from Yugoslavia's disintegration was. Slovenia and Croatia have left Serbia in the dust.
But Serbian illusions persist. As the officers' reluctance to qualify Bosnia as foreign suggests, former bigness is hard to reconcile with current smallness. Belief in some Serbian "Sonderweg," or "special way," endures below the surface. That makes acceptance of a mediocre reality difficult.
Part of this reality is that Montenegro is not alone in contemplating the exit. Negotiations are likely to begin later this year on the status of Kosovo, which is formally part of Serbia, in reality a ward of the international community, and in the minds of almost all its ethnic Albanian citizens a putative independent state.
What goes around comes around. Kosovo was the launching pad for the crazed nationalism engineered by Milosevic as Yugoslavia began to crumble. Now it will, in all likelihood, be the last piece of Serbia to go, but not without a bitter struggle over what many Serbs like to refer to as the cradle of their civilization.
When two Serbs were killed last weekend in a shooting in Kosovo, Kostunica and Boris Tadic, the Serbian president, rushed to issue statements of outrage. In essence, their message was that the incident demonstrated how far Kosovo remains from the basic standards Europe and the United States demand of any community with ambitions to self-governance. They had a point.
The problem, however, is that Serbia, ever quick to denounce ethnic Albanian "terrorism" in Kosovo, has scarcely begun to confront the crimes it committed on a vast scale in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo in the 1990s.
A video of Serbs killing Muslims at Srebrenica, shown in June at the Yugoslav war crimes tribunal in The Hague, provoked a shock here. That was salutary. It was also a terrible indictment of the degree of Serbian ignorance a decade after the Bosnian war. Six Bosnian Muslims being shot in 1995 were shown in the video. Six! In the early months of the Bosnian war in 1992, tens of thousands of Muslims were driven from their homes, herded into camps and selectively killed. Over that murderous campaign silence reigns. From Kostunica down, obfuscation of the "They-killed-us-we-killed-them" variety is still encouraged.
"If you ask people here about joining the EU, everyone agrees," said Dusan Pavlovic, a political scientist. "But if you ask them about Serbian responsibility for war crimes, most people would say no. And if you ask them how you can integrate with Europe without accepting responsibility, they stare at you in dismay."
Of course, progress toward EU membership will not occur until two chief protagonists of Serbian violence, General Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic, are handed over to the international tribunal. Kostunica and Tadic have committed themselves to their capture, but national sentiment seems divided.
Within the army, younger officers, with an eye on potential NATO membership, favor Mladic's handover. But older officers cannot accept his capture. "They say they will never accept the arrest of a man with whom they fought in Bosnia," said the army member.
That's interesting. One of Serbia's, and Milosevic's, many fictions is that the Yugoslav Army never fought in Bosnia and the campaign there had nothing to do with Belgrade. Nonsense, of course, but Serbia remains ambivalent about reality.
E-mail: rcohen@iht.com
Tomorrow: Alan Riding looks at the West through Muslim eyes.
International Herald Tribune
Every month officers of the armed forces of Serbia and Montenegro are asked if they have taken any foreign trips. The questioning is a routine matter, a hangover from the communist era.
In come the replies - a family holiday in Turkey, a visit to the Black Sea coast. More officers are traveling these days, often with newly acquired passports, although monthly salaries of about $450 (for a lieutenant colonel) limit foreign sojourns.
There is also a problem, not a new one in Serbia, with defining what is inside and what outside the country. Some officers who have visited Bosnia balk at categorizing the trips as foreign travel. They say they were stationed there and will never be able to consider the former Yugoslav territory as "foreign."
The protests are summarily dismissed: An international border now separates Serbia from Bosnia. But such little confrontations, witnessed and related by an army member, say much about the confused state of Serbia as the fifth anniversary of the overthrow of Slobodan Milosevic approaches on Oct. 5.
At its most basic level, this confusion centers on geography. Within the greater question of where Europe ends, a matter of growing debate in Brussels, lies the smaller but still volatile question of where Serbia ends.
The historic Serbian mistake of 1918, when the victorious kingdom gambled on a large country that would take the name Yugoslavia, rather than consolidating a compact state of Serbia, continues to haunt Belgrade. Just how to complete the long pullback from this hubris-driven overreach remains unclear.
The territory governed from Belgrade continues to shrink. Next year, under an accord devised by the European Union's foreign policy chief, Javier Solana, Montenegro can call a referendum to decide whether to secede.
Its union with Serbia is already something of a fiction - the two republics use different currencies - and many weary Serbs are inclined to say good riddance to the funny federation sometimes called "Solandia."
But Vojislav Kostunica, Serbia's conservative prime minister, is opposed to Montenegrin independence. So is the army. So is the EU, which sees no need for another European mini-state. So are many Montenegrins, who worry about losing access to good Belgrade hospitals and other perks. As a result, the 2006 referendum remains in doubt.
This uncertainty is unhelpful. "The sooner they decide, the better," said Goran Svilanovic, a former foreign minister. "We need to know the answer to this question: Are you in my country or not? People suffer from a chronic identity problem."
The nature of that problem is familiar enough. Belgrade is the capital of a vanishing state that once stretched to the Austrian border. Its peeling stucco and abandoned old cars are emblematic of decline. Nobody needs a thousand guesses to determine who the big loser from Yugoslavia's disintegration was. Slovenia and Croatia have left Serbia in the dust.
But Serbian illusions persist. As the officers' reluctance to qualify Bosnia as foreign suggests, former bigness is hard to reconcile with current smallness. Belief in some Serbian "Sonderweg," or "special way," endures below the surface. That makes acceptance of a mediocre reality difficult.
Part of this reality is that Montenegro is not alone in contemplating the exit. Negotiations are likely to begin later this year on the status of Kosovo, which is formally part of Serbia, in reality a ward of the international community, and in the minds of almost all its ethnic Albanian citizens a putative independent state.
What goes around comes around. Kosovo was the launching pad for the crazed nationalism engineered by Milosevic as Yugoslavia began to crumble. Now it will, in all likelihood, be the last piece of Serbia to go, but not without a bitter struggle over what many Serbs like to refer to as the cradle of their civilization.
When two Serbs were killed last weekend in a shooting in Kosovo, Kostunica and Boris Tadic, the Serbian president, rushed to issue statements of outrage. In essence, their message was that the incident demonstrated how far Kosovo remains from the basic standards Europe and the United States demand of any community with ambitions to self-governance. They had a point.
The problem, however, is that Serbia, ever quick to denounce ethnic Albanian "terrorism" in Kosovo, has scarcely begun to confront the crimes it committed on a vast scale in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo in the 1990s.
A video of Serbs killing Muslims at Srebrenica, shown in June at the Yugoslav war crimes tribunal in The Hague, provoked a shock here. That was salutary. It was also a terrible indictment of the degree of Serbian ignorance a decade after the Bosnian war. Six Bosnian Muslims being shot in 1995 were shown in the video. Six! In the early months of the Bosnian war in 1992, tens of thousands of Muslims were driven from their homes, herded into camps and selectively killed. Over that murderous campaign silence reigns. From Kostunica down, obfuscation of the "They-killed-us-we-killed-them" variety is still encouraged.
"If you ask people here about joining the EU, everyone agrees," said Dusan Pavlovic, a political scientist. "But if you ask them about Serbian responsibility for war crimes, most people would say no. And if you ask them how you can integrate with Europe without accepting responsibility, they stare at you in dismay."
Of course, progress toward EU membership will not occur until two chief protagonists of Serbian violence, General Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic, are handed over to the international tribunal. Kostunica and Tadic have committed themselves to their capture, but national sentiment seems divided.
Within the army, younger officers, with an eye on potential NATO membership, favor Mladic's handover. But older officers cannot accept his capture. "They say they will never accept the arrest of a man with whom they fought in Bosnia," said the army member.
That's interesting. One of Serbia's, and Milosevic's, many fictions is that the Yugoslav Army never fought in Bosnia and the campaign there had nothing to do with Belgrade. Nonsense, of course, but Serbia remains ambivalent about reality.
E-mail: rcohen@iht.com
Tomorrow: Alan Riding looks at the West through Muslim eyes.
Third Pakistani policeman arrested
Under the subheader Police continues action of dissolving human smuggling network, Koha Ditore reports on the front page that UNMIK Police have arrested a Pakistani policeman suspected of being involved in human smuggling. Unofficial sources told the newspaper that the suspect was arrested in Pristina on the day he returned from leave.
UNMIK spokesman Neeraj Singh told the newspaper that due to ongoing investigations he could reveal no details surrounding the case.
UNMIK spokesman Neeraj Singh told the newspaper that due to ongoing investigations he could reveal no details surrounding the case.
Surroi: EU is facing a dilemma in Kosovo
In a roundtable held in Alpbach, Austria, ORA leader Veton Surroi said the European Union will once again face the Kosovan challenge and will face two basic paths in the process of resolving the status of Kosovo. One path, according to Surroi, is for the EU to create a new form of protectorate, not like Bosnia, by accepting Kosovo’s independence from Serbia and by holding the final recognition in the hands of superpowers.
Surroi said that the other path before the EU in Kosovo is the real recognition of independence and the attempt to develop the policy of conditioning in the new partnership. According to Surroi, the second path is more righteous.
Surroi said that the other path before the EU in Kosovo is the real recognition of independence and the attempt to develop the policy of conditioning in the new partnership. According to Surroi, the second path is more righteous.
Marti Ahtisaari – status negotiator
Koha Ditore on the front page quotes Western sources as saying that former Finnish President Marti Ahtisaari is preferred by all relevant international actors for the post of negotiator for Kosovo’s status and this is expected to be made official in mid-September when the Finnish diplomat will reportedly meet UN Secretary General Kofi Annan.
Kosovo president Rugova seriously ill - source
PRISTINA, Serbia and Montenegro (Reuters) - Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova, the ethnic Albanian pro-independence leader undergoing medical tests in Germany, is "seriously ill," a senior foreign diplomat said on Wednesday.
The 60-year-old president was flown to a U.S. military hospital at Landstuhl in western Germany on Saturday after aides said his health had deteriorated following a bout of flu.
An official spokesman refused to comment on Rugova's condition. But a senior foreign diplomat told Reuters: "He is in very serious condition."
Rugova has been at the heart of Kosovo Albanian efforts to win independence from Serbia for the past 15 years.
The province became a de facto U.N. protectorate in 1999 after NATO bombing forced the withdrawal of Serb forces accused of atrocities in fighting separatist rebels.
There is no clear successor to Rugova, who has twice been elected president since the war.
The 60-year-old president was flown to a U.S. military hospital at Landstuhl in western Germany on Saturday after aides said his health had deteriorated following a bout of flu.
An official spokesman refused to comment on Rugova's condition. But a senior foreign diplomat told Reuters: "He is in very serious condition."
Rugova has been at the heart of Kosovo Albanian efforts to win independence from Serbia for the past 15 years.
The province became a de facto U.N. protectorate in 1999 after NATO bombing forced the withdrawal of Serb forces accused of atrocities in fighting separatist rebels.
There is no clear successor to Rugova, who has twice been elected president since the war.
Tuesday, August 30, 2005
Profile: Ibrahim Rugova - BBC
Ibrahim Rugova has spent more than 15 years at the centre of Kosovan politics, pushing to establish the province as a democratic, sovereign state independent of Serbia.
The United Nations - still administering Kosovo - is due to decide in September 2005 whether the province can begin final status talks.
Mr Rugova's long-held vision of a new Balkan future faces a crucial test.
Hailed as the "comeback kid" of Balkan politics when he won Kosovo's presidency in 2002, Mr Rugova's Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) party was forced to share power after parliamentary elections in 2004.
An atmosphere of mutual distrust has soured relations between the LDK and its main coalition partner, former guerrilla Hasim Thaci's Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK).
With division apparent among Kosovo's majority Albanians, relations with the province's Serb minority have continued to deteriorate.
Few Serbs voted in the 2004 elections, which came months after Albanians went on a violent rampage through Serb enclaves.
With Serbia still vowing to oppose any move towards full independence for Kosovo, Mr Rugova's political legacy is far from secure.
Pushing for change
Mr Rugova was born in western Kosovo in 1944, the son of a shopkeeper who was executed after World War II by the advancing Yugoslav Communists.
Nevertheless the son prospered, going on to study linguistics at the Sorbonne in Paris, before becoming a writer and professor of Albanian literature.
He boasts a passion for poetry, mineral rock samples and Sar mountain dogs from the southern Kosovo border area. Rarely seen without a trademark silk scarf, he cuts a distinctive figure.
He was drawn into politics in 1989 after being elected as head of the Kosovo Writers' Union, which became a breeding ground for opposition to the Serbian authorities.
This activism hardened after Belgrade stripped Kosovo of its autonomy later that year, and led to the establishment of Mr Rugova's LDK.
Throughout the 1990s Mr Rugova was seen as the moderate, intellectual face of Albanian opposition to Slobodan Milosevic's Belgrade regime.
His political support for the Albanian guerrillas of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) went largely unquestioned as support grew in the West for military action against Serbia's brutal rule in Kosovo.
But his appearance alongside Mr Milosevic at the height of the conflict virtually ruined his reputation in Kosovo. Many felt the man who for years had called for Western intervention was now urging Nato to stop the bombing.
Most Albanians were furious, with some accusing him of treason. As the conflict came to an end Mr Rugova left the Balkans for Italy, his political career apparently over.
Back in charge
But the man sometimes known as "the Gandhi of the Balkans" returned home and used his experience and pedigree as a proponent of Kosovan nationalism to win the presidency in 2002.
Long before the KLA arrived on the scene in the mid 1990s, Mr Rugova led the parallel government which the Albanians declared at the start of Mr Milosevic's brutal crackdown.
The LDK was as much a party as a popular social movement. He built the loyalty and trust of the people, which lasted the course.
When Ibrahim Rugova campaigned on a pledge to push ahead with demands for full independence from Serbia, Kosovans believed him and voted him into office.
Just a day after the vote, Mr Rugova declared that his first priority as the leader of the victorious party would be to press as fast as possible for sovereignty, and then attend to the economic reconstruction of a province still shattered by war.
He duelled with Mr Milosevic, his old enemy, when called to the stand during the former Yugoslav president's war crimes trial in The Hague.
His home and car have been attacked by bombers, although he has escaped unharmed from each assault.
Despite all his efforts, though, the future of Kosovo is not yet clear.
Ibrahim Rugova led passive resistance in Kosovo in the 1990s; Ethnic tension boiled over in divided Mitrovica in 2004
The United Nations - still administering Kosovo - is due to decide in September 2005 whether the province can begin final status talks.
Mr Rugova's long-held vision of a new Balkan future faces a crucial test.
Hailed as the "comeback kid" of Balkan politics when he won Kosovo's presidency in 2002, Mr Rugova's Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) party was forced to share power after parliamentary elections in 2004.
An atmosphere of mutual distrust has soured relations between the LDK and its main coalition partner, former guerrilla Hasim Thaci's Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK).
With division apparent among Kosovo's majority Albanians, relations with the province's Serb minority have continued to deteriorate.
Few Serbs voted in the 2004 elections, which came months after Albanians went on a violent rampage through Serb enclaves.
With Serbia still vowing to oppose any move towards full independence for Kosovo, Mr Rugova's political legacy is far from secure.
Pushing for change
Mr Rugova was born in western Kosovo in 1944, the son of a shopkeeper who was executed after World War II by the advancing Yugoslav Communists.
Nevertheless the son prospered, going on to study linguistics at the Sorbonne in Paris, before becoming a writer and professor of Albanian literature.
He boasts a passion for poetry, mineral rock samples and Sar mountain dogs from the southern Kosovo border area. Rarely seen without a trademark silk scarf, he cuts a distinctive figure.
He was drawn into politics in 1989 after being elected as head of the Kosovo Writers' Union, which became a breeding ground for opposition to the Serbian authorities.
This activism hardened after Belgrade stripped Kosovo of its autonomy later that year, and led to the establishment of Mr Rugova's LDK.
Throughout the 1990s Mr Rugova was seen as the moderate, intellectual face of Albanian opposition to Slobodan Milosevic's Belgrade regime.
His political support for the Albanian guerrillas of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) went largely unquestioned as support grew in the West for military action against Serbia's brutal rule in Kosovo.
But his appearance alongside Mr Milosevic at the height of the conflict virtually ruined his reputation in Kosovo. Many felt the man who for years had called for Western intervention was now urging Nato to stop the bombing.
Most Albanians were furious, with some accusing him of treason. As the conflict came to an end Mr Rugova left the Balkans for Italy, his political career apparently over.
Back in charge
But the man sometimes known as "the Gandhi of the Balkans" returned home and used his experience and pedigree as a proponent of Kosovan nationalism to win the presidency in 2002.
Long before the KLA arrived on the scene in the mid 1990s, Mr Rugova led the parallel government which the Albanians declared at the start of Mr Milosevic's brutal crackdown.
The LDK was as much a party as a popular social movement. He built the loyalty and trust of the people, which lasted the course.
When Ibrahim Rugova campaigned on a pledge to push ahead with demands for full independence from Serbia, Kosovans believed him and voted him into office.
Just a day after the vote, Mr Rugova declared that his first priority as the leader of the victorious party would be to press as fast as possible for sovereignty, and then attend to the economic reconstruction of a province still shattered by war.
He duelled with Mr Milosevic, his old enemy, when called to the stand during the former Yugoslav president's war crimes trial in The Hague.
His home and car have been attacked by bombers, although he has escaped unharmed from each assault.
Despite all his efforts, though, the future of Kosovo is not yet clear.
Ibrahim Rugova led passive resistance in Kosovo in the 1990s; Ethnic tension boiled over in divided Mitrovica in 2004
Department of State Daily Press Conference - Excerpt on Kosovo
Q On Kosovo, the president of Kosovo, Ibrahim Rugova, is hospitalized in a U.S. military base in Germany.
I'm wondering if you have anything on that.
MR. MCCORMACK: On Saturday, August 27th, President Rugova traveled to the U.S. Army Regional Medical Center in Landstuhl, Germany, for consultations. The United States military facilitated his travel there. And any questions about his health, I think, would be best addressed to his spokesman.
I'm wondering if you have anything on that.
MR. MCCORMACK: On Saturday, August 27th, President Rugova traveled to the U.S. Army Regional Medical Center in Landstuhl, Germany, for consultations. The United States military facilitated his travel there. And any questions about his health, I think, would be best addressed to his spokesman.
Border guard sentenced to year in prison for killing ethnic Albanian youth
BELGRADE, Serbia-Montenegro (AP) - A Serbian court sentenced a border guard to one year in prison Tuesday for shooting and killing an ethnic Albanian youth in January.
The District Court in Nis, about 180 kilometers (108 miles) southeast of Belgrade, ruled that Dejan Jovanovic, 28, "violated rules in guarding the state boundary" when he fired at Dashim Hajrulahu, 16, while the youth was illegally crossing the border with Macedonia.
The January shooting increased ethnic tensions in volatile southern Serbia bordering Kosovo, which was the scene in 1999-2000 of an ethnic Albanian rebellion.
Jovanovic, a displaced Serb from Kosovo, was serving in the military as a border guard when Hajrulahu tried to cross illegally from Macedonia, where he had visited family relatives.
Judge Radomir Mladenovic ruled that Jovanovic should have fired warning shots in the air before shooting Hajrulahu. The guard said he thought Hajrulahu was armed but no weapon was found.
There was no immediate comment from Hajrulahu's family or local ethnic Albanian leaders.
The District Court in Nis, about 180 kilometers (108 miles) southeast of Belgrade, ruled that Dejan Jovanovic, 28, "violated rules in guarding the state boundary" when he fired at Dashim Hajrulahu, 16, while the youth was illegally crossing the border with Macedonia.
The January shooting increased ethnic tensions in volatile southern Serbia bordering Kosovo, which was the scene in 1999-2000 of an ethnic Albanian rebellion.
Jovanovic, a displaced Serb from Kosovo, was serving in the military as a border guard when Hajrulahu tried to cross illegally from Macedonia, where he had visited family relatives.
Judge Radomir Mladenovic ruled that Jovanovic should have fired warning shots in the air before shooting Hajrulahu. The guard said he thought Hajrulahu was armed but no weapon was found.
There was no immediate comment from Hajrulahu's family or local ethnic Albanian leaders.
Years after Milosevic, Serbia's illusions persist
Roger Cohen International Herald Tribune
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 31, 2005
BELGRADE Every month officers of the armed forces of Serbia and Montenegro are asked if they have taken any foreign trips. The questioning is a routine matter, a hangover from the communist era.
In come the replies - a family holiday in Turkey, a visit to the Black Sea coast. More officers are traveling these days, often with newly acquired passports, although monthly salaries of about $450 (for a lieutenant colonel) limit foreign sojourns.
There is also a problem, not a new one in Serbia, with defining what is inside and what outside the country. Some officers who have visited Bosnia balk at categorizing the trips as foreign travel. They say they were stationed there and will never be able to consider the former Yugoslav territory as "foreign."
The protests are summarily dismissed: An international border now separates Serbia from Bosnia. But such little confrontations, witnessed and related by an army member, say much about the confused state of Serbia as the fifth anniversary of the overthrow of Slobodan Milosevic approaches on Oct. 5.
At its most basic level, this confusion centers on geography. Within the greater question of where Europe ends, a matter of growing debate in Brussels, lies the smaller but still volatile question of where Serbia ends.
The historic Serbian mistake of 1918, when the victorious kingdom gambled on a large country that would take the name Yugoslavia, rather than consolidating a compact state of Serbia, continues to haunt Belgrade. Just how to complete the long pullback from this hubris-driven overreach remains unclear.
The territory governed from Belgrade continues to shrink. Next year, under an accord devised by the European Union's foreign policy chief, Javier Solana, Montenegro can call a referendum to decide whether to secede.
Its union with Serbia is already something of a fiction - the two republics use different currencies - and many weary Serbs are inclined to say good riddance to the funny federation sometimes called "Solandia."
But Vojislav Kostunica, Serbia's conservative prime minister, is opposed to Montenegrin independence. So is the army. So is the EU, which sees no need for another European mini-state. So are many Montenegrins, who worry about losing access to good Belgrade hospitals and other perks. As a result, the 2006 referendum remains in doubt.
This uncertainty is unhelpful. "The sooner they decide, the better," said Goran Svilanovic, a former foreign minister. "We need to know the answer to this question: Are you in my country or not? People suffer from a chronic identity problem."
The nature of that problem is familiar enough. Belgrade is the capital of a vanishing state that once stretched to the Austrian border. Its peeling stucco and abandoned old cars are emblematic of decline. Nobody needs a thousand guesses to determine who the big loser from Yugoslavia's disintegration was. Slovenia and Croatia have left Serbia in the dust.
But Serbian illusions persist. As the officers' reluctance to qualify Bosnia as foreign suggests, former bigness is hard to reconcile with current smallness. Belief in some Serbian "Sonderweg," or "special way," endures below the surface. That makes acceptance of a mediocre reality difficult.
Part of this reality is that Montenegro is not alone in contemplating the exit. Negotiations are likely to begin later this year on the status of Kosovo, which is formally part of Serbia, in reality a ward of the international community, and in the minds of almost all its ethnic Albanian citizens a putative independent state.
What goes around comes around. Kosovo was the launching pad for the crazed nationalism engineered by Milosevic as Yugoslavia began to crumble. Now it will, in all likelihood, be the last piece of Serbia to go, but not without a bitter struggle over what many Serbs like to refer to as the cradle of their civilization.
When two Serbs were killed last weekend in a shooting in Kosovo, Kostunica and Boris Tadic, the Serbian president, rushed to issue statements of outrage. In essence, their message was that the incident demonstrated how far Kosovo remains from the basic standards Europe and the United States demand of any community with ambitions to self-governance. They had a point.
The problem, however, is that Serbia, ever quick to denounce ethnic Albanian "terrorism" in Kosovo, has scarcely begun to confront the crimes it committed on a vast scale in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo in the 1990s.
A video of Serbs killing Muslims at Srebrenica, shown in June at the Yugoslav war crimes tribunal in The Hague, provoked a shock here. That was salutary. It was also a terrible indictment of the degree of Serbian ignorance a decade after the Bosnian war. Six Bosnian Muslims being shot in 1995 were shown in the video. Six! In the early months of the Bosnian war in 1992, tens of thousands of Muslims were driven from their homes, herded into camps and selectively killed. Over that murderous campaign silence reigns. From Kostunica down, obfuscation of the "They-killed-us-we-killed-them" variety is still encouraged.
"If you ask people here about joining the EU, everyone agrees," said Dusan Pavlovic, a political scientist. "But if you ask them about Serbian responsibility for war crimes, most people would say no. And if you ask them how you can integrate with Europe without accepting responsibility, they stare at you in dismay."
Of course, progress toward EU membership will not occur until two chief protagonists of Serbian violence, General Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic, are handed over to the international tribunal. Kostunica and Tadic have committed themselves to their capture, but national sentiment seems divided.
Within the army, younger officers, with an eye on potential NATO membership, favor Mladic's handover. But older officers cannot accept his capture. "They say they will never accept the arrest of a man with whom they fought in Bosnia," said the army member.
That's interesting. One of Serbia's, and Milosevic's, many fictions is that the Yugoslav Army never fought in Bosnia and the campaign there had nothing to do with Belgrade. Nonsense, of course, but Serbia remains ambivalent about reality.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 31, 2005
BELGRADE Every month officers of the armed forces of Serbia and Montenegro are asked if they have taken any foreign trips. The questioning is a routine matter, a hangover from the communist era.
In come the replies - a family holiday in Turkey, a visit to the Black Sea coast. More officers are traveling these days, often with newly acquired passports, although monthly salaries of about $450 (for a lieutenant colonel) limit foreign sojourns.
There is also a problem, not a new one in Serbia, with defining what is inside and what outside the country. Some officers who have visited Bosnia balk at categorizing the trips as foreign travel. They say they were stationed there and will never be able to consider the former Yugoslav territory as "foreign."
The protests are summarily dismissed: An international border now separates Serbia from Bosnia. But such little confrontations, witnessed and related by an army member, say much about the confused state of Serbia as the fifth anniversary of the overthrow of Slobodan Milosevic approaches on Oct. 5.
At its most basic level, this confusion centers on geography. Within the greater question of where Europe ends, a matter of growing debate in Brussels, lies the smaller but still volatile question of where Serbia ends.
The historic Serbian mistake of 1918, when the victorious kingdom gambled on a large country that would take the name Yugoslavia, rather than consolidating a compact state of Serbia, continues to haunt Belgrade. Just how to complete the long pullback from this hubris-driven overreach remains unclear.
The territory governed from Belgrade continues to shrink. Next year, under an accord devised by the European Union's foreign policy chief, Javier Solana, Montenegro can call a referendum to decide whether to secede.
Its union with Serbia is already something of a fiction - the two republics use different currencies - and many weary Serbs are inclined to say good riddance to the funny federation sometimes called "Solandia."
But Vojislav Kostunica, Serbia's conservative prime minister, is opposed to Montenegrin independence. So is the army. So is the EU, which sees no need for another European mini-state. So are many Montenegrins, who worry about losing access to good Belgrade hospitals and other perks. As a result, the 2006 referendum remains in doubt.
This uncertainty is unhelpful. "The sooner they decide, the better," said Goran Svilanovic, a former foreign minister. "We need to know the answer to this question: Are you in my country or not? People suffer from a chronic identity problem."
The nature of that problem is familiar enough. Belgrade is the capital of a vanishing state that once stretched to the Austrian border. Its peeling stucco and abandoned old cars are emblematic of decline. Nobody needs a thousand guesses to determine who the big loser from Yugoslavia's disintegration was. Slovenia and Croatia have left Serbia in the dust.
But Serbian illusions persist. As the officers' reluctance to qualify Bosnia as foreign suggests, former bigness is hard to reconcile with current smallness. Belief in some Serbian "Sonderweg," or "special way," endures below the surface. That makes acceptance of a mediocre reality difficult.
Part of this reality is that Montenegro is not alone in contemplating the exit. Negotiations are likely to begin later this year on the status of Kosovo, which is formally part of Serbia, in reality a ward of the international community, and in the minds of almost all its ethnic Albanian citizens a putative independent state.
What goes around comes around. Kosovo was the launching pad for the crazed nationalism engineered by Milosevic as Yugoslavia began to crumble. Now it will, in all likelihood, be the last piece of Serbia to go, but not without a bitter struggle over what many Serbs like to refer to as the cradle of their civilization.
When two Serbs were killed last weekend in a shooting in Kosovo, Kostunica and Boris Tadic, the Serbian president, rushed to issue statements of outrage. In essence, their message was that the incident demonstrated how far Kosovo remains from the basic standards Europe and the United States demand of any community with ambitions to self-governance. They had a point.
The problem, however, is that Serbia, ever quick to denounce ethnic Albanian "terrorism" in Kosovo, has scarcely begun to confront the crimes it committed on a vast scale in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo in the 1990s.
A video of Serbs killing Muslims at Srebrenica, shown in June at the Yugoslav war crimes tribunal in The Hague, provoked a shock here. That was salutary. It was also a terrible indictment of the degree of Serbian ignorance a decade after the Bosnian war. Six Bosnian Muslims being shot in 1995 were shown in the video. Six! In the early months of the Bosnian war in 1992, tens of thousands of Muslims were driven from their homes, herded into camps and selectively killed. Over that murderous campaign silence reigns. From Kostunica down, obfuscation of the "They-killed-us-we-killed-them" variety is still encouraged.
"If you ask people here about joining the EU, everyone agrees," said Dusan Pavlovic, a political scientist. "But if you ask them about Serbian responsibility for war crimes, most people would say no. And if you ask them how you can integrate with Europe without accepting responsibility, they stare at you in dismay."
Of course, progress toward EU membership will not occur until two chief protagonists of Serbian violence, General Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic, are handed over to the international tribunal. Kostunica and Tadic have committed themselves to their capture, but national sentiment seems divided.
Within the army, younger officers, with an eye on potential NATO membership, favor Mladic's handover. But older officers cannot accept his capture. "They say they will never accept the arrest of a man with whom they fought in Bosnia," said the army member.
That's interesting. One of Serbia's, and Milosevic's, many fictions is that the Yugoslav Army never fought in Bosnia and the campaign there had nothing to do with Belgrade. Nonsense, of course, but Serbia remains ambivalent about reality.
Kosovo leader in German hospital
The President of Kosovo, Ibrahim Rugova, is undergoing medical tests at a US military hospital in Germany amid reports that he is seriously ill.
His spokesman Muhamet Hamiti said the tests would help doctors decide on appropriate treatment. But he refused to specify the president's illness.
Mr Rugova, 61, was re-elected last October. He was flown to Landstuhl near Frankfurt on Saturday.
He was said to be ill with flu last week and cancelled some engagements.
His Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) party won legislative elections in October 2004.
Kosovo has been under United Nations administration since 1999, when a Nato bombing campaign against Serbia stopped Serb forces expelling the ethnic-Albanian majority during an Albanian separatist insurgency.
Mr Rugova, seen as a moderate ethnic Albanian leader, led passive resistance to Serbian rule in the 1990s.
Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority wants independence, while Serbia fiercely opposes the idea.
Mr Rugova has long campaigned for Kosovan independence
His spokesman Muhamet Hamiti said the tests would help doctors decide on appropriate treatment. But he refused to specify the president's illness.
Mr Rugova, 61, was re-elected last October. He was flown to Landstuhl near Frankfurt on Saturday.
He was said to be ill with flu last week and cancelled some engagements.
His Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) party won legislative elections in October 2004.
Kosovo has been under United Nations administration since 1999, when a Nato bombing campaign against Serbia stopped Serb forces expelling the ethnic-Albanian majority during an Albanian separatist insurgency.
Mr Rugova, seen as a moderate ethnic Albanian leader, led passive resistance to Serbian rule in the 1990s.
Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority wants independence, while Serbia fiercely opposes the idea.
Mr Rugova has long campaigned for Kosovan independence
KPC Ceremonial Guard’s sanction suspended one month ahead of time
All dailies report that the KPC Ceremonial Guard will resume its activities as of 1 September as the sanctions have been lifted one month in advance.
Zëri writes on the front page that before leaving Kosovo, KFOR Commander Yves de Kermabon decided, together with the head of UNMIK, to lift the sanction against activities of KPC Ceremonial Guard a month ahead of time.
‘Guard returns’ is the headline of Express. The paper writes that before leaving Kosovo, Kermabon brought KPC the good news.
Zëri writes on the front page that before leaving Kosovo, KFOR Commander Yves de Kermabon decided, together with the head of UNMIK, to lift the sanction against activities of KPC Ceremonial Guard a month ahead of time.
‘Guard returns’ is the headline of Express. The paper writes that before leaving Kosovo, Kermabon brought KPC the good news.
Monday, August 29, 2005
Berisha and Surroi: No calm in the region without independence of Kosovo
Koha Ditore reports on a meeting ORA leader Veton Surroi had with the head of Democratic Party of Albania and candidate for Albanian PM Sali Berisha in Tirana.
Surroi congratulated Berisha on his party’s victory in parliamentary elections hoping it will bring a turn in the relations between Kosovo and Albania. Berisha assured Surroi that Kosovo will be an important priority of the future Albanian government. Berisha also said that the region cannot be calm without Kosovo becoming independent.
Surroi congratulated Berisha on his party’s victory in parliamentary elections hoping it will bring a turn in the relations between Kosovo and Albania. Berisha assured Surroi that Kosovo will be an important priority of the future Albanian government. Berisha also said that the region cannot be calm without Kosovo becoming independent.
Police Seek Public Help To Find Killers Of 2 Kosovo Serbs
PRISTINA (AP)--Police in Kosovo Monday appealed for the public's assistance in tracking down the killers of two young Serbs shot over the weekend.
Kai Vittrup, the U.N. police chief said no arrests were made and branded the killing an "isolated tragic incident."
Serbia's Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica blamed the shooting on ethnic Albanians, according to the Beta news agency in Belgrade. He also criticized the U.N. mission in Kosovo for failing to protect the province's dwindling Serb minority, Beta reported.
The shooting occurred late Saturday when four Serbs were traveling on the main road toward southern Kosovo, police said. Another vehicle with three occupants overtook them and opened fire. Two of the victims died on the spot while two others were wounded, police said.
Vittrup seem to contradict Kostunica by saying it was not clear whether the incident was ethnically motivated. However, another senior police official Colin Atkins, said police patrols were increased following the shooting in the areas inhabited by Serbs.
Kosovo has been administered by the U.N. and patrolled by NATO since 1999. Ethnic Albanians have demanded outright independence, while Serbs prefer that it remains part of Serbia. The two communities remain bitterly divided as this province remains disputed over six years since the end of the war.
Kai Vittrup, the U.N. police chief said no arrests were made and branded the killing an "isolated tragic incident."
Serbia's Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica blamed the shooting on ethnic Albanians, according to the Beta news agency in Belgrade. He also criticized the U.N. mission in Kosovo for failing to protect the province's dwindling Serb minority, Beta reported.
The shooting occurred late Saturday when four Serbs were traveling on the main road toward southern Kosovo, police said. Another vehicle with three occupants overtook them and opened fire. Two of the victims died on the spot while two others were wounded, police said.
Vittrup seem to contradict Kostunica by saying it was not clear whether the incident was ethnically motivated. However, another senior police official Colin Atkins, said police patrols were increased following the shooting in the areas inhabited by Serbs.
Kosovo has been administered by the U.N. and patrolled by NATO since 1999. Ethnic Albanians have demanded outright independence, while Serbs prefer that it remains part of Serbia. The two communities remain bitterly divided as this province remains disputed over six years since the end of the war.
Nexhat Daci may perform the duty of the President
The paper writes that according to the Kosovo Constitutional Framework, if the President is temporarily unable to perform his duties, this role would be undertaken Speaker of Kosovo Assembly Nexhat Daci. The office of the Speaker, however, told the paper that the issue of temporary replacement had not yet been discussed.
President Ibrahim Rugova travelled on Saturday to a United States Army base in Germany where he is to undergo medical tests.
Lajm quotes advisor to President Rugova, Skender Hyseni as saying there is no need for a temporary replacement as Rugova is able to perform presidential duties even from the hospital in Germany.
Express writes that there is increasing suspicion that President Rugova is not merely suffering from a cold but that his condition is more serious than officially stated.
President Ibrahim Rugova travelled on Saturday to a United States Army base in Germany where he is to undergo medical tests.
Lajm quotes advisor to President Rugova, Skender Hyseni as saying there is no need for a temporary replacement as Rugova is able to perform presidential duties even from the hospital in Germany.
Express writes that there is increasing suspicion that President Rugova is not merely suffering from a cold but that his condition is more serious than officially stated.
Sunday, August 28, 2005
Two Serbs shot dead in southern Kosovo
PRISTINA, Serbia and Montenegro (Reuters) - Two Serbs were killed and two wounded on Saturday night when their car was shot at in southern Kosovo, a local political leader and police sources said.
Serbs have been the target of frequent attacks in Kosovo by the ethnic Albanian majority since the end of the 1998-99 war, which led to the withdrawal of Serb forces from the southern Serbian province and the arrival of a U.N. administration.
The four Serb men were fired on from another car shortly after 11 p.m. (2100 GMT) as they drove near the town of Strpce near Kosovo's southern border with Macedonia, town mayor Stanko Rakovljevic told Reuters.
"They were shot at from a Mercedes which had followed them," he said. The Serbs were driving a car with the old "PR licence plates denoting Pristina, rather than the U.N.-imposed "KS" plates used by the ethnic Albanian majority.
A police source confirmed the killings. The condition of the two wounded men was not immediately clear.
The killings are the worst since a Serb teenager was shot dead in June last year in the Serb enclave of Gracanica, for which two ethnic Albanians have been charged.
It comes as a U.N. envoy prepares to submit a report next month on whether Kosovo has made enough progress on democracy and minority rights for negotiations to begin on its "final status".
The 90-percent Albanian majority wants formal independence from Serbia, which Belgrade opposes.
Western powers intervened in the 1999 war with 78 days of NATO bombing to drive out Serb forces accused of killing and expelling thousands of ethnic Albanian civilians.
After the war, an estimated 180,000 Serbs fled a wave of revenge attacks. Some 100,000 stayed, many in isolated enclaves guarded by members of the 17,000 NATO-led peace force.
Serbs have been the target of frequent attacks in Kosovo by the ethnic Albanian majority since the end of the 1998-99 war, which led to the withdrawal of Serb forces from the southern Serbian province and the arrival of a U.N. administration.
The four Serb men were fired on from another car shortly after 11 p.m. (2100 GMT) as they drove near the town of Strpce near Kosovo's southern border with Macedonia, town mayor Stanko Rakovljevic told Reuters.
"They were shot at from a Mercedes which had followed them," he said. The Serbs were driving a car with the old "PR licence plates denoting Pristina, rather than the U.N.-imposed "KS" plates used by the ethnic Albanian majority.
A police source confirmed the killings. The condition of the two wounded men was not immediately clear.
The killings are the worst since a Serb teenager was shot dead in June last year in the Serb enclave of Gracanica, for which two ethnic Albanians have been charged.
It comes as a U.N. envoy prepares to submit a report next month on whether Kosovo has made enough progress on democracy and minority rights for negotiations to begin on its "final status".
The 90-percent Albanian majority wants formal independence from Serbia, which Belgrade opposes.
Western powers intervened in the 1999 war with 78 days of NATO bombing to drive out Serb forces accused of killing and expelling thousands of ethnic Albanian civilians.
After the war, an estimated 180,000 Serbs fled a wave of revenge attacks. Some 100,000 stayed, many in isolated enclaves guarded by members of the 17,000 NATO-led peace force.
Saturday, August 27, 2005
Breaking News: Kosovo president flown to Germany after his health deteriorates
Sat Aug 27, 2005 06:01 PM ET
By Shaban Buza
PRISTINA, Serbia and Montenegro (Reuters) - Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova was flown to a military hospital in Germany on Saturday after his health deteriorated following a bout of the flu.
"On the recommendation of his doctors, President Rugova decided to go for tests and further medical treatment at a U.S. military base in Germany," his office said in a statement.
A spokesman refused to comment on the seriousness of his illness, but a source close to the president said he was having respiratory problems.
Rugova was transported by U.S. military plane to the Landstuhl military hospital having received treatment at the sprawling Bondsteel U.S. military base in southern Kosovo.
The 60-year-old ethnic Albanian has been at the forefront of Kosovo's drive to win independence from Serbia, with U.N.-backed talks aimed at deciding Kosovo's "final status" expected within months.
With his trademark silk scarf and wire-rimmed spectacles, Rugova led almost a decade of passive resistance to Serb rule in the 1990s, creating a virtual underground state.
But the former literature professor was temporarily sidelined in 1998 when the mood swung in favour of the rebel Kosovo Liberation Army, which took up arms against Serb forces.
The war ended in 1999 with 78 days of NATO bombing to drive out Serb forces accused of atrocities against ethnic Albanian civilians.
Kosovo remains under the control of the United Nations. Rugova, who escaped unhurt when a bomb blast rocked his car in Pristina in March, heads the Democratic League of Kosovo, the largest party in a coalition interim government.
By Shaban Buza
PRISTINA, Serbia and Montenegro (Reuters) - Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova was flown to a military hospital in Germany on Saturday after his health deteriorated following a bout of the flu.
"On the recommendation of his doctors, President Rugova decided to go for tests and further medical treatment at a U.S. military base in Germany," his office said in a statement.
A spokesman refused to comment on the seriousness of his illness, but a source close to the president said he was having respiratory problems.
Rugova was transported by U.S. military plane to the Landstuhl military hospital having received treatment at the sprawling Bondsteel U.S. military base in southern Kosovo.
The 60-year-old ethnic Albanian has been at the forefront of Kosovo's drive to win independence from Serbia, with U.N.-backed talks aimed at deciding Kosovo's "final status" expected within months.
With his trademark silk scarf and wire-rimmed spectacles, Rugova led almost a decade of passive resistance to Serb rule in the 1990s, creating a virtual underground state.
But the former literature professor was temporarily sidelined in 1998 when the mood swung in favour of the rebel Kosovo Liberation Army, which took up arms against Serb forces.
The war ended in 1999 with 78 days of NATO bombing to drive out Serb forces accused of atrocities against ethnic Albanian civilians.
Kosovo remains under the control of the United Nations. Rugova, who escaped unhurt when a bomb blast rocked his car in Pristina in March, heads the Democratic League of Kosovo, the largest party in a coalition interim government.
Friday, August 26, 2005
International experts for working groups on status
Kosova Sot reports that all political parties represented in the Political Forum have agreed to include renowned international experts, who have voiced their commitment to developments in Kosovo, in the working groups that will prepare negotiations on status. The paper also notes that the foreign experts will not be invited by political parties but by the Forum.
The political parties have so far proposed the first names of international experts for these working groups but the lists remain open for other experts.
PDK officials told Kosova Sot that they have proposed the first names at the meeting of the Forum’s Secretariat. PDK senior official Hajredin Kuçi said they are experts that participated in the Rambouillet Conference. He also added that Jim Hooper and Jim O’Brien are among the proposed experts.
The AAK is soon expected to prepare its proposed list of international experts which it will present at the next meeting. Party spokesman Ernest Luma said the AAK was currently thinking about Carne Ross, former UNMIK Standards Coordinator.
According to Kosova Sot, ORA, the second-largest political party of the opposition, have proposed several names of international experts: Jim O’Brien, Paul Williams, Gerard Knaus, Mark Weller and Jim Hooper.
In a separate box within the same article, the paper reports that ‘political parties represented in the Political Forum have not reacted to ORA leader Surroi’s request that President Rugova should lead the Forum.’
The political parties have so far proposed the first names of international experts for these working groups but the lists remain open for other experts.
PDK officials told Kosova Sot that they have proposed the first names at the meeting of the Forum’s Secretariat. PDK senior official Hajredin Kuçi said they are experts that participated in the Rambouillet Conference. He also added that Jim Hooper and Jim O’Brien are among the proposed experts.
The AAK is soon expected to prepare its proposed list of international experts which it will present at the next meeting. Party spokesman Ernest Luma said the AAK was currently thinking about Carne Ross, former UNMIK Standards Coordinator.
According to Kosova Sot, ORA, the second-largest political party of the opposition, have proposed several names of international experts: Jim O’Brien, Paul Williams, Gerard Knaus, Mark Weller and Jim Hooper.
In a separate box within the same article, the paper reports that ‘political parties represented in the Political Forum have not reacted to ORA leader Surroi’s request that President Rugova should lead the Forum.’
Thaçi: SRSG has no mandate over political status
According to Koha Ditore, PDK leader Hashim Thaçi says that the SRSG has no mandate over the political status of Kosovo and has called the statement of UNMIK chief, Søren Jessen-Petersen, for a compromise between Pristina and Belgrade, as hasty and problematic.
‘If he had in mind a compromise that implies less than independence for Kosovo, then his statement was hasty and problematic, but if he meant independence for Kosovo, then I agree that independence is a compromise for the people of Kosovo,’ Thaçi said for Koha Ditore.
According to Thaçi there should be no negotiations with Serbia on the political status of Kosovo. ‘There should only be negotiations with the internationals on the way to build the state of Kosovo and not about what status Kosovo should have. There is only one solution for Kosovars and that is respecting of the will of the people of Kosovo for an independent and sovereign state. Any other solution will be in complete contradiction to the will of the people of Kosovo,’ Thaçi said.
Referring to the statement of the SRSG that Kosovo institutions are lagging behind Belgrade in their preparations for status talks, PDK leader said that ‘working groups have been set up and they should accelerate the process of implementation of Kosovo’s statehood, not of negotiations with Belgrade. If the lack of preparedness of the current Government is being talked about in relation to status, then the current Government should not be identified with the will of the people of Kosovo,’ said Thaçi.
Thaçi also said that ‘no sheet of paper will be put on the table of talks unless all KLA senior officials were first released from UNMIK’s prisons,’ adding that for the people of Kosovo they are heroes and are innocent.
‘If he had in mind a compromise that implies less than independence for Kosovo, then his statement was hasty and problematic, but if he meant independence for Kosovo, then I agree that independence is a compromise for the people of Kosovo,’ Thaçi said for Koha Ditore.
According to Thaçi there should be no negotiations with Serbia on the political status of Kosovo. ‘There should only be negotiations with the internationals on the way to build the state of Kosovo and not about what status Kosovo should have. There is only one solution for Kosovars and that is respecting of the will of the people of Kosovo for an independent and sovereign state. Any other solution will be in complete contradiction to the will of the people of Kosovo,’ Thaçi said.
Referring to the statement of the SRSG that Kosovo institutions are lagging behind Belgrade in their preparations for status talks, PDK leader said that ‘working groups have been set up and they should accelerate the process of implementation of Kosovo’s statehood, not of negotiations with Belgrade. If the lack of preparedness of the current Government is being talked about in relation to status, then the current Government should not be identified with the will of the people of Kosovo,’ said Thaçi.
Thaçi also said that ‘no sheet of paper will be put on the table of talks unless all KLA senior officials were first released from UNMIK’s prisons,’ adding that for the people of Kosovo they are heroes and are innocent.
Thursday, August 25, 2005
SERBIAN PROSECUTORS ACCUSED OF SERVING POLITICIANS- IWPR
All too familiar calls for judicial reform follow collapse of a case against Marko Milosevic.
By Momir Ilic in Belgrade (BCR No 572, 25-Aug-05)
The collapse of a criminal case against the son of former Serbian president Slobodan Milosevic proves the Serbian judiciary remains firmly under the thumb of those who wield political power, critics say.
The district prosecutor's office in Pozarevac, a town 85 kilometres south of Belgrade, dropped charges of extortion against Marko Milosevic in early August. Deputy District Prosecutor Dimitar Krstev said he abandoned the case because the alleged victim changed his story.
But observers say the decision was not only a professional blunder but also evidence of the close links between prosecutors and politicians.
Balkan Crisis Report, BCR, has been told by a senior source in Serbia's judiciary that the charges were dropped when Krstev came under pressure from Serbian state prosecutor Slobodan Jankovic, who at a meeting in Belgrade ordered him to release Milosevic "in the best interests of the state and government".
"Pressure was exerted on Krstev for over two hours. He was sweating profusely in an air-conditioned room, trying to put up some resistance," said the source.
Jankovic dismissed all suggestions that the charges against Marko Milosevic were dropped as a result of political pressure.
Krstev, too, has denied coming under any political influence, and insists he dropped the case after the plaintiff, Zoran Milovanovic, came to his office and changed his story to say he had no recollection of a key incident in which Milosevic was alleged to have threatened him with a chainsaw unless he disclosed the founders and financers of Otpor, the opposition movement to which he belonged.
Otpor members have accused Milovanovic of changing his story under pressure from politicians. The witness's mother recently wrote an open letter saying, "I don't want to be listed along with those mothers who have lost their children", but she did not specify who was threatening her son.
Marko Milosevic fled the country in October 2000 after the collapse of his father's regime, and was sentenced in absentia to six months' imprisonment by the Pozarevac Municipal Court. A higher court subsequently reversed that decision and ordered a retrial.
Earlier this year, with Jankovic's consent, a court withdrew an international arrest warrant for Slobodan Milosevic's wife, Mirjana Markovic, who had was facing charges relating to property in Belgrade. She has since left the country.
Belgrade lawyer Slobodan Soskic says the cases against both mother and son reflect all too clearly the current state of Serbia's judiciary and prosecution service.
"Prosecutors are straining their ears to hear what the politicians want, and they make their decisions accordingly. This proves that there is no continuity in the healing process within the Serbian judiciary, and also that that this area is great need of far-reaching, comprehensive reform," said Soskic.
Questioning Krstev's judgement and motives, Soskic said it should have been up to the court to decide whether to drop the charges against Milosevic, "The prosecutor should have asked Milovanovic to repeat at the main hearing what he had told him, and thus allow the court to decide which statement it would place its faith in."
Professor Momcilo Grubac, an authority on criminal law who was the chief architect of the Criminal Procedure Act, which is supposed to guide the way prosecutors work, agreed that there was a political connection in both cases.
"The dismissal of charges against Marko Milosevic and the withdrawal of the international arrest warrant are mutually linked, and one may draw the conclusion that the courts and the prosecutors' offices are run from one and the same central location," he said.
Like Soskic, Grubac suggested that Krstev had acted in error. He said prosecutors should not drop criminal charges in cases where a guilty verdict has been issued, then reversed and a retrial ordered.
"Circulating a story according to which Krstev dropped the charges because the plaintiff [Milovanovic] changed his statement is a cheap excuse which can deceive only the ignorant," said Grubac. "The plaintiff can say whatever he likes, but his own wishes have no bearing on the case. The prosecutor is not dependent on the plaintiff and must act in keeping with the law."
The high-ranking Serbian judicial source said the Milosevic and Markovic cases highlight the weaknesses in the current hierarchy of prosecutors.
"Prosecutors have no substantive independence, because [they are] obviously under the control of the executive branch of power," said the source. "The justice minister can suspend the Serbian state prosecutor. If he has such powers over him, then he may exercise similar authority over the entire prosecution service organisation."
Critics say the hierarchical nature of the prosecution service is also conducive to abuse, since senior prosecutors enjoy virtually unrestricted power over their subordinates. They also worry that there is little hope of improvement, citing the most recent draft of the National Strategy for Serbian Judicial Reform, in which the prosecution office is described not as an independent body, but as part of the executive, and linked to the judiciary.
"We are doomed to have cases like Mirjana Markovic and Marko Milosevic repeated over and over again until after the prosecution offices are… removed from the executive branch which currently controls them," concluded the source.
Momir Ilic is a journalist for Blic newspaper and a regular BCR contributor.
By Momir Ilic in Belgrade (BCR No 572, 25-Aug-05)
The collapse of a criminal case against the son of former Serbian president Slobodan Milosevic proves the Serbian judiciary remains firmly under the thumb of those who wield political power, critics say.
The district prosecutor's office in Pozarevac, a town 85 kilometres south of Belgrade, dropped charges of extortion against Marko Milosevic in early August. Deputy District Prosecutor Dimitar Krstev said he abandoned the case because the alleged victim changed his story.
But observers say the decision was not only a professional blunder but also evidence of the close links between prosecutors and politicians.
Balkan Crisis Report, BCR, has been told by a senior source in Serbia's judiciary that the charges were dropped when Krstev came under pressure from Serbian state prosecutor Slobodan Jankovic, who at a meeting in Belgrade ordered him to release Milosevic "in the best interests of the state and government".
"Pressure was exerted on Krstev for over two hours. He was sweating profusely in an air-conditioned room, trying to put up some resistance," said the source.
Jankovic dismissed all suggestions that the charges against Marko Milosevic were dropped as a result of political pressure.
Krstev, too, has denied coming under any political influence, and insists he dropped the case after the plaintiff, Zoran Milovanovic, came to his office and changed his story to say he had no recollection of a key incident in which Milosevic was alleged to have threatened him with a chainsaw unless he disclosed the founders and financers of Otpor, the opposition movement to which he belonged.
Otpor members have accused Milovanovic of changing his story under pressure from politicians. The witness's mother recently wrote an open letter saying, "I don't want to be listed along with those mothers who have lost their children", but she did not specify who was threatening her son.
Marko Milosevic fled the country in October 2000 after the collapse of his father's regime, and was sentenced in absentia to six months' imprisonment by the Pozarevac Municipal Court. A higher court subsequently reversed that decision and ordered a retrial.
Earlier this year, with Jankovic's consent, a court withdrew an international arrest warrant for Slobodan Milosevic's wife, Mirjana Markovic, who had was facing charges relating to property in Belgrade. She has since left the country.
Belgrade lawyer Slobodan Soskic says the cases against both mother and son reflect all too clearly the current state of Serbia's judiciary and prosecution service.
"Prosecutors are straining their ears to hear what the politicians want, and they make their decisions accordingly. This proves that there is no continuity in the healing process within the Serbian judiciary, and also that that this area is great need of far-reaching, comprehensive reform," said Soskic.
Questioning Krstev's judgement and motives, Soskic said it should have been up to the court to decide whether to drop the charges against Milosevic, "The prosecutor should have asked Milovanovic to repeat at the main hearing what he had told him, and thus allow the court to decide which statement it would place its faith in."
Professor Momcilo Grubac, an authority on criminal law who was the chief architect of the Criminal Procedure Act, which is supposed to guide the way prosecutors work, agreed that there was a political connection in both cases.
"The dismissal of charges against Marko Milosevic and the withdrawal of the international arrest warrant are mutually linked, and one may draw the conclusion that the courts and the prosecutors' offices are run from one and the same central location," he said.
Like Soskic, Grubac suggested that Krstev had acted in error. He said prosecutors should not drop criminal charges in cases where a guilty verdict has been issued, then reversed and a retrial ordered.
"Circulating a story according to which Krstev dropped the charges because the plaintiff [Milovanovic] changed his statement is a cheap excuse which can deceive only the ignorant," said Grubac. "The plaintiff can say whatever he likes, but his own wishes have no bearing on the case. The prosecutor is not dependent on the plaintiff and must act in keeping with the law."
The high-ranking Serbian judicial source said the Milosevic and Markovic cases highlight the weaknesses in the current hierarchy of prosecutors.
"Prosecutors have no substantive independence, because [they are] obviously under the control of the executive branch of power," said the source. "The justice minister can suspend the Serbian state prosecutor. If he has such powers over him, then he may exercise similar authority over the entire prosecution service organisation."
Critics say the hierarchical nature of the prosecution service is also conducive to abuse, since senior prosecutors enjoy virtually unrestricted power over their subordinates. They also worry that there is little hope of improvement, citing the most recent draft of the National Strategy for Serbian Judicial Reform, in which the prosecution office is described not as an independent body, but as part of the executive, and linked to the judiciary.
"We are doomed to have cases like Mirjana Markovic and Marko Milosevic repeated over and over again until after the prosecution offices are… removed from the executive branch which currently controls them," concluded the source.
Momir Ilic is a journalist for Blic newspaper and a regular BCR contributor.
Comment: Srebrenica’s Unfinished Business
The arrest of the two top war crimes suspects in Bosnia would have a positive impact locally and internationally.
By Daniel Serwer in Washington (BCR No 572, 25-Aug-05)
The key point about the tenth anniversary of the fall of Srebrenica, commemorated last month, is what is still missing. Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic, the men accused of being the chief perpetrators of the ensuing massacre – the greatest war crime in Europe since the Second World War - are still at large.
Mladic led the Serb forces at Srebrenica, allegedly working under Belgrade’s command, while Karadzic, as the Bosnian Serb political leader, issued a directive calling for the attack.
In the aftermath of the assault, Serb forces captured and murdered more than 7,000 Muslim men and boys. More than 2,000 of them have now been positively identified.
Karadzic and Mladic are thought to be hiding out in the Serb-controlled parts of Bosnia, in Serbia, and in Serbian monasteries in Montenegro.
Indicted years ago by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, both men are still celebrated figures in their chosen places of refuge, even though they are reviled in the rest of the world.
What difference does it make? The answer to this question looks rather like the concentric circles formed when a pebble is dropped into still water. As each circle spreads, the size of the wave is smaller, but its reach is wider.
Obviously, the issue makes a difference to those whose loved ones were killed. Their lives will never be the same, but they expect justice to be served. They also expect compensation from Serbia, which to date has not accepted responsibility for the crime, despite the profoundly expressed regrets of its current president.
It also makes a difference to those who supported Karadzic and Mladic ten years ago and who continue to harbour them.
Virulent Serbian nationalism thrives on defiance of the Hague tribunal, but once its heroes go on trial, it will be neutered politically in both Serbia and Republika Srpska, RS, the Serb-controlled part of Bosnia. That is what has happened to former Serbian president Slobodan Milosevic during his long trial in The Hague: while many people still root for him and his political party helps maintain the current government in Belgrade, he himself no longer counts as a serious political factor there.
The failure to arrest and try the two most prominent war crimes suspects of the Bosnian war has fostered a culture of denial, hatred and distrust in many Serb communities, including the diaspora. If future generations in Bosnia and Serbia are to be free of this burden, those who are accused of the greatest guilt for the crimes committed at Srebrenica have to be held to account. Serbs as a group are not guilty, but there are specific individuals who are.
For the territories in which Karadzic and Mladic are thought to be hiding, how and where they are arrested will make a difference.
If Montenegro’s security forces make an arrest, the republic will highlight that it is distinct from Serbia and that it is prepared to accept its international responsibilities – thus strengthening its claim to independence. If Serbian security forces arrest Mladic - or if he surrenders “voluntarily”- Serbia will quickly find its relations with both the United States and the European Union vastly enhanced.
If RS forces arrest either suspect, the entity will find its relations with both the US and EU improved, but if NATO makes an arrest inside Bosnia, RS will get no credit. If Karadzic gives himself up, as his wife has now publicly requested, he will enhance his own reputation in RS, but little credit will go to the authorities there.
The sad fact is that many in RS - including the governing parties - think little wrong was done at Srebrenica, the argument being that any crimes were retaliation for attacks on Serbs. A fair and public trial will do a great deal to disabuse Serbs of the notion that premeditated mass murder is justifiable as self-defence.
The Balkans region as a whole would benefit from the capture of Karadzic and Mladic. Many in Croatia, Macedonia and Kosovo will regard it as justice if those accused of responsibility for crimes against humanity at Srebrenica go on trial. It will become far easier for Kosovo Albanians, Macedonians and Croatians to accept trials of people from their own groups - some of whom are already in The Hague - if the top Serb indictees are also there.
Croatia is particularly important since it has failed so far to deliver the indicted General Ante Gotovina to The Hague. If Mladic, the Serbs’ war hero, is on trial, Croats will be more willing to accept that their own wartime commander should face judicial proceedings.
More broadly, holding Karadzic and Mladic to account will send a clear signal to those who take up arms against fellow-citizens that they will be held accountable for their actions, whatever they say to justify their cause.
Armies and paramilitaries that are supplied or controlled from a neighbouring territory are common in our post-Cold War world: think of Nicaragua, Democratic Republic of Congo, and East Timor. All too often they are unaware of their responsibilities to protect civilians, and in fact they often target them to displace them from their homes. The rules of war are not just for wars between sovereign states, but also for armed forces everywhere, including self-proclaimed freedom fighters.
Finally, the arrest of Karadzic and Mladic will greatly enhance the credibility and prestige of the United States and the European Union.
Accountability will help prevent future crimes, while impunity will only encourage wrongdoing. The fact that Karadzic and Mladic are still at large is a sign of the international community’s impotence. Their long overdue arrest and transfer to The Hague will signal that justice, though delayed, cannot be denied.
Daniel Serwer is Vice President and Director for Peace and Stability Operations at the United States Institute of Peace. The views expressed here are his own.
By Daniel Serwer in Washington (BCR No 572, 25-Aug-05)
The key point about the tenth anniversary of the fall of Srebrenica, commemorated last month, is what is still missing. Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic, the men accused of being the chief perpetrators of the ensuing massacre – the greatest war crime in Europe since the Second World War - are still at large.
Mladic led the Serb forces at Srebrenica, allegedly working under Belgrade’s command, while Karadzic, as the Bosnian Serb political leader, issued a directive calling for the attack.
In the aftermath of the assault, Serb forces captured and murdered more than 7,000 Muslim men and boys. More than 2,000 of them have now been positively identified.
Karadzic and Mladic are thought to be hiding out in the Serb-controlled parts of Bosnia, in Serbia, and in Serbian monasteries in Montenegro.
Indicted years ago by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, both men are still celebrated figures in their chosen places of refuge, even though they are reviled in the rest of the world.
What difference does it make? The answer to this question looks rather like the concentric circles formed when a pebble is dropped into still water. As each circle spreads, the size of the wave is smaller, but its reach is wider.
Obviously, the issue makes a difference to those whose loved ones were killed. Their lives will never be the same, but they expect justice to be served. They also expect compensation from Serbia, which to date has not accepted responsibility for the crime, despite the profoundly expressed regrets of its current president.
It also makes a difference to those who supported Karadzic and Mladic ten years ago and who continue to harbour them.
Virulent Serbian nationalism thrives on defiance of the Hague tribunal, but once its heroes go on trial, it will be neutered politically in both Serbia and Republika Srpska, RS, the Serb-controlled part of Bosnia. That is what has happened to former Serbian president Slobodan Milosevic during his long trial in The Hague: while many people still root for him and his political party helps maintain the current government in Belgrade, he himself no longer counts as a serious political factor there.
The failure to arrest and try the two most prominent war crimes suspects of the Bosnian war has fostered a culture of denial, hatred and distrust in many Serb communities, including the diaspora. If future generations in Bosnia and Serbia are to be free of this burden, those who are accused of the greatest guilt for the crimes committed at Srebrenica have to be held to account. Serbs as a group are not guilty, but there are specific individuals who are.
For the territories in which Karadzic and Mladic are thought to be hiding, how and where they are arrested will make a difference.
If Montenegro’s security forces make an arrest, the republic will highlight that it is distinct from Serbia and that it is prepared to accept its international responsibilities – thus strengthening its claim to independence. If Serbian security forces arrest Mladic - or if he surrenders “voluntarily”- Serbia will quickly find its relations with both the United States and the European Union vastly enhanced.
If RS forces arrest either suspect, the entity will find its relations with both the US and EU improved, but if NATO makes an arrest inside Bosnia, RS will get no credit. If Karadzic gives himself up, as his wife has now publicly requested, he will enhance his own reputation in RS, but little credit will go to the authorities there.
The sad fact is that many in RS - including the governing parties - think little wrong was done at Srebrenica, the argument being that any crimes were retaliation for attacks on Serbs. A fair and public trial will do a great deal to disabuse Serbs of the notion that premeditated mass murder is justifiable as self-defence.
The Balkans region as a whole would benefit from the capture of Karadzic and Mladic. Many in Croatia, Macedonia and Kosovo will regard it as justice if those accused of responsibility for crimes against humanity at Srebrenica go on trial. It will become far easier for Kosovo Albanians, Macedonians and Croatians to accept trials of people from their own groups - some of whom are already in The Hague - if the top Serb indictees are also there.
Croatia is particularly important since it has failed so far to deliver the indicted General Ante Gotovina to The Hague. If Mladic, the Serbs’ war hero, is on trial, Croats will be more willing to accept that their own wartime commander should face judicial proceedings.
More broadly, holding Karadzic and Mladic to account will send a clear signal to those who take up arms against fellow-citizens that they will be held accountable for their actions, whatever they say to justify their cause.
Armies and paramilitaries that are supplied or controlled from a neighbouring territory are common in our post-Cold War world: think of Nicaragua, Democratic Republic of Congo, and East Timor. All too often they are unaware of their responsibilities to protect civilians, and in fact they often target them to displace them from their homes. The rules of war are not just for wars between sovereign states, but also for armed forces everywhere, including self-proclaimed freedom fighters.
Finally, the arrest of Karadzic and Mladic will greatly enhance the credibility and prestige of the United States and the European Union.
Accountability will help prevent future crimes, while impunity will only encourage wrongdoing. The fact that Karadzic and Mladic are still at large is a sign of the international community’s impotence. Their long overdue arrest and transfer to The Hague will signal that justice, though delayed, cannot be denied.
Daniel Serwer is Vice President and Director for Peace and Stability Operations at the United States Institute of Peace. The views expressed here are his own.
Breaking News: Serbian government sacks Kosovo policy coordinator
BELGRADE, Aug 25 (Reuters) - The Serbian government on Thursday sacked its Kosovo policy coordinator because his party, a member of the ruling coalition, failed to support a crucial reform law which scraped through parliament this week.
A statement said that Nebojsa Covic, who heads the leftist Social Democratic Party (SDP), would be relieved of his duties as president of the coordination centre for Kosovo and another body for southern Serbia's Presevo region.
A source close to Covic said the sacking had nothing to do with the close vote but was really about Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica's determination to remove Covic, seen as a hardliner, from coming talks on the future of disputed Kosovo province.
"This is the start of the handover of Kosovo," the source told Reuters. Kosovo's 90 percent ethnic Albanian majority is demanding independence from Serbia.
Covic refused to comment on his sacking, telling state news agency Tanjug that he was still on holiday.
TIGHTROPE MAJORITY
On Monday, Kostunica's coalition survived a vote on the future of the state-run oil monopoly NIS after assuring trade unions and opposition parties that restructuring of the company did not mean swift privatisation.
The coalition only just achieved a parliamentary quorum of 126 deputies for Monday's vote in the 250-seat parliament, with 122 deputies voting in favour.
Kostunica on Wednesday asked officials of Covic's SDP to resign from government posts, saying they had acted like an opposition party and not as members of the government.
Two party officials, including Labour Minister Slobodan Lalovic, dissociated themselves from the party and sided with the government while the others refused to resign and said they would wait for Kostunica to sack them.
Kostunica's centre-right minority coalition had 109 seats in parliament when it came to power in March 2004. They rely on the opposition Socialists of Slobodan Milosevic, with 22 seats, for voting majorities. Covic's SDP commands just two seats.
The government also asked for the dismissal of SDP official Slobodan Orlic, the information secretary for the union of Serbia and Montenegro. His removal, however, would have to be endorsed by the union government.
Orlic said that from next Monday the SDP would launch a fierce opposition campaign.
Serbian Economy Minister Predrag Bubalo said the government now had a small but stable majority. "Once it loses that majority it will call an election," he told reporters.
Political analyst Slobodan Antonic told B92 radio that every deputy's vote in parliament would now carry greater weight as the government struggled to stay afloat.
A statement said that Nebojsa Covic, who heads the leftist Social Democratic Party (SDP), would be relieved of his duties as president of the coordination centre for Kosovo and another body for southern Serbia's Presevo region.
A source close to Covic said the sacking had nothing to do with the close vote but was really about Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica's determination to remove Covic, seen as a hardliner, from coming talks on the future of disputed Kosovo province.
"This is the start of the handover of Kosovo," the source told Reuters. Kosovo's 90 percent ethnic Albanian majority is demanding independence from Serbia.
Covic refused to comment on his sacking, telling state news agency Tanjug that he was still on holiday.
TIGHTROPE MAJORITY
On Monday, Kostunica's coalition survived a vote on the future of the state-run oil monopoly NIS after assuring trade unions and opposition parties that restructuring of the company did not mean swift privatisation.
The coalition only just achieved a parliamentary quorum of 126 deputies for Monday's vote in the 250-seat parliament, with 122 deputies voting in favour.
Kostunica on Wednesday asked officials of Covic's SDP to resign from government posts, saying they had acted like an opposition party and not as members of the government.
Two party officials, including Labour Minister Slobodan Lalovic, dissociated themselves from the party and sided with the government while the others refused to resign and said they would wait for Kostunica to sack them.
Kostunica's centre-right minority coalition had 109 seats in parliament when it came to power in March 2004. They rely on the opposition Socialists of Slobodan Milosevic, with 22 seats, for voting majorities. Covic's SDP commands just two seats.
The government also asked for the dismissal of SDP official Slobodan Orlic, the information secretary for the union of Serbia and Montenegro. His removal, however, would have to be endorsed by the union government.
Orlic said that from next Monday the SDP would launch a fierce opposition campaign.
Serbian Economy Minister Predrag Bubalo said the government now had a small but stable majority. "Once it loses that majority it will call an election," he told reporters.
Political analyst Slobodan Antonic told B92 radio that every deputy's vote in parliament would now carry greater weight as the government struggled to stay afloat.
Picture of the Day-Kosovo
Kosovo's ethnic Albanian director Isa Qosya (L) and lead actor Luan Jaha listen to a question at a news conference ahead of the world premiere of their movie 'Kukumi' in Sarajevo, August 24, 2005. The movie, which runs in the competition for the best regional movie at the Sarajevo Film Festival, tells the story of three mental patients let loose from an asylum and how years of ethnic conflict and uncertainty have de-humanised people in the region. Picture taken August 24, 2005. For release with story Leisure-Film-Kosovo REUTERS/Danilo Krstanovic
Rare Kosovo film highlights province's problems
By Nedim Dervisbegovic
SARAJEVO (Reuters) - Kosovo's first film since the 1999 war tells the story of three mental patients let loose from an asylum after the collapse of Serb rule.
Kosovo Albanian director Isa Qosya, who has not made a film for 17 years, said "Kukumi" was his way of showing how years of ethnic conflict had dehumanised people in the region.
The film, shot entirely in Kosovo, received its world premiere late on Wednesday at the Sarajevo Film Festival.
"I felt uneasy during the first years of this whirlwind and felt a certain dehumanisation of people who did not understand and help each other," Qosya told a news conference.
"The whole movie is a metaphor. Freedom is when you help someone and when you understand the other person too," he added.
The three main characters are two men and a woman -- Kukumi, Hasan and Mara.
Despite coming from a mental institution, they often appear to cope better than others with life in postwar Kosovo, with its ethnic tensions, U.N. bureaucrats and the foreign troops who occupied the province.
But a misunderstanding with NATO forces raises the question of whether the characters were better off inside the asylum.
"The role of NATO troops in Kosovo has had positive but also some negative consequences," Qosya said. "I can't understand their role now; it has become totally undefined."
FUTURE UNCERTAIN
Qosya said the province's problems stemmed partly from uncertainty over the future.
Kosovo is still legally part of Serbia. The Serbian government and Kosovo's now-tiny Serbian minority hotly oppose the independence Kosovo Albanians want.
Talks over the final status of the province are expected to start this year or next, depending on progress on issues including human rights and democracy in one of Europe's poorest corners.
"Everything is undefined, and that is accompanied by a lack of character and principle among the people," Qosya said.
Through a simple plot and sparing dialogue, the director portrays the tensions between those people who left Kosovo during Serb rule and the war and those who stayed on throughout.
The main characters seem most at ease when left undisturbed in uninhabited settings, such as when they drive a railway car along deserted tracks, gaze at a lake in an abandoned quarry or convert a rundown stable into their home.
Qosya said he had difficulty raising funds for the movie in a region struggling to provide the population with basic services like health care. But eventually Kosovo's authorities agreed to foot the 600,000 euro bill.
Croatia's Jadran Film provided the equipment, and the all-Albanian cast and Qosya worked without pay. "Kukumi" is in the competition programme for the best regional movie award at the Sarajevo festival.
SARAJEVO (Reuters) - Kosovo's first film since the 1999 war tells the story of three mental patients let loose from an asylum after the collapse of Serb rule.
Kosovo Albanian director Isa Qosya, who has not made a film for 17 years, said "Kukumi" was his way of showing how years of ethnic conflict had dehumanised people in the region.
The film, shot entirely in Kosovo, received its world premiere late on Wednesday at the Sarajevo Film Festival.
"I felt uneasy during the first years of this whirlwind and felt a certain dehumanisation of people who did not understand and help each other," Qosya told a news conference.
"The whole movie is a metaphor. Freedom is when you help someone and when you understand the other person too," he added.
The three main characters are two men and a woman -- Kukumi, Hasan and Mara.
Despite coming from a mental institution, they often appear to cope better than others with life in postwar Kosovo, with its ethnic tensions, U.N. bureaucrats and the foreign troops who occupied the province.
But a misunderstanding with NATO forces raises the question of whether the characters were better off inside the asylum.
"The role of NATO troops in Kosovo has had positive but also some negative consequences," Qosya said. "I can't understand their role now; it has become totally undefined."
FUTURE UNCERTAIN
Qosya said the province's problems stemmed partly from uncertainty over the future.
Kosovo is still legally part of Serbia. The Serbian government and Kosovo's now-tiny Serbian minority hotly oppose the independence Kosovo Albanians want.
Talks over the final status of the province are expected to start this year or next, depending on progress on issues including human rights and democracy in one of Europe's poorest corners.
"Everything is undefined, and that is accompanied by a lack of character and principle among the people," Qosya said.
Through a simple plot and sparing dialogue, the director portrays the tensions between those people who left Kosovo during Serb rule and the war and those who stayed on throughout.
The main characters seem most at ease when left undisturbed in uninhabited settings, such as when they drive a railway car along deserted tracks, gaze at a lake in an abandoned quarry or convert a rundown stable into their home.
Qosya said he had difficulty raising funds for the movie in a region struggling to provide the population with basic services like health care. But eventually Kosovo's authorities agreed to foot the 600,000 euro bill.
Croatia's Jadran Film provided the equipment, and the all-Albanian cast and Qosya worked without pay. "Kukumi" is in the competition programme for the best regional movie award at the Sarajevo festival.
Lawyers: Haradinaj to return to politics
Citing information broadcast by a Greek news agency, Kosova Sot reports today that former Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj has voiced through his attorneys the wish to return to politics.
The news agency noted that ICTY granted Haradinaj provisional release on 6 June, and banned him from making public appearances and contacting politicians for 90 days. As the court’s deadline is expiring, the attorneys have called on the court to review its decision. The attorneys say the former PM could play a role in political developments in Kosovo and especially in respecting minority rights and improving security in the region.
The news agency noted that ICTY granted Haradinaj provisional release on 6 June, and banned him from making public appearances and contacting politicians for 90 days. As the court’s deadline is expiring, the attorneys have called on the court to review its decision. The attorneys say the former PM could play a role in political developments in Kosovo and especially in respecting minority rights and improving security in the region.
Wednesday, August 24, 2005
US envoy urges Serbs to bring war crimes suspects to justice
PANCEVO, Serbia-Montenegro, Aug 24 (AFP) -
The US senior envoy for war crimes Pierre-Richard Prosper warned here Wednesday that all war crimes suspects must answer charges before international or local justice.
"We believe that those who have committed those acts must be brought to (UN tribunal in) The Hague or be tried before local courts," Prosper said while visiting a refugee center in the Serbian town of Pancevo, some 15 kilometers (nine miles) north of the capital Belgrade.
Prosper, who is on a "regular" two-day visit to the country, according to the US embassy in Belgrade, also said he welcomed the "progress" Serbia has made in cooperating with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), charged with prosecuting war crimes during the Balkan conflicts over the past decade.
At the same time, Prosper said that "the work has not been finished yet," insisting that the two most-wanted suspects still at large, the Bosnian Serb war-time political and military leaders, Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic, must be brought to trial.
The ICTY has indicted Mladic and Karadzic for war crimes and genocide related to atrocities against non-Serbs in Bosnia, notably the 1995 massacre of up to 8,000 Muslims at Srebrenica.
The former Bosnian Serb general is believed to be hiding in Serbia, which Belgrade denies, insisting that it has no information on Mladic's whereabouts.
Talking with some 100 Serb refugees who have fled Bosnia, Croatia or Kosovo, finding shelter at Pancevo, Prosper said that the United States was aware that there were also Serb victims in the 1990s Balkan wars that tore apart the former Yugoslavia.
"We know that there were Serbs who were persecuted, murdered, raped, had their homes destroyed, property taken away, forced to relocate," Prosper said.
He added that some of those responsible for such crimes have been indicted by the ICTY, notably Croatian general Ante Gotovina, charged with the murders of at least 150 ethnic Serbs at the end of the 1991-95 Serbo-Croatian war.
Prosper was due to meet late Wednesday with Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica and other Serbian officials responsible for war crimes issues.
On Thursday, Prosper was scheduled to visit Serbia's special court for war crimes where he will meet judges and the country's special war crimes prosecutor Vladimir Vuckovic.
The United States has been supporting countries of the former Yugoslav Federation in their bid to put on trial locally some of those suspected of war crimes during the Balkan conflicts.
The US senior envoy for war crimes Pierre-Richard Prosper warned here Wednesday that all war crimes suspects must answer charges before international or local justice.
"We believe that those who have committed those acts must be brought to (UN tribunal in) The Hague or be tried before local courts," Prosper said while visiting a refugee center in the Serbian town of Pancevo, some 15 kilometers (nine miles) north of the capital Belgrade.
Prosper, who is on a "regular" two-day visit to the country, according to the US embassy in Belgrade, also said he welcomed the "progress" Serbia has made in cooperating with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), charged with prosecuting war crimes during the Balkan conflicts over the past decade.
At the same time, Prosper said that "the work has not been finished yet," insisting that the two most-wanted suspects still at large, the Bosnian Serb war-time political and military leaders, Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic, must be brought to trial.
The ICTY has indicted Mladic and Karadzic for war crimes and genocide related to atrocities against non-Serbs in Bosnia, notably the 1995 massacre of up to 8,000 Muslims at Srebrenica.
The former Bosnian Serb general is believed to be hiding in Serbia, which Belgrade denies, insisting that it has no information on Mladic's whereabouts.
Talking with some 100 Serb refugees who have fled Bosnia, Croatia or Kosovo, finding shelter at Pancevo, Prosper said that the United States was aware that there were also Serb victims in the 1990s Balkan wars that tore apart the former Yugoslavia.
"We know that there were Serbs who were persecuted, murdered, raped, had their homes destroyed, property taken away, forced to relocate," Prosper said.
He added that some of those responsible for such crimes have been indicted by the ICTY, notably Croatian general Ante Gotovina, charged with the murders of at least 150 ethnic Serbs at the end of the 1991-95 Serbo-Croatian war.
Prosper was due to meet late Wednesday with Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica and other Serbian officials responsible for war crimes issues.
On Thursday, Prosper was scheduled to visit Serbia's special court for war crimes where he will meet judges and the country's special war crimes prosecutor Vladimir Vuckovic.
The United States has been supporting countries of the former Yugoslav Federation in their bid to put on trial locally some of those suspected of war crimes during the Balkan conflicts.
Kosovo is not Serbia's property, party leader says
Prishtina [Pristina], 23 August: Regardless of remarks it may contain, Kai Eide's report on Standards implementation will pave the way for the settlement of Kosova's [Kosovo] final status, leader of the Democratic Party of Kosova (PDK) Hashim Thaci told KosovaLive. "It cannot be a negative report. An open and strategic solution for the political status will be found after Eide's report. I have also promises in this regard," said Thaci.
He said that he and his political party do not support the idea for status talks. However he considers that the Political Forum should form the working groups that will deal with building of Kosova's state. "But, initially, we have to convince the world to recognize the independent and sovereign state of Kosova."
"Political status is not a monopoly or a private property of this or of that leader. What we have here is the will of Kosovar citizens on status, and we, as political leaders, are obliged to implement it," said Thaci.
"Belgrade should play no role over this issue. Kosova is not a property of Serbia. The people of Kosova is that who decides for it," he said.
Thaci also said that a consensus is needed among the Kosovar political parties, and no-one can give to himself the right to destroy the national consensus achieved at the Political Forum.
Thaci said that the Forum is establishing its own groups, and it will be the institution that will play a key role in the future.
He opposed the possibility of being conditioned by the international community to participate in the possible status talks with Belgrade. "This cannot happen with PDK. Conditions could be set only to the team of the current government, which continues to be blackmailed." [Passage omitted]
"For this reason there is a risk that they can enter into a compromise on the political status," said Thaci.
According to Thaci, the government with its people is putting Kosova's political future at risk. "This is government cabinet that is putting the historical chance of Kosovars for an independent and sovereign state at risk," Thaci said. [Passage omitted]
According to the opposition leader, PDK is committed to respect all the rights of the Kosovar Serbs, but it does not accept any project that leads to the territorial division of Kosova. [Passage omitted]
Source: KosovaLive web site, Pristina, in English 23 Aug 05
He said that he and his political party do not support the idea for status talks. However he considers that the Political Forum should form the working groups that will deal with building of Kosova's state. "But, initially, we have to convince the world to recognize the independent and sovereign state of Kosova."
"Political status is not a monopoly or a private property of this or of that leader. What we have here is the will of Kosovar citizens on status, and we, as political leaders, are obliged to implement it," said Thaci.
"Belgrade should play no role over this issue. Kosova is not a property of Serbia. The people of Kosova is that who decides for it," he said.
Thaci also said that a consensus is needed among the Kosovar political parties, and no-one can give to himself the right to destroy the national consensus achieved at the Political Forum.
Thaci said that the Forum is establishing its own groups, and it will be the institution that will play a key role in the future.
He opposed the possibility of being conditioned by the international community to participate in the possible status talks with Belgrade. "This cannot happen with PDK. Conditions could be set only to the team of the current government, which continues to be blackmailed." [Passage omitted]
"For this reason there is a risk that they can enter into a compromise on the political status," said Thaci.
According to Thaci, the government with its people is putting Kosova's political future at risk. "This is government cabinet that is putting the historical chance of Kosovars for an independent and sovereign state at risk," Thaci said. [Passage omitted]
According to the opposition leader, PDK is committed to respect all the rights of the Kosovar Serbs, but it does not accept any project that leads to the territorial division of Kosova. [Passage omitted]
Source: KosovaLive web site, Pristina, in English 23 Aug 05
Thaçi: UNMIK must realise it is redundant in the political process in Kosovo
Epoka e Re carries an interview that PDK leader Hashim Thaçi gave to Voice of America. The headline that the newspaper chooses for the interview is Thaçi’s quote that UNMIK should realise that it is redundant in the political process in Kosovo.
‘Two million Kosovo Albanians have expressed their will for an independent and sovereign state of Kosovo. There are certainly differences as to the path and way of achieving this, but every political leader is obliged to implement the will of citizens. The state of Kosovo or independence is not an invention of some political leader, it is the will of citizens and we as political leaders are obliged to implement it,’ Thaçi was quoted as saying.
Commenting on preparations for final status talks and Philip Goldberg’s statement that the Kosovan side is not prepared for talks, Thaçi said: ‘I think the Kosovan side, the institutions, and political parties are prepared for the political status; the civil society and citizens are determined [to have an] independent and sovereign state. I think the international community should be more prepared to respect the right of Kosovo citizens to express their will for a state. My assessment is that this is a new and positive situation, and the circumstances require Washington, Brussels, the Security Council and the Contact Group to respect the will of Kosovo citizens. The people, institutions and parties are prepared to enter the process of building the independent and sovereign state of Kosovo integrated in Euro-Atlantic structures.’
Thaçi said the time has come to resolve the issue of status but also added that ‘work should be done in order not to negotiate the political status’. ‘It is unacceptable to negotiate on the political status because the will of citizens should in no way be on the table of talks. On the table should be modalities for building the state of Kosovo and not what the status should be.’
Asked on his perception over the future role of the international community in Kosovo, Thaçi was quoted as saying, ‘It should be an important role, same as the role in other independent countries. Of course, UNMIK should gradually realise that it is redundant in the political process in Kosovo. We must have close cooperation with all mechanisms that will remain as advisory offices in Pristina, and at the same time we should focus and invest a lot in having a strong NATO presence here so that even after the resolution of status Kosovo can be part of global security.’
‘Two million Kosovo Albanians have expressed their will for an independent and sovereign state of Kosovo. There are certainly differences as to the path and way of achieving this, but every political leader is obliged to implement the will of citizens. The state of Kosovo or independence is not an invention of some political leader, it is the will of citizens and we as political leaders are obliged to implement it,’ Thaçi was quoted as saying.
Commenting on preparations for final status talks and Philip Goldberg’s statement that the Kosovan side is not prepared for talks, Thaçi said: ‘I think the Kosovan side, the institutions, and political parties are prepared for the political status; the civil society and citizens are determined [to have an] independent and sovereign state. I think the international community should be more prepared to respect the right of Kosovo citizens to express their will for a state. My assessment is that this is a new and positive situation, and the circumstances require Washington, Brussels, the Security Council and the Contact Group to respect the will of Kosovo citizens. The people, institutions and parties are prepared to enter the process of building the independent and sovereign state of Kosovo integrated in Euro-Atlantic structures.’
Thaçi said the time has come to resolve the issue of status but also added that ‘work should be done in order not to negotiate the political status’. ‘It is unacceptable to negotiate on the political status because the will of citizens should in no way be on the table of talks. On the table should be modalities for building the state of Kosovo and not what the status should be.’
Asked on his perception over the future role of the international community in Kosovo, Thaçi was quoted as saying, ‘It should be an important role, same as the role in other independent countries. Of course, UNMIK should gradually realise that it is redundant in the political process in Kosovo. We must have close cooperation with all mechanisms that will remain as advisory offices in Pristina, and at the same time we should focus and invest a lot in having a strong NATO presence here so that even after the resolution of status Kosovo can be part of global security.’
Calmy-Rey to ‘report’ on Kosovo
Koha Ditore reports that despite criticism, Swiss Minister of Foreign Affairs, defends her stance on independence of Kosovo.
The engagement of Switzerland in the independence of Kosovo was discussed in the last meeting of the Swiss government in Bern. Calmy-Rey was criticized for a premature position and she was asked to come up with a report.
Meanwhile, according to Koha Ditore, the Serbian media have attacked the Swiss diplomat Theodor Winkler saying that he was in Pristina to help set up the ‘intelligent service of Kosovo’.
The engagement of Switzerland in the independence of Kosovo was discussed in the last meeting of the Swiss government in Bern. Calmy-Rey was criticized for a premature position and she was asked to come up with a report.
Meanwhile, according to Koha Ditore, the Serbian media have attacked the Swiss diplomat Theodor Winkler saying that he was in Pristina to help set up the ‘intelligent service of Kosovo’.
Tuesday, August 23, 2005
The Milosevic Era Has Returned - der Spiegel
In an interview with SPIEGEL, Vldan Batic, 56, the former Serbian Justice Minister, talks about how biased the justice system still is in his troubled nation and how the shadow of former President Slobodan Milosevic continues to hover.
Even while on trial for war crimes, Milosevic may still be pulling the strings in Serbia.
Slobodan Milosevic, first became president of Yugoslavia in 1989, but many say his influence is still felt. Currently, he is in the Netherlands, facing charges of war crimes at The Hague. In his first six years in power, Milosevic ignited conflicts in Croatia (1991) and Bosnia (1992) during which thousands of civilians died. In 1997, he earned international disdain when he brutally repressed Kosovo's ethnic Albanian residents. In 2000, he relinquished the presidency to Vojislav Kostunia, but only under popular pressure.
SPIEGEL: In a surprising move, a Serbian court revoked international arrest warrants for former president Slobodan Milosevic's wife Mira Markovic and his son Marko. Already the Serbian people were irate that charges against Marko for allegedly harassing his father's political opponents were dropped and that financial corruption charges against Mira Markovic were dismissed. Some say the dropping of the charges was an inside deal. Is Milosovic once again ruling the nation, this time from his cell at The Hague war crimes court?
Batic: For everyone who lives in Serbia, one thing is clear: The Milosevic era has returned. Almost all of the most important posts in the nation are once again filled with Milosevic's cronies. In Milosevic's wife's case, the chief prosecutor issued "an obligatory order" to his deputy to drop the arrest warrants. Such an order is a first in our judicial history. Behind it all was a deal between Milosevic and Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica. Kostunica remains in power thanks to the votes of the Socialist parliamentarians, whose party Milosevic once led.
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SPIEGEL: Marko allegedly controlled illicit cigarette smuggling. He was arrested after he allegedly threatened an opposition member with a chainsaw. Now, the defendant has taken back the charges.
Batic: What else can the man do? His mother wrote me a letter in which her terror was clear: Marko's friend threatened him and his family day and night.
SPIEGEL: How seriously can we take the promises to track down and arrest the two most searched-for war criminals, General Ratko Mladic and Radovan Kadadzic?
Batic: Mladic is often in Serbia, mostly in Belgrade. He -- just like other war criminals -- is still being protected by the army, the church and Kostunica. And I don't just mean morally. All of those who have given themselves up as war criminals to the Hague have received up to €500,000 compensation. It's being financed by four business magnates who then are compensated by the Serbian government with lucrative deals.
SPIEGEL: The government of the assassinated Prime Minister, Zoran Djindjic which you belonged to, also knew about Mladic's trips to Belgrade. Why didn't you arrest him?
DPA
A mass grave containing the remains of Muslims killed in Kosovo.
Batic: He had the support of the army, not the government. The police could not initiate a war against the army.
SPIEGEL: Djindjic was killed in 2003 and the case against his alleged assassin is threatening to become a farce. Not long ago, the state prosecutor was replaced.
Batic That's because he would not be influenced by the government's attempts to water down the evidence. A few people holding cabinet posts today were directly involved in the killing. That's why the government is waffling on the case.
SPIEGEL: The case has focused completely on one suspect and legitimate questions about his accomplices have been totally ignored. Why?
Batic: The reasons are well known. They were people who had no political perspective under Djindjic -- a group of criminals like the ones sitting in The Hague. The plot was organized by the state and military secret service. The patriarch blessed the plot using the logic that Djindjic was a traitor and it's no sin to murder a traitor.
Even while on trial for war crimes, Milosevic may still be pulling the strings in Serbia.
Slobodan Milosevic, first became president of Yugoslavia in 1989, but many say his influence is still felt. Currently, he is in the Netherlands, facing charges of war crimes at The Hague. In his first six years in power, Milosevic ignited conflicts in Croatia (1991) and Bosnia (1992) during which thousands of civilians died. In 1997, he earned international disdain when he brutally repressed Kosovo's ethnic Albanian residents. In 2000, he relinquished the presidency to Vojislav Kostunia, but only under popular pressure.
SPIEGEL: In a surprising move, a Serbian court revoked international arrest warrants for former president Slobodan Milosevic's wife Mira Markovic and his son Marko. Already the Serbian people were irate that charges against Marko for allegedly harassing his father's political opponents were dropped and that financial corruption charges against Mira Markovic were dismissed. Some say the dropping of the charges was an inside deal. Is Milosovic once again ruling the nation, this time from his cell at The Hague war crimes court?
Batic: For everyone who lives in Serbia, one thing is clear: The Milosevic era has returned. Almost all of the most important posts in the nation are once again filled with Milosevic's cronies. In Milosevic's wife's case, the chief prosecutor issued "an obligatory order" to his deputy to drop the arrest warrants. Such an order is a first in our judicial history. Behind it all was a deal between Milosevic and Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica. Kostunica remains in power thanks to the votes of the Socialist parliamentarians, whose party Milosevic once led.
NEWSLETTER
Sign up for Spiegel Online's daily newsletter and get the best of Der Spiegel's and Spiegel Online's international coverage in your In-Box everyday.
SPIEGEL: Marko allegedly controlled illicit cigarette smuggling. He was arrested after he allegedly threatened an opposition member with a chainsaw. Now, the defendant has taken back the charges.
Batic: What else can the man do? His mother wrote me a letter in which her terror was clear: Marko's friend threatened him and his family day and night.
SPIEGEL: How seriously can we take the promises to track down and arrest the two most searched-for war criminals, General Ratko Mladic and Radovan Kadadzic?
Batic: Mladic is often in Serbia, mostly in Belgrade. He -- just like other war criminals -- is still being protected by the army, the church and Kostunica. And I don't just mean morally. All of those who have given themselves up as war criminals to the Hague have received up to €500,000 compensation. It's being financed by four business magnates who then are compensated by the Serbian government with lucrative deals.
SPIEGEL: The government of the assassinated Prime Minister, Zoran Djindjic which you belonged to, also knew about Mladic's trips to Belgrade. Why didn't you arrest him?
DPA
A mass grave containing the remains of Muslims killed in Kosovo.
Batic: He had the support of the army, not the government. The police could not initiate a war against the army.
SPIEGEL: Djindjic was killed in 2003 and the case against his alleged assassin is threatening to become a farce. Not long ago, the state prosecutor was replaced.
Batic That's because he would not be influenced by the government's attempts to water down the evidence. A few people holding cabinet posts today were directly involved in the killing. That's why the government is waffling on the case.
SPIEGEL: The case has focused completely on one suspect and legitimate questions about his accomplices have been totally ignored. Why?
Batic: The reasons are well known. They were people who had no political perspective under Djindjic -- a group of criminals like the ones sitting in The Hague. The plot was organized by the state and military secret service. The patriarch blessed the plot using the logic that Djindjic was a traitor and it's no sin to murder a traitor.
Talks On Kosovo Future Should Start By End-05-UN Official
PRISTINA (AP)--Kosovo's U.N. administrator said Tuesday that talks to determine the disputed province's future should start by the end of the year.
"I do not see any gains in delaying status talks," said Soren Jessen-Petersen, the top U.N. official in the province. He said the next three months in Kosovo are the "most crucial months in this crucial year."
Kosovo has been disputed between the province's ethnic Albanian majority who want full independence, and the Serb minority and Serbia who insist the province remain part of Serbia-Montenegro, the union that replaced Yugoslavia.
Talks to determine its future depend on the province's ability to meet internationally set standards on democracy, rule of law and civil rights for the Serb minority.
Another U.N. envoy, Kai Eide, who was appointed by U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan in June to review progress, said Monday that more work is needed to improve tense relations between Kosovo's ethnic Albanians and Serbs before talks can begin.
Kosovo has been administered by the U.N. and patrolled by NATO-led peacekeepers since a 78-day alliance-led air war that halted a Serb crackdown on ethnic Albanian separatists in 1999.
Ethnic tensions in Kosovo remain high six years since the end of the conflict. About 100,000 minority Serbs mostly live in isolated enclaves, fearing attacks from ethnic Albanians extremists.
Jessen-Petersen said Kosovo needs to focus on four areas including minority rights, economy and reform of local government in the next few months before the U.N. can appoint an envoy to mediate between Kosovo's ethnic Albanians and Serbia.
"I do not see any gains in delaying status talks," said Soren Jessen-Petersen, the top U.N. official in the province. He said the next three months in Kosovo are the "most crucial months in this crucial year."
Kosovo has been disputed between the province's ethnic Albanian majority who want full independence, and the Serb minority and Serbia who insist the province remain part of Serbia-Montenegro, the union that replaced Yugoslavia.
Talks to determine its future depend on the province's ability to meet internationally set standards on democracy, rule of law and civil rights for the Serb minority.
Another U.N. envoy, Kai Eide, who was appointed by U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan in June to review progress, said Monday that more work is needed to improve tense relations between Kosovo's ethnic Albanians and Serbs before talks can begin.
Kosovo has been administered by the U.N. and patrolled by NATO-led peacekeepers since a 78-day alliance-led air war that halted a Serb crackdown on ethnic Albanian separatists in 1999.
Ethnic tensions in Kosovo remain high six years since the end of the conflict. About 100,000 minority Serbs mostly live in isolated enclaves, fearing attacks from ethnic Albanians extremists.
Jessen-Petersen said Kosovo needs to focus on four areas including minority rights, economy and reform of local government in the next few months before the U.N. can appoint an envoy to mediate between Kosovo's ethnic Albanians and Serbia.
Eide: Dissatisfaction expressed in Pristina does not exclude a positive report
‘I would like to see Belgrade offering greater support to what Serbs in Kosovo do. I think that this is important, because it is in the interest of Kosovo Serbs. I hope that Belgrade will support them, namely give them the green light to take part in institutions, especially in Assembly’, Eide is quoted as saying in Belgrade, writes Zëri.
According to the paper, Eide expressed his dissatisfaction with Serbian political leaders and said that his ‘dissatisfaction’ expressed in Pristina about the implementation of the Standards does not exclude ‘a positive assessment’ in his final report.
According to the paper, Eide expressed his dissatisfaction with Serbian political leaders and said that his ‘dissatisfaction’ expressed in Pristina about the implementation of the Standards does not exclude ‘a positive assessment’ in his final report.
SRSG: UN to decide about opening status issue in October
Several dailies carry an interview SRSG Søren Jessen-Petersen gave to Radio Free Europe.
‘There is no reason to delay status talks’ is the headline Zëri chooses to give to the interview they carry in entirety. ‘I know, and in fact I would not be surprised if ambassador Eide underlines a number of continuous difficulties. We are aware of these difficulties, but they are not issues and problems that can be solved in a blink of an eye, they simply need to be resolved. As I said earlier, for now, I do not see a reason to delay status talks’.
Koha Ditore reports that SRSG is expecting the UN Security Council to decide in October if conditions for opening negotiations on status talks have ‘ripen’. According to the paper, the SRSG also expressed his concern that Belgrade is not giving the green light to Kosovo Serbs to take part in political processes.
‘There is no reason to delay status talks’ is the headline Zëri chooses to give to the interview they carry in entirety. ‘I know, and in fact I would not be surprised if ambassador Eide underlines a number of continuous difficulties. We are aware of these difficulties, but they are not issues and problems that can be solved in a blink of an eye, they simply need to be resolved. As I said earlier, for now, I do not see a reason to delay status talks’.
Koha Ditore reports that SRSG is expecting the UN Security Council to decide in October if conditions for opening negotiations on status talks have ‘ripen’. According to the paper, the SRSG also expressed his concern that Belgrade is not giving the green light to Kosovo Serbs to take part in political processes.
Monday, August 22, 2005
Kosovo: Road linking Serb, Albanian villages inaugurated
Prishtina [Pristina], 22 August: Construction of the road that links Serb and Albanian villages is an indicator that great work can be done only together, the commander of the Kosova [Kosovo] Protection Corps (KPC [TMK in Albanian]), Lt-Gen Agim Ceku, said on Saturday [20 August] at the inaugural ceremony.
The eight-kilometre-long road links the Serb villages Kolloleq and Carakoc with Albanian villages of Dajkoc and Mucivrca. The project for asphalting of the road was funded by USAID [United States Agency for International Development], and implemented by Mercy Corps, whereas US Kfor [Kosovo Force], KPC and Kamenica municipality were engaged in executing the works.
On this occasion the US government through the US Kfor has donated a bulldozer and excavator to the KPC Zone IV.
Source: KosovaLive web site, Pristina, in English 22 Aug 05
The eight-kilometre-long road links the Serb villages Kolloleq and Carakoc with Albanian villages of Dajkoc and Mucivrca. The project for asphalting of the road was funded by USAID [United States Agency for International Development], and implemented by Mercy Corps, whereas US Kfor [Kosovo Force], KPC and Kamenica municipality were engaged in executing the works.
On this occasion the US government through the US Kfor has donated a bulldozer and excavator to the KPC Zone IV.
Source: KosovaLive web site, Pristina, in English 22 Aug 05
Kosovo's Trepca mine resumes work
Mitrovice [Kosovska Mitrovica], 22 August: Minister of Energy and Mines Ethem Ceku said today at the reactivation ceremony that he is confident that Trepca [mine], during these three months of experimental phase, will prove that that is economically sustainable.
He also said that Trepca would have an impact in increasing of the social welfare of Mitrovica region citizens. According to Ceku, Trepca will become self-sustainable in 2006 .
Joachim Ruecker, head of UNMIK's [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] Pillar IV, assessed that reactivation of Trepca indicates that Kosova [Kosovo] will be again a base of profitable mines.
"This is an important day since production in Stan Trg's [Stari Trg] mine began again, in the exploitation phase. The world market for mining products is very good at the moment. We are closely working with the government in this issue," Ruecker said.
Ken Yamashita, chief of USAID [United States Agency for International Development] mission in Kosova, said that reactivation of Trepca is a good example of what success can be achieved when having all stakeholders, the government, UN and the donors, working together.
He said that this is only the first step, while he mentioned that the Law on Mines is being processed. "We and Ruecker have many works to do for privatization, so these mines can be effective. We should attract private investors in order they to come in a secure environment," Yamashita said.
Source: KosovaLive web site, Pristina, in English 22 Aug 05
He also said that Trepca would have an impact in increasing of the social welfare of Mitrovica region citizens. According to Ceku, Trepca will become self-sustainable in 2006 .
Joachim Ruecker, head of UNMIK's [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] Pillar IV, assessed that reactivation of Trepca indicates that Kosova [Kosovo] will be again a base of profitable mines.
"This is an important day since production in Stan Trg's [Stari Trg] mine began again, in the exploitation phase. The world market for mining products is very good at the moment. We are closely working with the government in this issue," Ruecker said.
Ken Yamashita, chief of USAID [United States Agency for International Development] mission in Kosova, said that reactivation of Trepca is a good example of what success can be achieved when having all stakeholders, the government, UN and the donors, working together.
He said that this is only the first step, while he mentioned that the Law on Mines is being processed. "We and Ruecker have many works to do for privatization, so these mines can be effective. We should attract private investors in order they to come in a secure environment," Yamashita said.
Source: KosovaLive web site, Pristina, in English 22 Aug 05
UN envoy urges Belgrade to take constructive role on Kosovo
BELGRADE, Serbia-Montenegro, Aug. 22 (Xinhuanet) -- A UN special envoy said here Monday that he would like to see Belgrade play a constructive role in supporting Kosovo's Serbs' entrance into local institutions.
UN special envoy Kai Eide was appointed by Kofi Annan, the UN Secretary-General, in June to evaluate the degree to which standards have been met in reaching democracy and human rights targets in Kosovo. He started on Monday his third and final visit here before he presents an assessment report in September.
"It is not necessarily true that the ethnic Albanian majority will misuse the participation of Serbs in the work of parliament,"Eide said after holding talks with Serbia-Montenegrin Foreign Minister Vuk Draskovic.
Eide said that there was a need for Kosovo Serbs to be more engaged in the processes that are underway in Kosovo.
Although he had earlier expressed dissatisfaction with the situation in Kosovo, he did not rule out the possibility of a better assessment provided constructive progress was achieved in the province.
"It is necessary to achieve greater progress not only in the field of inter-ethnic relations, but also in the area of the rule of law in Kosovo," Eide said.
Draskovic said he was confident that Eide's report to UN would be objective and that Eide would recommend a solution he sincerelybelieved was the best at this point.
"Kosovo is not even close to the point when talks on its final status can start," Draskovic said, adding that the future status of Kosovo can be determined by way of Belgrade-Pristina dialogue.
Draskovic said that Belgrade's plan expressed in the formula "more than autonomy, short of independence" was the best solution for the problems in Kosovo.
Kosovo, which is a province of Serbia, has been under UN administration since the end of Kosovo war in June 1999. Starting talks about its future status is subject to Eide's assessment report to the UN Security Council. Enditem
UN special envoy Kai Eide was appointed by Kofi Annan, the UN Secretary-General, in June to evaluate the degree to which standards have been met in reaching democracy and human rights targets in Kosovo. He started on Monday his third and final visit here before he presents an assessment report in September.
"It is not necessarily true that the ethnic Albanian majority will misuse the participation of Serbs in the work of parliament,"Eide said after holding talks with Serbia-Montenegrin Foreign Minister Vuk Draskovic.
Eide said that there was a need for Kosovo Serbs to be more engaged in the processes that are underway in Kosovo.
Although he had earlier expressed dissatisfaction with the situation in Kosovo, he did not rule out the possibility of a better assessment provided constructive progress was achieved in the province.
"It is necessary to achieve greater progress not only in the field of inter-ethnic relations, but also in the area of the rule of law in Kosovo," Eide said.
Draskovic said he was confident that Eide's report to UN would be objective and that Eide would recommend a solution he sincerelybelieved was the best at this point.
"Kosovo is not even close to the point when talks on its final status can start," Draskovic said, adding that the future status of Kosovo can be determined by way of Belgrade-Pristina dialogue.
Draskovic said that Belgrade's plan expressed in the formula "more than autonomy, short of independence" was the best solution for the problems in Kosovo.
Kosovo, which is a province of Serbia, has been under UN administration since the end of Kosovo war in June 1999. Starting talks about its future status is subject to Eide's assessment report to the UN Security Council. Enditem
Kosovo Budget 2006 will be €700 million
Kosovo spending agencies should be more careful when planning their expenses for the next year. The officials of the Ministry of Economy and Finance claim that they are setting main parameters for the 2006 budget, as well as for 2007 and 2008 budgets.
The Director of Budget, Agim Krasniqi, said that the 2006 budget would be €700 million. “The budget should be prepared according to the programs and according to economic sub categories,” said Krasniqi.
According to MEF officials there will be more control over the expenses. At the same time there will be no possibility to transfer budgets from one ministry to another.
The general amount of the initial budget for 2005 was €736 million, but following the recommendations of the International Monetary Fund it was decided to be €22 million less. €330,700,000 will be dedicated for the PISG, €211,700,000 for the reserved power! s and €172,4 million for the Kosovo municipalities.
The Director of Budget, Agim Krasniqi, said that the 2006 budget would be €700 million. “The budget should be prepared according to the programs and according to economic sub categories,” said Krasniqi.
According to MEF officials there will be more control over the expenses. At the same time there will be no possibility to transfer budgets from one ministry to another.
The general amount of the initial budget for 2005 was €736 million, but following the recommendations of the International Monetary Fund it was decided to be €22 million less. €330,700,000 will be dedicated for the PISG, €211,700,000 for the reserved power! s and €172,4 million for the Kosovo municipalities.
Kosovo Serb leaders angry with Nebojsa Covic
Koha carries reactions of Serbs regarding the decentralization process in Kosovo and says that unanimous rejection of Plan B by SCC of Nebojsa Covic has brought to the surface a serious gap between majority of Kosovo Serb leaders and Covic.
One of the political representatives of K-Serbs Rada Trajkovic recently asked whether Oliver Ivanovic has the support of his boss Nebojsa Covic, while leader of SNC in Mitrovica Milan Ivanovic asked, ‘Who authorized Oliver Ivanovic to go about and organize meetings on decentralization?’
One of the political representatives of K-Serbs Rada Trajkovic recently asked whether Oliver Ivanovic has the support of his boss Nebojsa Covic, while leader of SNC in Mitrovica Milan Ivanovic asked, ‘Who authorized Oliver Ivanovic to go about and organize meetings on decentralization?’
Eide in better mood for a positive report
Koha Ditore reports that according to some institutional officials, this time Ambassador Eide is in a better ‘mood’ compared to his visit one month ago when he was very critical of the local leaders.
The paper reports that Ambassador Eide is currently in Belgrade and that he will come back to Kosovo again afterwards. According to the paper’s sources, Eide will stay in New York until 26 or 27 August and will return to his mission in Kosovo before September.
The paper reports that Ambassador Eide is currently in Belgrade and that he will come back to Kosovo again afterwards. According to the paper’s sources, Eide will stay in New York until 26 or 27 August and will return to his mission in Kosovo before September.
Saturday, August 20, 2005
Queuing for a stamp in Serbia
By Matt Prodger
BBC News, Belgrade
When Slobodan Milosevic was toppled by a popular revolution in October 2000, the country badly needed political and economic reform but, as Matt Prodger reports, Serbs are still waiting for the change that was promised.
When I was a child, I dimly remember receiving as a birthday or a Christmas present something called a John Bull printing kit.
What this gift allowed children to do was create their own rubber stamps, letterheads and personalised symbols which, with the aid of an ink pad, they could use to make official looking correspondence.
I cannot say it was my favourite toy and it ended up at the back of my cupboard soon after.
But recently I was reminded of the John Bull printing kit as I sat in the dusty waiting room of a Belgrade police station, sweating in the August heat.
You see, I need a stamp. Desperately.
If I do not get this stamp, then the prospect of jail, a fine and eventually deportation loom.
I, like everyone in Serbia and Montenegro, need to register with the police.
Proof of residence
And to register with the police I need somewhere to stay. But officially I do not have somewhere to stay unless I have a stamp on my document to show that this is where I stay.
The trouble is that the old guard which ran Serbia in the 1990s is still here
So my visa, my tenancy agreement, my driving licence, bank statements, passport, press pass, identity card, my contract with the BBC are all redundant.
Because I need the stamp. And, like everything you really need here, you have to queue for it.
My colleague recently told me how upset she was about the death of her grandmother last year.
I expressed my sympathies and asked her if they had been close.
"No," she said, "but when she retired she'd get up every morning at five o'clock and queue. She'd queue to pay our bills, queue to get our documents and queue for visas at the embassies. She was a real professional.
"But now she's gone," she said, "and I've got to do it myself. It's a disaster."
'In transition'
This is a problem familiar to anybody who has ever lived with the crushing bureaucracy of a communist country.
The thing is, Serbia is not communist and has not been for at least 15 years, since the old Yugoslavia disintegrated.
Now it is post-communist or, to give it its proper term, "in transition".
That is a nice phrase - slightly dynamic, suggesting some forward momentum, some progress towards an ultimate goal. The trouble is, it does not apply much to Serbia.
It is nearly five years since Slobodan Milosevic was swept from power by a popular revolution, with a little help from abroad.
Reformists took over, things began to change. And then they stopped changing.
The trouble is that the old guard which ran Serbia in the 1990s is still here. The chairman of the board may be facing war crimes charges in The Hague, but the management is still pretty much the same.
So in recent months a new description of the situation here has emerged: not transition, but slippage.
Red tape
A drift back to the values of the Milosevic era. Nationalism, authoritarianism and corruption.
Serbia's relations with its neighbours - Montenegro, Macedonia and Croatia - have deteriorated.
The party representing ultra-nationalists has become the most popular in the country, and the government relies on the parliamentary support of Slobodan Milosevic's Socialist Party.
Veterans of the struggle against Mr Milosevic were angered by the announcement that criminal charges had been dropped against the former president's son, who was accused of threatening to cut up a pro-democracy activist with a chainsaw five years ago.
A government minister has admitted advising the alleged victim to change his statement.
And the gangsters who robbed Serbia in the 1990s are still here as well, only now they have swapped their tracksuits for business suits.
Meanwhile, the economic upturn that many Serbs had expected post-Milosevic has not happened. The average monthly wage is about £150, unemployment is about 30% and daily life is still governed by red tape and bureaucracy.
Desperate measures
Back in the police station I can hear the slow tap-tap of one-finger typing as a clerk ever so slowly fills out a report on a rusting typewriter.
A yellowing wanted poster of war crimes suspects hangs on the wall.
And then the John Bull printing kit springs to mind. Desperate times call for desperate measures.
I turn to my colleague and say: "Let's buy a stamp. We'll find a stationery shop, get the stamp made up and all our problems will be solved."
"You can't do that," she said.
"Why not?" I asked.
"Well, you can't just go into a shop and buy a stamp. You need written permission.
"And a stamp."
BBC News, Belgrade
When Slobodan Milosevic was toppled by a popular revolution in October 2000, the country badly needed political and economic reform but, as Matt Prodger reports, Serbs are still waiting for the change that was promised.
When I was a child, I dimly remember receiving as a birthday or a Christmas present something called a John Bull printing kit.
What this gift allowed children to do was create their own rubber stamps, letterheads and personalised symbols which, with the aid of an ink pad, they could use to make official looking correspondence.
I cannot say it was my favourite toy and it ended up at the back of my cupboard soon after.
But recently I was reminded of the John Bull printing kit as I sat in the dusty waiting room of a Belgrade police station, sweating in the August heat.
You see, I need a stamp. Desperately.
If I do not get this stamp, then the prospect of jail, a fine and eventually deportation loom.
I, like everyone in Serbia and Montenegro, need to register with the police.
Proof of residence
And to register with the police I need somewhere to stay. But officially I do not have somewhere to stay unless I have a stamp on my document to show that this is where I stay.
The trouble is that the old guard which ran Serbia in the 1990s is still here
So my visa, my tenancy agreement, my driving licence, bank statements, passport, press pass, identity card, my contract with the BBC are all redundant.
Because I need the stamp. And, like everything you really need here, you have to queue for it.
My colleague recently told me how upset she was about the death of her grandmother last year.
I expressed my sympathies and asked her if they had been close.
"No," she said, "but when she retired she'd get up every morning at five o'clock and queue. She'd queue to pay our bills, queue to get our documents and queue for visas at the embassies. She was a real professional.
"But now she's gone," she said, "and I've got to do it myself. It's a disaster."
'In transition'
This is a problem familiar to anybody who has ever lived with the crushing bureaucracy of a communist country.
The thing is, Serbia is not communist and has not been for at least 15 years, since the old Yugoslavia disintegrated.
Now it is post-communist or, to give it its proper term, "in transition".
That is a nice phrase - slightly dynamic, suggesting some forward momentum, some progress towards an ultimate goal. The trouble is, it does not apply much to Serbia.
It is nearly five years since Slobodan Milosevic was swept from power by a popular revolution, with a little help from abroad.
Reformists took over, things began to change. And then they stopped changing.
The trouble is that the old guard which ran Serbia in the 1990s is still here. The chairman of the board may be facing war crimes charges in The Hague, but the management is still pretty much the same.
So in recent months a new description of the situation here has emerged: not transition, but slippage.
Red tape
A drift back to the values of the Milosevic era. Nationalism, authoritarianism and corruption.
Serbia's relations with its neighbours - Montenegro, Macedonia and Croatia - have deteriorated.
The party representing ultra-nationalists has become the most popular in the country, and the government relies on the parliamentary support of Slobodan Milosevic's Socialist Party.
Veterans of the struggle against Mr Milosevic were angered by the announcement that criminal charges had been dropped against the former president's son, who was accused of threatening to cut up a pro-democracy activist with a chainsaw five years ago.
A government minister has admitted advising the alleged victim to change his statement.
And the gangsters who robbed Serbia in the 1990s are still here as well, only now they have swapped their tracksuits for business suits.
Meanwhile, the economic upturn that many Serbs had expected post-Milosevic has not happened. The average monthly wage is about £150, unemployment is about 30% and daily life is still governed by red tape and bureaucracy.
Desperate measures
Back in the police station I can hear the slow tap-tap of one-finger typing as a clerk ever so slowly fills out a report on a rusting typewriter.
A yellowing wanted poster of war crimes suspects hangs on the wall.
And then the John Bull printing kit springs to mind. Desperate times call for desperate measures.
I turn to my colleague and say: "Let's buy a stamp. We'll find a stationery shop, get the stamp made up and all our problems will be solved."
"You can't do that," she said.
"Why not?" I asked.
"Well, you can't just go into a shop and buy a stamp. You need written permission.
"And a stamp."
Friday, August 19, 2005
Macedonia improves ties with Kosovo to end "age-old dependence" on Belgrade
Excerpt from report by Goran Momirovski entitled "Macedonian government prepares counter-blow against Serbia"posted on Macedonian A1 TV website on 18 August
The Macedonian trade and economic office in Pristina, which opened in March, is most probably going to grow into a liaison office, a diplomatic and economic mission of the type that 26 countries have in Kosovo.
We must egoistically protect our interests, the prime minister said last week. This seems to have heralded the government's intentions to put an end to its age-old dependence on Belgrade and to place Pristina on the same level with Belgrade in terms of its priorities in the Balkans, even if this annoys Serbia.
According to A1 Television reports, the government's initial plan to open a liaison office in Pristina was changed only because of the opposition coming from Belgrade, which sees this act as recognition of Kosovo's independence.
In an attempt to assume a favourable position ahead of the final talks on Kosovo's status, [Prime Minister] Buckovski's office is trying to develop a positive policy towards Kosovo, free of the conservative views of the president, who advocated tough relations with the province.
An additional reason for our changed attitude towards Kosovo is Belgrade nationalist circles' pressure and intention to radicalize relations with Macedonia through the Vraniskovski [imprisoned Bishop Jovan] affair.
Contrary to the opinions expressed by experts and by the government that Skopje-Belgrade relations are at the lowest possible level since 1991 owing to Vraniskovski, today President Crvenkovski tried to alleviate the aggravated communication between Serbia and Macedonia. [Passage omitted]
The Foreign Ministry says that according to the government's decision in May the Macedonian office in Pristina continues to have merely economic powers.
It is nevertheless symptomatic that, starting from 1 September, the new coordinator in our mission in Pristina will no longer come from the Economy Ministry, but from the Foreign Ministry - a professional diplomat who previously served as consul in the Macedonian embassy in Brussels.
Source: A1 TV website, Skopje, in Macedonian 18 Aug 05
The Macedonian trade and economic office in Pristina, which opened in March, is most probably going to grow into a liaison office, a diplomatic and economic mission of the type that 26 countries have in Kosovo.
We must egoistically protect our interests, the prime minister said last week. This seems to have heralded the government's intentions to put an end to its age-old dependence on Belgrade and to place Pristina on the same level with Belgrade in terms of its priorities in the Balkans, even if this annoys Serbia.
According to A1 Television reports, the government's initial plan to open a liaison office in Pristina was changed only because of the opposition coming from Belgrade, which sees this act as recognition of Kosovo's independence.
In an attempt to assume a favourable position ahead of the final talks on Kosovo's status, [Prime Minister] Buckovski's office is trying to develop a positive policy towards Kosovo, free of the conservative views of the president, who advocated tough relations with the province.
An additional reason for our changed attitude towards Kosovo is Belgrade nationalist circles' pressure and intention to radicalize relations with Macedonia through the Vraniskovski [imprisoned Bishop Jovan] affair.
Contrary to the opinions expressed by experts and by the government that Skopje-Belgrade relations are at the lowest possible level since 1991 owing to Vraniskovski, today President Crvenkovski tried to alleviate the aggravated communication between Serbia and Macedonia. [Passage omitted]
The Foreign Ministry says that according to the government's decision in May the Macedonian office in Pristina continues to have merely economic powers.
It is nevertheless symptomatic that, starting from 1 September, the new coordinator in our mission in Pristina will no longer come from the Economy Ministry, but from the Foreign Ministry - a professional diplomat who previously served as consul in the Macedonian embassy in Brussels.
Source: A1 TV website, Skopje, in Macedonian 18 Aug 05
Crossing the Pop Pond
James Blunt is an unlikely pop megastar in the U.K. Can he take that success stateside?
WEB EXCLUSIVE
By Ginanne Brownell
Newsweek
Updated: 7:52 a.m. ET Aug. 19, 2005
Aug. 19, 2005 - James Blunt needs an attitude adjustment—he’s just too polite to be a rock star. The 28-year-old singer, whose debut single, “You’re Beautiful,” and debut album, “Back to Bedlam,” currently top the British singles and album charts, has a voice that’s reminiscent of a young Rod Stewart. Sexy and sultry in a choirboy-gone-bad way, his lyrics are painfully raw and compelling.
Blunt has been getting attention across Europe this summer, and his album hits America on Oct. 4 with “You’re Beautiful” already getting airplay in New York and Los Angeles. Like his background—he was literally the first British soldier to enter Pristina, Kosovo, during a peace mission in 1999—his rise to the top of the charts has been unconventional. Instead of going with a big marketing campaign, he and his five-piece band played small gigs and slowly gained a dedicated following who then spread the word about his music. “Our shows are something you can understand and follow in an industry that can be so full of marketing ploys and things I do not understand,” says an extremely self-effacing Blunt. During a break from a video shoot recently, Blunt spoke with NEWSWEEK’s Ginanne Brownell. Excerpts:
NEWSWEEK: How does it feel to have both your single and your album at No. 1 in Britain?
James Blunt: Well, it’s a bit over my head really. That is the kind of thing I never anticipated or expected. It keeps records companies very happy. [Laughs.]
Your music has been promoted in unique way—no marketing campaign per se.
We put [the album] out in October [2004] and did some very small live shows, a couple hundred people. Then we watched how a bunch of people turned up to the next shows but brought a bunch of mates and then those mates at the next shows brought their mates and watching crowds growing in a really natural way.
What is it about your music that is so appealing?
I think these songs are relevant to everyone and though these songs are very personal to me, as humans we are all very similar, and we are all just trying to get through. I hope this is a way for people to relate in their own lives.
Tell me about your time as a peacekeeper in Kosovo. Is it really true that you had your guitar strapped onto the back of your tank?
I wrote “No Bravery” out there. For me, the people on the ground were the ones who were your sounding board, whether things were good or bad or whether we were doing the right jobs or whether we should not be there. But Serbs and Kosovar Albanians were saying, “Your presence here is saving our lives.” One could see the humanitarian benefits. The guitar was strapped to the back because you cannot put it on the inside because there is not enough room. The locals are incredibly hospitable, they would bring you in and feed you and sometimes I would [bring along] my guitar.
How did serving there affect your music?
I do not think it affected my lyrics any but it did on my outlook on life and the human race. The so-called civilization we exist in, the ease at which humans can go from civilized humans to animals in a flash and how individuals can once in a group lose their sense of individuality and moral conscience and become something like “Lord of the Flies.” A group mentality can be quite a frightening mentality. I think my outlook on the human race was deeply affected by that. I met some charming and special individuals on both sides, but when seen in groups there is something else that seems to take over sometimes.
And then you guarded the queen at Buckingham Palace?
I was a Horse Guard, so you ride around the palace, and though I did not write the songs [in my head] while I was on horseback, I knew I would be doing music, and I knew I was destined to do that. The Army was something I had to do to earn the money to be funded through university, and it was a day job.
Rumor has it that you recorded “Goodbye My Lover” in actress Carrie Fisher’s bathroom in Los Angeles. How did that come about?
I met her through my ex-girlfriend, and I rented a room off Carrie. She had an upright piano in her bathroom, though really it does not take up too much room. We did not have the right kind of piano in the studio, and “Goodbye My Lover” is a very special song and to try and get back to the meaning of the song, I wanted to get out of the studio. Late at night we set up a studio in the bathroom, and we got into the song more. I was over the moon with the outcome.
Are you concerned about breaking through in the United States? Is this something you hope to achieve where so many other British artists have failed?
We are going to get to the U.S. and give it our all. It’s just going to be my keyboard player and me and [our goal] is to connect with the crowd. You can make it in the U.K. and Europe but it does not mean it will be success in America at all. You have to try and connect with Americans in a way that they want to. You have to respect it is a whole different ball game there.
© 2005 Newsweek, Inc.
WEB EXCLUSIVE
By Ginanne Brownell
Newsweek
Updated: 7:52 a.m. ET Aug. 19, 2005
Aug. 19, 2005 - James Blunt needs an attitude adjustment—he’s just too polite to be a rock star. The 28-year-old singer, whose debut single, “You’re Beautiful,” and debut album, “Back to Bedlam,” currently top the British singles and album charts, has a voice that’s reminiscent of a young Rod Stewart. Sexy and sultry in a choirboy-gone-bad way, his lyrics are painfully raw and compelling.
Blunt has been getting attention across Europe this summer, and his album hits America on Oct. 4 with “You’re Beautiful” already getting airplay in New York and Los Angeles. Like his background—he was literally the first British soldier to enter Pristina, Kosovo, during a peace mission in 1999—his rise to the top of the charts has been unconventional. Instead of going with a big marketing campaign, he and his five-piece band played small gigs and slowly gained a dedicated following who then spread the word about his music. “Our shows are something you can understand and follow in an industry that can be so full of marketing ploys and things I do not understand,” says an extremely self-effacing Blunt. During a break from a video shoot recently, Blunt spoke with NEWSWEEK’s Ginanne Brownell. Excerpts:
NEWSWEEK: How does it feel to have both your single and your album at No. 1 in Britain?
James Blunt: Well, it’s a bit over my head really. That is the kind of thing I never anticipated or expected. It keeps records companies very happy. [Laughs.]
Your music has been promoted in unique way—no marketing campaign per se.
We put [the album] out in October [2004] and did some very small live shows, a couple hundred people. Then we watched how a bunch of people turned up to the next shows but brought a bunch of mates and then those mates at the next shows brought their mates and watching crowds growing in a really natural way.
What is it about your music that is so appealing?
I think these songs are relevant to everyone and though these songs are very personal to me, as humans we are all very similar, and we are all just trying to get through. I hope this is a way for people to relate in their own lives.
Tell me about your time as a peacekeeper in Kosovo. Is it really true that you had your guitar strapped onto the back of your tank?
I wrote “No Bravery” out there. For me, the people on the ground were the ones who were your sounding board, whether things were good or bad or whether we were doing the right jobs or whether we should not be there. But Serbs and Kosovar Albanians were saying, “Your presence here is saving our lives.” One could see the humanitarian benefits. The guitar was strapped to the back because you cannot put it on the inside because there is not enough room. The locals are incredibly hospitable, they would bring you in and feed you and sometimes I would [bring along] my guitar.
How did serving there affect your music?
I do not think it affected my lyrics any but it did on my outlook on life and the human race. The so-called civilization we exist in, the ease at which humans can go from civilized humans to animals in a flash and how individuals can once in a group lose their sense of individuality and moral conscience and become something like “Lord of the Flies.” A group mentality can be quite a frightening mentality. I think my outlook on the human race was deeply affected by that. I met some charming and special individuals on both sides, but when seen in groups there is something else that seems to take over sometimes.
And then you guarded the queen at Buckingham Palace?
I was a Horse Guard, so you ride around the palace, and though I did not write the songs [in my head] while I was on horseback, I knew I would be doing music, and I knew I was destined to do that. The Army was something I had to do to earn the money to be funded through university, and it was a day job.
Rumor has it that you recorded “Goodbye My Lover” in actress Carrie Fisher’s bathroom in Los Angeles. How did that come about?
I met her through my ex-girlfriend, and I rented a room off Carrie. She had an upright piano in her bathroom, though really it does not take up too much room. We did not have the right kind of piano in the studio, and “Goodbye My Lover” is a very special song and to try and get back to the meaning of the song, I wanted to get out of the studio. Late at night we set up a studio in the bathroom, and we got into the song more. I was over the moon with the outcome.
Are you concerned about breaking through in the United States? Is this something you hope to achieve where so many other British artists have failed?
We are going to get to the U.S. and give it our all. It’s just going to be my keyboard player and me and [our goal] is to connect with the crowd. You can make it in the U.K. and Europe but it does not mean it will be success in America at all. You have to try and connect with Americans in a way that they want to. You have to respect it is a whole different ball game there.
© 2005 Newsweek, Inc.
Thursday, August 18, 2005
NATO Remains Committed To Kosovo Security - Commander
PRISTINA (AP)--The North Atlantic Treaty Organization remains committed to providing security to allow for a peaceful climate in Kosovo as the disputed U.N.-administered province nears possible talks on its future status, the alliance's commander for southeastern Europe said during a visit Thursday.
Adm. Harry Ulrich, commander of NATO's Joint Force Command based in Naples, Italy, made the comments during his second visit to Kosovo as regional commander. There are some 17,500 NATO-led peacekeepers deployed in Kosovo.
"NATO is absolutely committed to providing a safe and secure environment here in Kosovo so that the political process can work its way to a successful conclusion," Ulrich said.
Ulrich met with officials from NATO, the U.N. and Kosovo's Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi during his one-day visit. He also visited Kosovo Protection Corps, a civil emergency unit consisting mostly of former ethnic Albanian rebel fighters that battled Serb forces during the 1998-1999 war.
The U.N. and NATO have been running Kosovo since 1999, when NATO bombed Serbia for 78 days to force it to end a crackdown against separatist ethnic Albanians and pull out the Serb troops.
Relations between NATO and Serbia have improved since former President Slobodan Milosevic was ousted from power in 2000.
In Kosovo, ethnic tensions remain high six years after the war. There are fears that security risks could escalate ahead of planned talks on the province's final status later this year.
Kosovo is dominated by ethnic Albanians seeking independence from Serbia, while Belgrade wants to retain at least some control over its southern province. [ 18-08-05 1330GMT ]
Adm. Harry Ulrich, commander of NATO's Joint Force Command based in Naples, Italy, made the comments during his second visit to Kosovo as regional commander. There are some 17,500 NATO-led peacekeepers deployed in Kosovo.
"NATO is absolutely committed to providing a safe and secure environment here in Kosovo so that the political process can work its way to a successful conclusion," Ulrich said.
Ulrich met with officials from NATO, the U.N. and Kosovo's Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi during his one-day visit. He also visited Kosovo Protection Corps, a civil emergency unit consisting mostly of former ethnic Albanian rebel fighters that battled Serb forces during the 1998-1999 war.
The U.N. and NATO have been running Kosovo since 1999, when NATO bombed Serbia for 78 days to force it to end a crackdown against separatist ethnic Albanians and pull out the Serb troops.
Relations between NATO and Serbia have improved since former President Slobodan Milosevic was ousted from power in 2000.
In Kosovo, ethnic tensions remain high six years after the war. There are fears that security risks could escalate ahead of planned talks on the province's final status later this year.
Kosovo is dominated by ethnic Albanians seeking independence from Serbia, while Belgrade wants to retain at least some control over its southern province. [ 18-08-05 1330GMT ]
U.S. diplomat dismisses as insane testimony by defence witness in Milosevic trial
THE HAGUE/ZAGREB, Aug 18 (Hina) - US diplomat William Walker, former head of the OSCE Verification Mission in Kosovo, has dismissed as insane a testimony given by Muharem Ibraj, a defence witness in the trial of former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic.
The testimony of that witness is insane, Walker said in an email message addressed to the Office of the Prosecutor at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague, which was read in the courtroom on Thursday.
Ibraj, who was in charge of security in his village, Osik Hilje, near the western town of Djakovica, in 1998/99, said during his testimony at the ICTY on Wednesday that Walker had told him during his visit to the village in 1999 that "Kosovo is not a part of Serbia anymore" and that Ibraj's unit "can put patches with the American flag on their uniforms".
Ibraj, 51, who fled Kosovo in 1999 because of his collaboration with the Serbian police, also accused Walker of paying regular visits to the headquarters of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) at Glodjani.
The most bizarre accusation Ibraj levelled against Walker was that the former OSCE Verification Mission chief had suspected the witness's 80-year-old father of raping two teenage girls.
Walker said in his message that he had never met the witness during his stay in Kosovo in 1998/99, suggesting that it was either a case of mistaken identity or that Ibraj made up the whole story.
I did not take part in any of the things the witness mentioned, Walker wrote.
Commenting on Walker's message after it was read by the prosecutor, Ibraj stood by his statement, saying that what he had stated in his testimony "are not lies but the truth".
The testimony of that witness is insane, Walker said in an email message addressed to the Office of the Prosecutor at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague, which was read in the courtroom on Thursday.
Ibraj, who was in charge of security in his village, Osik Hilje, near the western town of Djakovica, in 1998/99, said during his testimony at the ICTY on Wednesday that Walker had told him during his visit to the village in 1999 that "Kosovo is not a part of Serbia anymore" and that Ibraj's unit "can put patches with the American flag on their uniforms".
Ibraj, 51, who fled Kosovo in 1999 because of his collaboration with the Serbian police, also accused Walker of paying regular visits to the headquarters of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) at Glodjani.
The most bizarre accusation Ibraj levelled against Walker was that the former OSCE Verification Mission chief had suspected the witness's 80-year-old father of raping two teenage girls.
Walker said in his message that he had never met the witness during his stay in Kosovo in 1998/99, suggesting that it was either a case of mistaken identity or that Ibraj made up the whole story.
I did not take part in any of the things the witness mentioned, Walker wrote.
Commenting on Walker's message after it was read by the prosecutor, Ibraj stood by his statement, saying that what he had stated in his testimony "are not lies but the truth".
Janusz Bugajski: Road to independence
Director of East European Project with the Centre for Strategic and
International Studies in Washington, Janusz Bugajski says that in an ideal world, Kosovo would by now be independent but reality has proved to be very difficult and challenging and the Kosovars should learn how to use international organs and negotiations to their benefit. Negotiation process could offer three advantages for K-Government, ‘credibility, resource and experience’, Bugajski writes.
He says that the appearance of Self-Determination movement should not be ignored as it shows that the youth in Kosovo is deeply concerned over their future and tries to find its place in the political scene. ‘Greatest resource of Kosovo future is its youth, especially the youth with political and leadership commitment…they should be convinced that their government knows what it is doing and that it will realise the objectives that all Kosovars share,’ writes Bugajski in a column for Koha.
International Studies in Washington, Janusz Bugajski says that in an ideal world, Kosovo would by now be independent but reality has proved to be very difficult and challenging and the Kosovars should learn how to use international organs and negotiations to their benefit. Negotiation process could offer three advantages for K-Government, ‘credibility, resource and experience’, Bugajski writes.
He says that the appearance of Self-Determination movement should not be ignored as it shows that the youth in Kosovo is deeply concerned over their future and tries to find its place in the political scene. ‘Greatest resource of Kosovo future is its youth, especially the youth with political and leadership commitment…they should be convinced that their government knows what it is doing and that it will realise the objectives that all Kosovars share,’ writes Bugajski in a column for Koha.
Thaçi: We will meet Serbia in Brussels
Epoka e Re carries an interview with PDK leader Hashim Thaçi who says that it is impossible for Serbia to lose Kosovo as it never owned it in the first place and suggests that the best solution for Kosovo status resolution would be a referendum similar to the one held in East Timor. He says that Kosovo status will be defined within the Pristina – Washington – Brussels triangle and the will of Kosovo people will be the basis for these discussions. ‘Our aim, and it seems Serbia’s too, is membership of the EU and there is no need for federal duplications; I believe we will meet in Brussels in the future,’ said Thaçi.
PM: Meaningful decentralisation will start after status resolution
Zëri reports that Kosovo Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi has said, during a visit to Prizren, that the implementation of the testing stage for reform of local government will start very soon but that a comprehensive process will be implemented after Kosovo status is defined.
Wednesday, August 17, 2005
Independence is nonnegotiable
Koha Ditore writes that the head of the US Office and Kosovo Assembly Speaker have different views on how to resolve Kosovo’s status.
The head of the US office in Pristina Philip Goldberg, after meeting Nexhat Daci, has called on institutional and political leaders of Kosovo to start preparation for talks on the final status of Kosovo.
According to Goldberg, the status issue has to go “through talks” and Kosovo leaders have to be prepared. “I have said it many times that there will be negotiations,” he said.
According to Koha, he said the issue of preparations for status was very serious and required discussions and compromise. The US official added that it was not only the question of independence or non-independence; rather “it is the question of how to achieve a joint stance to move forward”.
He also said preparations for the talks on final status had to be placed on the table and discussed more profoundly by the Kosovo government. Goldberg said, “Kosovo’s final status and everything connected to that are very important for the people here. It is also important for me and for my country. But in the end it is up to the people of Kosovo to make this decision”.
Assembly Speaker Nexhat Daci said on the issue, “Treatment of minorities, their non-cooperation, freedom of movement and economic issues, among others, need to be negotiated with Belgrade, but the independence of Kosovo is non-negotiable”.
The head of the US office in Pristina Philip Goldberg, after meeting Nexhat Daci, has called on institutional and political leaders of Kosovo to start preparation for talks on the final status of Kosovo.
According to Goldberg, the status issue has to go “through talks” and Kosovo leaders have to be prepared. “I have said it many times that there will be negotiations,” he said.
According to Koha, he said the issue of preparations for status was very serious and required discussions and compromise. The US official added that it was not only the question of independence or non-independence; rather “it is the question of how to achieve a joint stance to move forward”.
He also said preparations for the talks on final status had to be placed on the table and discussed more profoundly by the Kosovo government. Goldberg said, “Kosovo’s final status and everything connected to that are very important for the people here. It is also important for me and for my country. But in the end it is up to the people of Kosovo to make this decision”.
Assembly Speaker Nexhat Daci said on the issue, “Treatment of minorities, their non-cooperation, freedom of movement and economic issues, among others, need to be negotiated with Belgrade, but the independence of Kosovo is non-negotiable”.
Kosovo official notes increasing interethnic tolerance in Mitrovica
Mitrovice [Kosovska Mitrovica], 16 August: Interethnic tolerance and understanding continues to increase in Mitrovica's municipality, and there is optimism that, along with the definition of Kosova's [Kosovo] status, Mitrovica's problem would be solved, meaning that the city would integrate, and its citizens would live in their own properties in peace and coexistence.
Dr Sadije Asllani-Bilalli, director of the Directorate for Health and Social Welfare in the municipal assembly of Mitrovica, made this comment during a meeting with her German guests, Angelika Beer, member of the European Parliament, engaged in Balkan relations, and Peter Mathiesen, an expert for Balkan politics.
Dr Bilalli told her guests that the main activities of Municipal Assembly and its departments this year were related to the return of the displaced. According to her, the results achieved in the return of Serbs and other minorities should not be underestimated. D.r Bilalli also assessed that nothing was done for the return of Albanians to their properties in the northern part of the city due to the resistance of Serb extremists.
She also said that the economic-social situation in the municipality is very difficult, and Mitrovica is currently one of the poorest municipalities in Kosova. Around 6.000 families in Mitrovica, receive social assistance. Due to many problems, mainly of political and economical nature, the municipality has not developed at all, Bilalli said, and added that no industrial capacity has been activated. [Passage omitted]
According to Dr Bilalli, the situation in Mitrovica's municipality is calm and without any major problems, even though "Serb extremists have been causing interethnic tensions recently".
Angelica Beer, member of European Parliament, said that she is satisfied with what she heard about the achievements for implementing the projects for return of minorities, something that could not even be imagined immediately after the war. She also expressed her satisfaction for the fact that interethnic tolerance is increasing, adding that "the situation in Mitrovica is good news".
Source: KosovaLive web site, Pristina, in English 16 Aug 05
Dr Sadije Asllani-Bilalli, director of the Directorate for Health and Social Welfare in the municipal assembly of Mitrovica, made this comment during a meeting with her German guests, Angelika Beer, member of the European Parliament, engaged in Balkan relations, and Peter Mathiesen, an expert for Balkan politics.
Dr Bilalli told her guests that the main activities of Municipal Assembly and its departments this year were related to the return of the displaced. According to her, the results achieved in the return of Serbs and other minorities should not be underestimated. D.r Bilalli also assessed that nothing was done for the return of Albanians to their properties in the northern part of the city due to the resistance of Serb extremists.
She also said that the economic-social situation in the municipality is very difficult, and Mitrovica is currently one of the poorest municipalities in Kosova. Around 6.000 families in Mitrovica, receive social assistance. Due to many problems, mainly of political and economical nature, the municipality has not developed at all, Bilalli said, and added that no industrial capacity has been activated. [Passage omitted]
According to Dr Bilalli, the situation in Mitrovica's municipality is calm and without any major problems, even though "Serb extremists have been causing interethnic tensions recently".
Angelica Beer, member of European Parliament, said that she is satisfied with what she heard about the achievements for implementing the projects for return of minorities, something that could not even be imagined immediately after the war. She also expressed her satisfaction for the fact that interethnic tolerance is increasing, adding that "the situation in Mitrovica is good news".
Source: KosovaLive web site, Pristina, in English 16 Aug 05
US envoy to Kosovo says time has come to prepare for status talks
Text of report by Kosovo Albanian television KohaVision TV on 16 August
[Announcer] The time has come for preparations for Kosova's [Kosovo] political status talks, said US chief of mission in Prishtina [Pristina] Philip Goldberg after meeting Kosova Speaker Nexhat Daci. Kosova Speaker Daci, on the other hand, said the issue of independence was non-negotiable. There should be negotiations on other things and opposition must play an important role in this, said Daci.
[Reporter Blerta Dalloshi] The US chief of mission in Prishtina Philip Goldberg praised the work of Kosova institutions after meeting Kosova Speaker Nexhat Daci. He said we had to see the preparations for the negotiation process on Kosova's political status. He said we were not talking about whether there would be independence or not, but about the means to create the circumstances by which the government and the people, together with the opposition, would have a common position in order to move forward. While judging the status issue as important, Goldberg said these were decisions that needed to be taken by us.
[Philip Goldberg in English with Albanian translation] The Kosova government and the people should have a clear position on status and issues related to status, therefore preparations for the negotiations on status should begin.
[Reporter] He considered the position of the Kosova people on decentralization and minorities as important, as something that will require negotiations and compromise. Kosova Speaker Nexhat Daci on the other hand said Kosova's independence was non-negotiable. According to him negotiations with the international community and Belgrade should focus on technical issues.
[Nexhat Daci] Independence is non-negotiable, not under any circumstances. Other things, all other issues should be negotiated with the international community and Belgrade; that includes the treatment of minorities, the lack of cooperation between minorities, the issue of free movement in the region.
[Reporter] According to him [Daci], the opposition should play its role in this process.
Source: KohaVision TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1700 gmt 16 Aug 05
[Announcer] The time has come for preparations for Kosova's [Kosovo] political status talks, said US chief of mission in Prishtina [Pristina] Philip Goldberg after meeting Kosova Speaker Nexhat Daci. Kosova Speaker Daci, on the other hand, said the issue of independence was non-negotiable. There should be negotiations on other things and opposition must play an important role in this, said Daci.
[Reporter Blerta Dalloshi] The US chief of mission in Prishtina Philip Goldberg praised the work of Kosova institutions after meeting Kosova Speaker Nexhat Daci. He said we had to see the preparations for the negotiation process on Kosova's political status. He said we were not talking about whether there would be independence or not, but about the means to create the circumstances by which the government and the people, together with the opposition, would have a common position in order to move forward. While judging the status issue as important, Goldberg said these were decisions that needed to be taken by us.
[Philip Goldberg in English with Albanian translation] The Kosova government and the people should have a clear position on status and issues related to status, therefore preparations for the negotiations on status should begin.
[Reporter] He considered the position of the Kosova people on decentralization and minorities as important, as something that will require negotiations and compromise. Kosova Speaker Nexhat Daci on the other hand said Kosova's independence was non-negotiable. According to him negotiations with the international community and Belgrade should focus on technical issues.
[Nexhat Daci] Independence is non-negotiable, not under any circumstances. Other things, all other issues should be negotiated with the international community and Belgrade; that includes the treatment of minorities, the lack of cooperation between minorities, the issue of free movement in the region.
[Reporter] According to him [Daci], the opposition should play its role in this process.
Source: KohaVision TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1700 gmt 16 Aug 05
Serbia holds Madrid bomb suspect
A Moroccan suspected of involvement in the Madrid train bombings has been arrested in Belgrade, Spain says.
The interior ministry named the suspect as Abdelmajid Bouchar, 22, and said it wanted him extradited to Spain.
He was picked up by Serbian police when he presented false Iraqi identity papers during a routine check, it said.
Mr Bouchar is alleged to have fled an apartment in Leganes, near Madrid, where the suspected train bombers hid out after the attacks in March 2004.
The attacks killed 191 rush-hour commuters and injured nearly 2,000 more.
Mr Bouchar is reported to have been hiding out with seven other suspects in Leganes on 3 April, 2004. The Associated Press news agency quotes investigators who say Mr Bouchar went down to the street to empty some rubbish and spotted the police.
He is said to have shouted out in Arabic to warn his colleagues, before escaping.
Appeal to Interpol
The seven suspects in the apartment blew themselves up when police surrounded the building. A police officer also died.
Mr Bouchar went on the run and was the subject of an international arrest warrant.
Seven suspects blew themselves up in the Leganes flat
Serbian police grew suspicious when the suspect refused to cooperate with their inquires and he was identified through Interpol.
Spanish Interior Minister Jose Antonio Alonso said the arrest showed, once more, the need to strengthen international collaboration to improve the efficiency of the fight against terrorism.
More than 70 people have been arrested in the course of the investigation into the Madrid attacks, which have been blamed on Islamist radicals.
The interior ministry named the suspect as Abdelmajid Bouchar, 22, and said it wanted him extradited to Spain.
He was picked up by Serbian police when he presented false Iraqi identity papers during a routine check, it said.
Mr Bouchar is alleged to have fled an apartment in Leganes, near Madrid, where the suspected train bombers hid out after the attacks in March 2004.
The attacks killed 191 rush-hour commuters and injured nearly 2,000 more.
Mr Bouchar is reported to have been hiding out with seven other suspects in Leganes on 3 April, 2004. The Associated Press news agency quotes investigators who say Mr Bouchar went down to the street to empty some rubbish and spotted the police.
He is said to have shouted out in Arabic to warn his colleagues, before escaping.
Appeal to Interpol
The seven suspects in the apartment blew themselves up when police surrounded the building. A police officer also died.
Mr Bouchar went on the run and was the subject of an international arrest warrant.
Seven suspects blew themselves up in the Leganes flat
Serbian police grew suspicious when the suspect refused to cooperate with their inquires and he was identified through Interpol.
Spanish Interior Minister Jose Antonio Alonso said the arrest showed, once more, the need to strengthen international collaboration to improve the efficiency of the fight against terrorism.
More than 70 people have been arrested in the course of the investigation into the Madrid attacks, which have been blamed on Islamist radicals.
Contact Group praises Kosovo Government
Daily papers report that representatives of Contact Group countries in Pristina met Kosovo PM Bajram Kosumi and praised the government’s work on decentralization and treatment of minorities.
‘We believe that the efforts the government and prime minister have undertaken in recent weeks show that Kosovo is on the right path’, said head of U.S. Office in Pristina, Phillip Goldberg.
Koha Ditore writes that what has impressed CG representatives is that K-Government has shown commitment in pushing reform of local government forward.
Zëri quotes Kosumi saying that his government has taken the recommendations of the CG put forth in a letter very seriously and that the actions undertaken are in accordance to the suggestions.
Express carries the headline Praises come and go.
‘We believe that the efforts the government and prime minister have undertaken in recent weeks show that Kosovo is on the right path’, said head of U.S. Office in Pristina, Phillip Goldberg.
Koha Ditore writes that what has impressed CG representatives is that K-Government has shown commitment in pushing reform of local government forward.
Zëri quotes Kosumi saying that his government has taken the recommendations of the CG put forth in a letter very seriously and that the actions undertaken are in accordance to the suggestions.
Express carries the headline Praises come and go.
Tuesday, August 16, 2005
Miles To Go - The Weekly Standard
Daniel McKivergan1 hour, 1 minute ago
Kosovo
"WE HAVEN'T WON THIS YET." That's how a senior Western diplomat serving in Pristina characterized the situation in Kosovo six years after the end of NATO bombing. The intervention against the Serbian dictator Slobodan Milosevic was the right policy, he added, but what we've been trying to accomplish since is "more difficult here than in Bosnia." A bit south of Pristina is the town of Lipljan. There, a Kosovar Albanian man, a geography teacher, sat at a table in the home of a Kosovar Serb and spoke of people "in dark corners who work to undermine efforts [of reconciliation between Albanians and Serbs] because it's not in their interest to reconcile." Similar sentiments were repeated by others in Kosovo. So while Milosevic is tried at The Hague for war crimes, much more work remains to defeat his legacy in Kosovo.
In the late 1980s, Milosevic consolidated power on a platform of extreme nationalism. His efforts to centralize power in Belgrade put the Balkans on a path to war in which over 200,000 people would eventually be killed. In 1989, he forced amendments to the 1974 Yugoslav Constitution which eliminated the autonomy of Kosovo "inaugurating an era of spiraling human rights abuses against the Kosovar Albanian population," as detailed in war crimes documents at The Hague. All this led to the formation of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) in 1997 and fierce fighting between the KLA and Serb forces operating in Kosovo before NATO intervened in March 1999.
Since 1999, when the U.N. Security Council passed Resolution 1244 making Kosovo a U.N. protectorate, the goal has been to establish a stable, multi-ethnic democracy. Under 1244, UNMIK--the U.N. Interim Administrative Mission in Kosovo--supervises domestic affairs while KFOR--the 18,000-strong NATO-led Kosovo Protection Force--is tasked with creating a "secure environment" for the transition to full civilian administration of Kosovo.
Soon, the United Nations and members of the Kosovo Contact Group (the U.S., the U.K., Germany, France, Russia, and Italy) are expected to announce that Kosovo has made enough progress--four elections have been held, a constitutional framework drafted, and provisional government institutions erected--to warrant the start of "final status" talks. The outcome of these talks will determine if Kosovo becomes an independent nation, as the Kosovar Albanians demand and expect, or attains the status of "more than autonomy, less than independence," as Serbian President Boris Tadic frequently advocates in public appearances.
OFFICIALS IN BELGRADE have also been floating the idea of a partitioned Kosovo because, they say, full independence would provoke a nationalist reaction and suffocate Serbia's nascent democracy. Belgrade would absorb the Serb-dominated land north of the Ibar river (the majority of Serbs are also scattered in central and southern Kosovo) while the rest would become an independent state governed by Pristina. According to several Western diplomats, Belgrade has discouraged Kosovar Serb participation in elections and institutions in Pristina to bolster their case for partition.
Even so, partition won't happen. The United States opposes any partition, as does the European Union, on the grounds that a partition would spark even greater regional instability and reward the aggression of Milosevic. Furthermore, the State Department's Nicholas Burns testified to Congress that a partition would undermine the basic principle of a Kosovo "based on multi-ethnicity with full respect for human rights including the right of all refugees and displaced persons to return to their homes in safety."
Odds are that Kosovo will gain a sort of probationary independence. Full sovereignty--say within a few years--would be conditioned on, among other things, the return of Serbs who fled Kosovo since 1999 (the State Department estimates over 100,000 fled mainly due to Kosovar Albanian retribution while the United Nations believes about 13,000 have returned) and a demonstrated ability of local government officials to ensure freedom of movement throughout Kosovo. Any transition would also involve a continued international security presence for some time.
BUT MEETING THESE CONDITIONS WON'T BE EASY. Along with an unemployment rate of over 60 percent, ensuring freedom of movement in Kosovo remains the biggest failure of UNMIK and KFOR for the last six years.
A recent report, written by UNMIK chief Soren Jessen-Peterson of Denmark, cited the lack of freedom of movement as a major obstacle to further progress in Kosovo--a conclusion echoed by other international officials and one that is obvious to anyone traveling around Kosovo. If a Kosovar Albanian and Serb want to socialize, they generally do so out of public view. As many stated privately, talks in public raises the risk of being targeted by extremists who are not interested in multiethnic dialogue.
On a Wednesday in Lipljan, where about 450 Kosovar Albanians and 210 Serbs live, five Serb men sat down in a Serb home to talk about life there. "The economy doesn't exist for us," said one, who blamed the international community for their plight. Another revealed that "he talks with his Albanian neighbor in his backyard" but not on the street "where others can see"--that's too dangerous, he said. Asked if all Lipljan's Albanians were hostile, they collectively gestured no. One added that perhaps 1 in 10 Albanians are "hostile to us." Toward the end of the discussion, a Kosovar Albanian, a geography teacher who lives nearby, joined in. He agreed that ethnic relations are bad and blamed "Albanian politicians for not doing enough" to challenge the extremists who want the remaining Serbs to leave Kosovo.
A short distance from the Macedonian border is Prizren, a town where, at least on that day, you could spot children wearing clothing emblazoned with the letters "USA" (I should note that many Kosovar Albanians expressed pro-American sentiment in discussions with them). Outside a small coffee shop a middle-aged Serb said that the "majority of Albanians don't have ill will toward us. The problem is the radicals--the 10 percent who control politics." Later, speaking in the living room of her small home nearby, a Serb woman in her eighties said ethnic relations "were better" before Milosevic came to power and that "Albanians suffered quite a bit under Milosevic." Muzafri, a Kosovar Albanian who now works at a cafe in the center of Prizren, told the story of Serb forces entering his village in 1999 and giving everyone two hours to flee their homes. They joined the hundreds of thousands of other Kosovar Albanians ejected by Milosevic's forces. Asked if he would like the Serbs who still live in town to stay, he responded, "Sure, we should all live together."
ABOUT 60 KILOMETERS NORTHWEST of Prizren is Orahovac, which witnessed heavy fighting between Milosevic's forces and the KLA in 1998 and 1999. At the top of a narrow, sloping street that leads into the town's center is a crowded enclave of about 500 Serbs. They are protected by barbed wire and a handful of KFOR troops. At the lower end live Kosovo Albanians, who vastly outnumber the Serbs. In between is the so-called "buffer zone," which is lined with crumbling, burnt-out buildings. Just outside Orahovac is another Serb enclave of Velika Hoca, which has a fixed military checkpoint on the only road leading into it and is regularly patrolled by KFOR.
Many gravestones line the main road leading into the town of Decan, northwest of Orahovac, along the Albanian border. A May 2005 International Crisis Group report described Decan as a "tinderbox, full of angry armed groups, and isolated from the rest of Kosovo." According to the Louis Segnini, the local UNMIK head, Decan is the home of many "hardcore [KLA] fighters" from the 1990s who today are the town's "political hardliners." They "intimidate other Albanians" from socializing with Serbs, who live in enclaves on the edge of town. For example, every so often Segnini hosts a "sugar meeting" at the local UNMIK headquarters between local Serbs and Albanians to facilitate better relations. But when he suggests that they all go out to a restaurant down the street the Albanians get "very nervous" and decline.
In Mitrovica, a gritty, bustling town northeast of Pristina, the bridge spanning the Ibar acts as the "buffer zone" with a heavy U.N. and KFOR presence at both ends. In March 2004, Mitrovica was also the town which sparked two days of violence throughout Kosovo which left 19 dead, hundreds injured, hundreds of Serb houses burned, and 30 Orthodox churches destroyed along with 72 U.N. vehicles. KFOR was caught by surprise and did little to stop it. The United Nations believes Kosovar Albanian extremists orchestrated the violence to "destroy any ethnic integration," and officials in Belgrade point to the violence to discredit Kosovo's bid for independence. "The more I looked at what happened [in March 2004], the bigger the impact" the violence really had on our efforts, lamented UNMIK's Soren Jessen-Peterson. The International Crisis Group report concludes that "Both Kosovo Albanian extremists seeking to eject UNMIK, and those in Serbia who would prefer Kosovo to discredit itself . . . share an interest in provocation."
Whatever the outcome of the "final status" talks, the United States, the European Union, and NATO must remain engaged in Kosovo and not let the extremist minority win a victory over simple human decency.
Daniel McKivergan is deputy director of the Project for the New American Century.
Kosovo
"WE HAVEN'T WON THIS YET." That's how a senior Western diplomat serving in Pristina characterized the situation in Kosovo six years after the end of NATO bombing. The intervention against the Serbian dictator Slobodan Milosevic was the right policy, he added, but what we've been trying to accomplish since is "more difficult here than in Bosnia." A bit south of Pristina is the town of Lipljan. There, a Kosovar Albanian man, a geography teacher, sat at a table in the home of a Kosovar Serb and spoke of people "in dark corners who work to undermine efforts [of reconciliation between Albanians and Serbs] because it's not in their interest to reconcile." Similar sentiments were repeated by others in Kosovo. So while Milosevic is tried at The Hague for war crimes, much more work remains to defeat his legacy in Kosovo.
In the late 1980s, Milosevic consolidated power on a platform of extreme nationalism. His efforts to centralize power in Belgrade put the Balkans on a path to war in which over 200,000 people would eventually be killed. In 1989, he forced amendments to the 1974 Yugoslav Constitution which eliminated the autonomy of Kosovo "inaugurating an era of spiraling human rights abuses against the Kosovar Albanian population," as detailed in war crimes documents at The Hague. All this led to the formation of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) in 1997 and fierce fighting between the KLA and Serb forces operating in Kosovo before NATO intervened in March 1999.
Since 1999, when the U.N. Security Council passed Resolution 1244 making Kosovo a U.N. protectorate, the goal has been to establish a stable, multi-ethnic democracy. Under 1244, UNMIK--the U.N. Interim Administrative Mission in Kosovo--supervises domestic affairs while KFOR--the 18,000-strong NATO-led Kosovo Protection Force--is tasked with creating a "secure environment" for the transition to full civilian administration of Kosovo.
Soon, the United Nations and members of the Kosovo Contact Group (the U.S., the U.K., Germany, France, Russia, and Italy) are expected to announce that Kosovo has made enough progress--four elections have been held, a constitutional framework drafted, and provisional government institutions erected--to warrant the start of "final status" talks. The outcome of these talks will determine if Kosovo becomes an independent nation, as the Kosovar Albanians demand and expect, or attains the status of "more than autonomy, less than independence," as Serbian President Boris Tadic frequently advocates in public appearances.
OFFICIALS IN BELGRADE have also been floating the idea of a partitioned Kosovo because, they say, full independence would provoke a nationalist reaction and suffocate Serbia's nascent democracy. Belgrade would absorb the Serb-dominated land north of the Ibar river (the majority of Serbs are also scattered in central and southern Kosovo) while the rest would become an independent state governed by Pristina. According to several Western diplomats, Belgrade has discouraged Kosovar Serb participation in elections and institutions in Pristina to bolster their case for partition.
Even so, partition won't happen. The United States opposes any partition, as does the European Union, on the grounds that a partition would spark even greater regional instability and reward the aggression of Milosevic. Furthermore, the State Department's Nicholas Burns testified to Congress that a partition would undermine the basic principle of a Kosovo "based on multi-ethnicity with full respect for human rights including the right of all refugees and displaced persons to return to their homes in safety."
Odds are that Kosovo will gain a sort of probationary independence. Full sovereignty--say within a few years--would be conditioned on, among other things, the return of Serbs who fled Kosovo since 1999 (the State Department estimates over 100,000 fled mainly due to Kosovar Albanian retribution while the United Nations believes about 13,000 have returned) and a demonstrated ability of local government officials to ensure freedom of movement throughout Kosovo. Any transition would also involve a continued international security presence for some time.
BUT MEETING THESE CONDITIONS WON'T BE EASY. Along with an unemployment rate of over 60 percent, ensuring freedom of movement in Kosovo remains the biggest failure of UNMIK and KFOR for the last six years.
A recent report, written by UNMIK chief Soren Jessen-Peterson of Denmark, cited the lack of freedom of movement as a major obstacle to further progress in Kosovo--a conclusion echoed by other international officials and one that is obvious to anyone traveling around Kosovo. If a Kosovar Albanian and Serb want to socialize, they generally do so out of public view. As many stated privately, talks in public raises the risk of being targeted by extremists who are not interested in multiethnic dialogue.
On a Wednesday in Lipljan, where about 450 Kosovar Albanians and 210 Serbs live, five Serb men sat down in a Serb home to talk about life there. "The economy doesn't exist for us," said one, who blamed the international community for their plight. Another revealed that "he talks with his Albanian neighbor in his backyard" but not on the street "where others can see"--that's too dangerous, he said. Asked if all Lipljan's Albanians were hostile, they collectively gestured no. One added that perhaps 1 in 10 Albanians are "hostile to us." Toward the end of the discussion, a Kosovar Albanian, a geography teacher who lives nearby, joined in. He agreed that ethnic relations are bad and blamed "Albanian politicians for not doing enough" to challenge the extremists who want the remaining Serbs to leave Kosovo.
A short distance from the Macedonian border is Prizren, a town where, at least on that day, you could spot children wearing clothing emblazoned with the letters "USA" (I should note that many Kosovar Albanians expressed pro-American sentiment in discussions with them). Outside a small coffee shop a middle-aged Serb said that the "majority of Albanians don't have ill will toward us. The problem is the radicals--the 10 percent who control politics." Later, speaking in the living room of her small home nearby, a Serb woman in her eighties said ethnic relations "were better" before Milosevic came to power and that "Albanians suffered quite a bit under Milosevic." Muzafri, a Kosovar Albanian who now works at a cafe in the center of Prizren, told the story of Serb forces entering his village in 1999 and giving everyone two hours to flee their homes. They joined the hundreds of thousands of other Kosovar Albanians ejected by Milosevic's forces. Asked if he would like the Serbs who still live in town to stay, he responded, "Sure, we should all live together."
ABOUT 60 KILOMETERS NORTHWEST of Prizren is Orahovac, which witnessed heavy fighting between Milosevic's forces and the KLA in 1998 and 1999. At the top of a narrow, sloping street that leads into the town's center is a crowded enclave of about 500 Serbs. They are protected by barbed wire and a handful of KFOR troops. At the lower end live Kosovo Albanians, who vastly outnumber the Serbs. In between is the so-called "buffer zone," which is lined with crumbling, burnt-out buildings. Just outside Orahovac is another Serb enclave of Velika Hoca, which has a fixed military checkpoint on the only road leading into it and is regularly patrolled by KFOR.
Many gravestones line the main road leading into the town of Decan, northwest of Orahovac, along the Albanian border. A May 2005 International Crisis Group report described Decan as a "tinderbox, full of angry armed groups, and isolated from the rest of Kosovo." According to the Louis Segnini, the local UNMIK head, Decan is the home of many "hardcore [KLA] fighters" from the 1990s who today are the town's "political hardliners." They "intimidate other Albanians" from socializing with Serbs, who live in enclaves on the edge of town. For example, every so often Segnini hosts a "sugar meeting" at the local UNMIK headquarters between local Serbs and Albanians to facilitate better relations. But when he suggests that they all go out to a restaurant down the street the Albanians get "very nervous" and decline.
In Mitrovica, a gritty, bustling town northeast of Pristina, the bridge spanning the Ibar acts as the "buffer zone" with a heavy U.N. and KFOR presence at both ends. In March 2004, Mitrovica was also the town which sparked two days of violence throughout Kosovo which left 19 dead, hundreds injured, hundreds of Serb houses burned, and 30 Orthodox churches destroyed along with 72 U.N. vehicles. KFOR was caught by surprise and did little to stop it. The United Nations believes Kosovar Albanian extremists orchestrated the violence to "destroy any ethnic integration," and officials in Belgrade point to the violence to discredit Kosovo's bid for independence. "The more I looked at what happened [in March 2004], the bigger the impact" the violence really had on our efforts, lamented UNMIK's Soren Jessen-Peterson. The International Crisis Group report concludes that "Both Kosovo Albanian extremists seeking to eject UNMIK, and those in Serbia who would prefer Kosovo to discredit itself . . . share an interest in provocation."
Whatever the outcome of the "final status" talks, the United States, the European Union, and NATO must remain engaged in Kosovo and not let the extremist minority win a victory over simple human decency.
Daniel McKivergan is deputy director of the Project for the New American Century.
Kosovo Mission Successful, Important, U.S. Forces Say
By Terri Lukach
American Forces Press Service
WASHINGTON, Aug. 15, 2005 – While U.S. forces have been defending freedom in Afghanistan and Iraq, another mission to protect local populations from brutality and oppression has been winding down in the Balkans. That mission holds important lessons for operations currently under way in Iraq, U.S. forces in Kosovo say.
In 1999, 38,000 NATO forces were in Kosovo to establish and maintain a secure environment, enforce compliance with agreements that ended a campaign of ethnic cleansing by former Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic, and provide assistance to the U.N. Mission in Kosovo. Today, there are less than 18,000 multinational troops on the ground, of which 1,800 are Americans.
Maintaining security is still high on the list of mission priorities for the NATO-led Kosovo Force. "We do what we call 'presence patrols,' guard certain fixed locations and conduct vehicle checkpoints, but there are few violent incidents," said Army Maj. Michael Wunn, spokesman for KFOR's Multinational Brigade East. "We also work with community leaders on a regular basis."
Wunn said the people of Kosovo are grateful for U.S. assistance. "I have never been treated as well anyplace else," he said, "particularly by the Kosovar Albanians. They are very respectful, very appreciative that we are here. When we walk down the street, we receive very kind greetings and gestures. It's heartwarming as an American to feel that appreciation."
Sgt. Jason Lembright, a Kansas Army National Guardsman assigned to Task Force Tornado agreed, saying, "All of them -- Albanian, Serb, Kosovar -- they are all friendly and polite. They invite us into their homes; they offer us coffee and are really respectful. They ask about our families back home. They are genuinely good people overall," he said.
Four multinational brigades oversee the Republic of Kosovo: Multinational Brigades East, Southwest, Northeast and Center.
"The 1,800 Americans here are all part of Task Force Falcon, which is part of the Multinational Brigade East," Wunn explained. "Another 100 to 150 (American) personnel are assigned to KFOR headquarters in Pristina."
Task Force Falcon comprises five battalions: Task Force Sidewinder and Task Force Tornado, which are maneuver battalions; Task Force Shadow, an aviation-support battalion; Task Force Med, which runs the hospital, provides a medical evacuation capability and cares for the health of the troops; and Task Force Dragoon, a battalion of military police.
The U.S. has three facilities in Kosovo: a forward operating base, which will close by the end of this month; Camp Bondsteel, one of the largest base camps in Europe, and Camp Montieth.
California's 40th Infantry or "Sunburst" Division is currently in charge of the mission. The unit deployed to Kosovo in March 2005, taking over from the outgoing 38th Infantry Division, based in Indiana. The two maneuver battalions, as well as headquarters personnel, are also part of the 40th ID, which includes include elements from Ohio, Indiana, Kansas and Pennsylvania. All are Army National Guardsmen.
In addition to maintaining security, the unit is helping promote the transfer of increased responsibility to civil authorities and establish conditions necessary for peace and prosperity.
U.S. forces are accomplishing those objectives through liaison and monitoring teams, which identify figures of authority -- mayors or other leaders, or simply community elders -- in communities and facilitate communication between those leaders and residents who have problems or concerns.
"The idea here," said Lembright, who serves with such a team, "is to teach them how to work out differences for themselves so that, eventually, they won't have to rely on KFOR.
"We make contacts, attend meetings, such as security meetings or minority meetings, and work to resolve problems with the local population. Because we wear no body armor and carry only 9 mm weapons, we look more approachable," he added. Army Brig. Gen. William Wade commands all U.S. forces in Kosovo, with the exception of headquarters personnel, and also commanding general of Multinational Brigade East. He is one of a new breed of National Guard generals commanding U.S. forces abroad.
"In many respects, the National Guard is tailor-made for the type of peacekeeping mission currently under way in Kosovo," Wade said. "Here, we are in the business of facilitating a safe and secure environment so government and nongovernmental organizations can build or rebuild the infrastructure in Kosovo. What I've just described is military support to civilian authorities, and that is really the forte of the National Guard of the United States."
He noted that guardsmen fill these roles for state governors throughout the United States. "So when we bring the National Guard and Army Reserve here, with all of our civilian-acquired skill sets, this really is a mission that is perfect for us," Wade said.
"I have a lawyer, a judge, a chief of police, firemen, civil engineers, a deputy attorney general -- you name it -- and we have the skill sets that allow us to talk one on one with people from all walks of life here. And that is something that our (active) Army counterparts could not necessarily do because their experience is strictly military," Wade said.
KFOR also works to promote a shared sense of community between the various ethic populations to lessen the potential for strife.
For example, two American and two Greek soldiers and an interpreter recently took a group of Albanian, Serb, Turkish and other ethnic minority children on a camping trip for two nights. "It was a great bonding experience," Lembright said.
Another example is a completely new community in which Serb and Kosovar families live side by side as neighbors. "In the past, Serbs and Kosovar Albanians were always separated. Here, they are completely intermingled. There is a lot of hope for this project," Lembright said.
Wade had similar stories of his own. "We had a children's choir here the other night to entertain us, a combination of U.S. kids and Kosovar kids. I don't know about anyone else," Wade said, "but when I look into the eyes of these kids, I see same thing that I see when I look into my son's eyes or my granddaughter's eyes -- that yearning, that wanting to know, 'What does the future hold for me?'
"We won't change the way 50- to 60-year-olds feel," he said, "and it will take a while for the 30- to 40-year-olds who went through the conflict, but the real work to be done is with the children of Kosovo. They are future of this region," he said.
Wade said that, as in Iraq, the work America is doing in the Balkans is important.
"We're trying to bring democracy, peace and security to troubled lands. And there is no doubt in my mind that we are making difference. I do believe that if we were not here, this situation would degenerate, go back to what it was. Even though the Serbian population is very small, if the international peacekeeping force pulled out, it would create a vacuum, and extremists would fill that void," Wade said.
"Our mission of providing a safe and secure environment, of helping the transition to civilian authority is meeting with great success. There is a lot to be done, things are still bubbling under the surface. There is still some inter-ethnic and intra-ethnic tension. We're not going to fix in six to 10 years what has been bubbling for decades. But as far as our mission goes, it's definitely been a success.
He said there are many reasons for that success. "One of them is the American flag patch we wear on our shoulders; it garners a great deal of respect," Wade said. "We are well-liked, well-respected, and very much considered saviors here. People know that American forces will do what is right and that we will do it fairly. They might not always get what they want, but they know we will be honest, fair and forthright in dealing with everybody."
The troops under his command seemed to agree. "The mission in Kosovo is important because everyone deserves the opportunity to live in a democratic society, to do more than just survive," Lembright said. "I think it's good that the U.S. wants to help them so that whether they are an Albanian, a Serb, or a Kosovar, they don't have to live in fear, but can just go about their lives."
Wunn agreed, too. "Sometimes we feel like the forgotten mission," he said. "But Kosovo is important because eventually this is where Afghanistan and Iraq will be when they reach the point of stability."
American Forces Press Service
WASHINGTON, Aug. 15, 2005 – While U.S. forces have been defending freedom in Afghanistan and Iraq, another mission to protect local populations from brutality and oppression has been winding down in the Balkans. That mission holds important lessons for operations currently under way in Iraq, U.S. forces in Kosovo say.
In 1999, 38,000 NATO forces were in Kosovo to establish and maintain a secure environment, enforce compliance with agreements that ended a campaign of ethnic cleansing by former Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic, and provide assistance to the U.N. Mission in Kosovo. Today, there are less than 18,000 multinational troops on the ground, of which 1,800 are Americans.
Maintaining security is still high on the list of mission priorities for the NATO-led Kosovo Force. "We do what we call 'presence patrols,' guard certain fixed locations and conduct vehicle checkpoints, but there are few violent incidents," said Army Maj. Michael Wunn, spokesman for KFOR's Multinational Brigade East. "We also work with community leaders on a regular basis."
Wunn said the people of Kosovo are grateful for U.S. assistance. "I have never been treated as well anyplace else," he said, "particularly by the Kosovar Albanians. They are very respectful, very appreciative that we are here. When we walk down the street, we receive very kind greetings and gestures. It's heartwarming as an American to feel that appreciation."
Sgt. Jason Lembright, a Kansas Army National Guardsman assigned to Task Force Tornado agreed, saying, "All of them -- Albanian, Serb, Kosovar -- they are all friendly and polite. They invite us into their homes; they offer us coffee and are really respectful. They ask about our families back home. They are genuinely good people overall," he said.
Four multinational brigades oversee the Republic of Kosovo: Multinational Brigades East, Southwest, Northeast and Center.
"The 1,800 Americans here are all part of Task Force Falcon, which is part of the Multinational Brigade East," Wunn explained. "Another 100 to 150 (American) personnel are assigned to KFOR headquarters in Pristina."
Task Force Falcon comprises five battalions: Task Force Sidewinder and Task Force Tornado, which are maneuver battalions; Task Force Shadow, an aviation-support battalion; Task Force Med, which runs the hospital, provides a medical evacuation capability and cares for the health of the troops; and Task Force Dragoon, a battalion of military police.
The U.S. has three facilities in Kosovo: a forward operating base, which will close by the end of this month; Camp Bondsteel, one of the largest base camps in Europe, and Camp Montieth.
California's 40th Infantry or "Sunburst" Division is currently in charge of the mission. The unit deployed to Kosovo in March 2005, taking over from the outgoing 38th Infantry Division, based in Indiana. The two maneuver battalions, as well as headquarters personnel, are also part of the 40th ID, which includes include elements from Ohio, Indiana, Kansas and Pennsylvania. All are Army National Guardsmen.
In addition to maintaining security, the unit is helping promote the transfer of increased responsibility to civil authorities and establish conditions necessary for peace and prosperity.
U.S. forces are accomplishing those objectives through liaison and monitoring teams, which identify figures of authority -- mayors or other leaders, or simply community elders -- in communities and facilitate communication between those leaders and residents who have problems or concerns.
"The idea here," said Lembright, who serves with such a team, "is to teach them how to work out differences for themselves so that, eventually, they won't have to rely on KFOR.
"We make contacts, attend meetings, such as security meetings or minority meetings, and work to resolve problems with the local population. Because we wear no body armor and carry only 9 mm weapons, we look more approachable," he added. Army Brig. Gen. William Wade commands all U.S. forces in Kosovo, with the exception of headquarters personnel, and also commanding general of Multinational Brigade East. He is one of a new breed of National Guard generals commanding U.S. forces abroad.
"In many respects, the National Guard is tailor-made for the type of peacekeeping mission currently under way in Kosovo," Wade said. "Here, we are in the business of facilitating a safe and secure environment so government and nongovernmental organizations can build or rebuild the infrastructure in Kosovo. What I've just described is military support to civilian authorities, and that is really the forte of the National Guard of the United States."
He noted that guardsmen fill these roles for state governors throughout the United States. "So when we bring the National Guard and Army Reserve here, with all of our civilian-acquired skill sets, this really is a mission that is perfect for us," Wade said.
"I have a lawyer, a judge, a chief of police, firemen, civil engineers, a deputy attorney general -- you name it -- and we have the skill sets that allow us to talk one on one with people from all walks of life here. And that is something that our (active) Army counterparts could not necessarily do because their experience is strictly military," Wade said.
KFOR also works to promote a shared sense of community between the various ethic populations to lessen the potential for strife.
For example, two American and two Greek soldiers and an interpreter recently took a group of Albanian, Serb, Turkish and other ethnic minority children on a camping trip for two nights. "It was a great bonding experience," Lembright said.
Another example is a completely new community in which Serb and Kosovar families live side by side as neighbors. "In the past, Serbs and Kosovar Albanians were always separated. Here, they are completely intermingled. There is a lot of hope for this project," Lembright said.
Wade had similar stories of his own. "We had a children's choir here the other night to entertain us, a combination of U.S. kids and Kosovar kids. I don't know about anyone else," Wade said, "but when I look into the eyes of these kids, I see same thing that I see when I look into my son's eyes or my granddaughter's eyes -- that yearning, that wanting to know, 'What does the future hold for me?'
"We won't change the way 50- to 60-year-olds feel," he said, "and it will take a while for the 30- to 40-year-olds who went through the conflict, but the real work to be done is with the children of Kosovo. They are future of this region," he said.
Wade said that, as in Iraq, the work America is doing in the Balkans is important.
"We're trying to bring democracy, peace and security to troubled lands. And there is no doubt in my mind that we are making difference. I do believe that if we were not here, this situation would degenerate, go back to what it was. Even though the Serbian population is very small, if the international peacekeeping force pulled out, it would create a vacuum, and extremists would fill that void," Wade said.
"Our mission of providing a safe and secure environment, of helping the transition to civilian authority is meeting with great success. There is a lot to be done, things are still bubbling under the surface. There is still some inter-ethnic and intra-ethnic tension. We're not going to fix in six to 10 years what has been bubbling for decades. But as far as our mission goes, it's definitely been a success.
He said there are many reasons for that success. "One of them is the American flag patch we wear on our shoulders; it garners a great deal of respect," Wade said. "We are well-liked, well-respected, and very much considered saviors here. People know that American forces will do what is right and that we will do it fairly. They might not always get what they want, but they know we will be honest, fair and forthright in dealing with everybody."
The troops under his command seemed to agree. "The mission in Kosovo is important because everyone deserves the opportunity to live in a democratic society, to do more than just survive," Lembright said. "I think it's good that the U.S. wants to help them so that whether they are an Albanian, a Serb, or a Kosovar, they don't have to live in fear, but can just go about their lives."
Wunn agreed, too. "Sometimes we feel like the forgotten mission," he said. "But Kosovo is important because eventually this is where Afghanistan and Iraq will be when they reach the point of stability."
Improvements Visible in Kosovo
By Jim Garamone
American Forces Press Service
CAMP BONDSTEEL, Serbia and Montenegro, Aug. 15, 2005 – In their place are orange roofs covering homes that have been rebuilt. Roughly 1,700 American servicemembers -- almost all National Guardsmen -- are part of the 17,000-man Kosovo Force helping provide the environment the province needs to recover.
Four UH-60 Black Hawk helicopters fly over Kosovo in support of a troop visit by Air Force Gen. Richard Myers, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and USO celebrities on Aug. 15. Myers is visiting American troops deployed around the world to assess morale and to thank servicemembers. Photo by Staff Sgt. D. Myles Cullen, USAF (Click photo for screen-resolution image);high-resolution image available.
NATO intervened in the province after then-Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic initiated ethnic cleansing against the Kosovar Albanians.
Americans today command Multinational Brigade East, headquartered here. Army Brig. Gen. William H. Wade II commands the unit, which includes Poles, Ukrainians and Lithuanians, among others.
The American side is predominantly a "composite" unit. Most Americans here are volunteers from the California, Kansas and Pennsylvania National Guards. The medical task force supporting the effort is made up of Army Reservists drawn from all over the Southeastern United States. "I have got portions of 42 different units from 27 states," Wade said during an interview. "I'm amazed at how well they work together."
The guardsmen come from all over the U.S. and demonstrate to the people of the region that diverse populations can work together. "They see black and white and Oriental and American Indian," Wade said. "They see Catholic, Jews, Protestants and Muslims. They see men and women working together, and we set the best example, I believe, that can be set for the people of Kosovo."
"The Guard ... is uniquely able to do this," Wade said. "We bring our civilian skills to this mission. We have attorneys; we have firemen; we have chiefs of police; we have (chief executive officers) of corporations; we have city managers. Those are the kind of skills that we bring here."
Servicemembers deployed here maintain the job in Kosovo is not yet done. "There are still men preaching hate around here," said Army Chief Warrant Officer 4 Darren Dreher, a Pennsylvania Guardsman who flies Black Hawk helicopters.
Army Spc. Paul Roath and Cpl. McKindree Perrin, both of the Kansas Guard, know this well. Roath, a field artilleryman, and Perrin, a tanker, patrol the region on foot and in vehicles. They search for arms caches, conduct cordon-and-search missions, and work with local and international police. "We work with the people on a very positive basis," Roath said. "They like us. They know the United States stepped in to stop this country from going into chaos."
Spc. Stefanie Davison, a guardsman from Bellingham, Wash., agreed, saying that Serbs and Albanians living in the province tell her: "Because of us, they can live in peace."
Cpl. Danielle Grudzinski, an aviation specialist from the Pennsylvania Guard, said she believes local residents are beginning to understand not just freedom, but also the responsibility that goes with it. "On Earth Day this year, we worked with children from around the area to clean streets," she said. "Now I notice they are taking responsibility for cleaning the streets themselves, and there are other encouraging signs just since we have been here in February."
Wade said the unit has seen progress. "We see the institutions of self-government start to move forward," he noted.
In March 2004, there were a number of violent clashes between Albanians and Serbians. These may have served as a turning point for the province. "After the March riots, I believe all the people realized that it is in their best interest to cooperate and to move forward to whatever the future holds for all the people of Kosovo," Wade said.
American Forces Press Service
CAMP BONDSTEEL, Serbia and Montenegro, Aug. 15, 2005 – In their place are orange roofs covering homes that have been rebuilt. Roughly 1,700 American servicemembers -- almost all National Guardsmen -- are part of the 17,000-man Kosovo Force helping provide the environment the province needs to recover.
Four UH-60 Black Hawk helicopters fly over Kosovo in support of a troop visit by Air Force Gen. Richard Myers, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and USO celebrities on Aug. 15. Myers is visiting American troops deployed around the world to assess morale and to thank servicemembers. Photo by Staff Sgt. D. Myles Cullen, USAF (Click photo for screen-resolution image);high-resolution image available.
NATO intervened in the province after then-Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic initiated ethnic cleansing against the Kosovar Albanians.
Americans today command Multinational Brigade East, headquartered here. Army Brig. Gen. William H. Wade II commands the unit, which includes Poles, Ukrainians and Lithuanians, among others.
The American side is predominantly a "composite" unit. Most Americans here are volunteers from the California, Kansas and Pennsylvania National Guards. The medical task force supporting the effort is made up of Army Reservists drawn from all over the Southeastern United States. "I have got portions of 42 different units from 27 states," Wade said during an interview. "I'm amazed at how well they work together."
The guardsmen come from all over the U.S. and demonstrate to the people of the region that diverse populations can work together. "They see black and white and Oriental and American Indian," Wade said. "They see Catholic, Jews, Protestants and Muslims. They see men and women working together, and we set the best example, I believe, that can be set for the people of Kosovo."
"The Guard ... is uniquely able to do this," Wade said. "We bring our civilian skills to this mission. We have attorneys; we have firemen; we have chiefs of police; we have (chief executive officers) of corporations; we have city managers. Those are the kind of skills that we bring here."
Servicemembers deployed here maintain the job in Kosovo is not yet done. "There are still men preaching hate around here," said Army Chief Warrant Officer 4 Darren Dreher, a Pennsylvania Guardsman who flies Black Hawk helicopters.
Army Spc. Paul Roath and Cpl. McKindree Perrin, both of the Kansas Guard, know this well. Roath, a field artilleryman, and Perrin, a tanker, patrol the region on foot and in vehicles. They search for arms caches, conduct cordon-and-search missions, and work with local and international police. "We work with the people on a very positive basis," Roath said. "They like us. They know the United States stepped in to stop this country from going into chaos."
Spc. Stefanie Davison, a guardsman from Bellingham, Wash., agreed, saying that Serbs and Albanians living in the province tell her: "Because of us, they can live in peace."
Cpl. Danielle Grudzinski, an aviation specialist from the Pennsylvania Guard, said she believes local residents are beginning to understand not just freedom, but also the responsibility that goes with it. "On Earth Day this year, we worked with children from around the area to clean streets," she said. "Now I notice they are taking responsibility for cleaning the streets themselves, and there are other encouraging signs just since we have been here in February."
Wade said the unit has seen progress. "We see the institutions of self-government start to move forward," he noted.
In March 2004, there were a number of violent clashes between Albanians and Serbians. These may have served as a turning point for the province. "After the March riots, I believe all the people realized that it is in their best interest to cooperate and to move forward to whatever the future holds for all the people of Kosovo," Wade said.
Kosumi: I will meet Kostunica before start of status talks
The paper reports that Kosovo PM Bajram Kosumi said on Monday that he will meet with his Serbian counterpart before talks on Kosovo’s final status are launched. ‘I believe the meeting will happen. I am not sure when but there will be a meeting before status discussions,’ said Kosumi.
K-Govt allocates € 1.5 million for Serb houses in Zoqishte
The paper reports that Kosovo PM Bajram Kosumi accompanied by ministers Ceku, Petkovic and Haziri visited the village of Zoqishte inhabited by Albanian and Serb communities. On the occasion, Kosumi laid the foundation stone for the construction of 44 houses belonging to members of Serb community and urged the Albanian residents to make Serb returnees feel at home. He also called on Belgrade to show more cooperation on the IDP return issue.
Sunday, August 14, 2005
UN Envoy Returning To Kosovo To Review Developments
PRISTINA (AP)--A United Nations envoy was to return to Kosovo on Sunday on a final visit to the province before he makes a report on whether to open talks on its future status.
Kai Eide, a Norwegian diplomat, was appointed by U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan in June to review how far Kosovo has come in reaching a list of U.N.-set targets for democracy and minority rights and to make suggestions on the way forward.
This is Eide's third visit to the province since his appointment.
Previously, he held talks with Kosovo's leaders and U.N. officials, toured towns and villages, made stops in Serbia's capital, Belgrade, to discuss the province with Serbian authorities and also visited some Western capitals and institutions that are represented in Kosovo.
He is expected to submit his recommendations on Kosovo by September. If the review is positive, it would be the first step toward possible negotiations on the disputed province's final status.
Kosovo officially remains part of Serbia-Montenegro, the union that replaced Yugoslavia. It has been under U.N. and NATO administration since a 78-day NATO- led air war that halted a Serb crackdown on ethnic Albanian separatists in 1999.
The province's majority ethnic Albanians want full independence, but the Serb minority insists Kosovo remain part of Serbia-Montenegro.
(END) Dow Jones Newswires
Kai Eide, a Norwegian diplomat, was appointed by U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan in June to review how far Kosovo has come in reaching a list of U.N.-set targets for democracy and minority rights and to make suggestions on the way forward.
This is Eide's third visit to the province since his appointment.
Previously, he held talks with Kosovo's leaders and U.N. officials, toured towns and villages, made stops in Serbia's capital, Belgrade, to discuss the province with Serbian authorities and also visited some Western capitals and institutions that are represented in Kosovo.
He is expected to submit his recommendations on Kosovo by September. If the review is positive, it would be the first step toward possible negotiations on the disputed province's final status.
Kosovo officially remains part of Serbia-Montenegro, the union that replaced Yugoslavia. It has been under U.N. and NATO administration since a 78-day NATO- led air war that halted a Serb crackdown on ethnic Albanian separatists in 1999.
The province's majority ethnic Albanians want full independence, but the Serb minority insists Kosovo remain part of Serbia-Montenegro.
(END) Dow Jones Newswires
Friday, August 12, 2005
Shala: September of year 2005 (Zëri)
Zëri carries an editorial by publisher Blerim Shala who says after the war, the September months were characterized by many problems; strikes by teachers, workers and many other social problems.
Following the difficult experience of the March riots in 2004, government officials and workers unions managed to somehow overcome the resulting challenges in September as they feared dangerous consequences and complications.
September 2005 is more important than any other September after the war, says Shala. During this month we are expecting Ambassador Eide to present his report on the general situation in Kosovo and on the implementation of the Standards. Should this report be positive, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan will then appoint his special envoy for status talks.
It seems that in this year, like the last, all political and social factions in Kosovo should place the general interest for the stability of Kosovo above all else.
Following the difficult experience of the March riots in 2004, government officials and workers unions managed to somehow overcome the resulting challenges in September as they feared dangerous consequences and complications.
September 2005 is more important than any other September after the war, says Shala. During this month we are expecting Ambassador Eide to present his report on the general situation in Kosovo and on the implementation of the Standards. Should this report be positive, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan will then appoint his special envoy for status talks.
It seems that in this year, like the last, all political and social factions in Kosovo should place the general interest for the stability of Kosovo above all else.
Buckovski: FYROM is independent from Belgrade regarding its position on Kosovo’s final status (Koha Ditore)
Koha Ditore reports that in an interview for Utrinski Vesnik, Prime Minister of The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia Vlado Buckovski said his country “will act independently on Kosovo regardless of its relations with Belgrade. The Macedonian Government must expand its interests regarding the issue of Kosovo’s status. Although Kosovo’s independence does not depend on Macedonia, we should support it with the aim of scoring points among the international community”.
Buckovski also said FYROM still did not have a clear position on Kosovo’s final status, but added that it would be known when talks commence on Kosovo’s status, Koha reported.
“Although the current position of the Macedonian Government could aggravate relations with Serbia… we should remain independent in this respect and protect the state’s territorial integrity. I don’t believe Macedonia’s position can aggravate relations between Belgrade and Skopje,” Buckovski was further quoted as saying. “The only thing left is the border demarcation with Kosovo and I think that UNMIK will be the key mediator for resolving this issue”.
According to the newspaper, the Prime Minister was categorical that UNMIK should be the key actor in the border demarcation process and added that this had been made known in the international community.
Buckovski also said FYROM still did not have a clear position on Kosovo’s final status, but added that it would be known when talks commence on Kosovo’s status, Koha reported.
“Although the current position of the Macedonian Government could aggravate relations with Serbia… we should remain independent in this respect and protect the state’s territorial integrity. I don’t believe Macedonia’s position can aggravate relations between Belgrade and Skopje,” Buckovski was further quoted as saying. “The only thing left is the border demarcation with Kosovo and I think that UNMIK will be the key mediator for resolving this issue”.
According to the newspaper, the Prime Minister was categorical that UNMIK should be the key actor in the border demarcation process and added that this had been made known in the international community.
Dobbins: Status negotiations to start without delay
This is the headline Epoka e Re attributed to an interview the US analyst James Dobbins from RAND Institute recently gave to Voice of America. Several other papers picked up the interview.
“I think that the US administration wants to solve the Kosovo issue in a way that is acceptable for the people of Kosovo and that enjoys the support of the majority of the people there and, on the other hand, ensures that minorities in Kosovo can live in peace and dignity”, the paper quotes Dobbins as saying.
Zëri quotes Dobbins as saying that no Serbian politician neither wants nor believes Belgrade could administer Kosovo again.
These facts all imply a sovereign independent Kosovo, whose borders would not change and where the freedom of national minorities would be respected. It would also require greater engagement of the international community to ensure that all agreements would be respected, Dobbins said during the interview.
“I think that the US administration wants to solve the Kosovo issue in a way that is acceptable for the people of Kosovo and that enjoys the support of the majority of the people there and, on the other hand, ensures that minorities in Kosovo can live in peace and dignity”, the paper quotes Dobbins as saying.
Zëri quotes Dobbins as saying that no Serbian politician neither wants nor believes Belgrade could administer Kosovo again.
These facts all imply a sovereign independent Kosovo, whose borders would not change and where the freedom of national minorities would be respected. It would also require greater engagement of the international community to ensure that all agreements would be respected, Dobbins said during the interview.
Thursday, August 11, 2005
Serbia's Foreign Debt Down to $13.73 Bln in June - Table
BELGRADE (Serbia and Montenegro), August 11 (SeeNews) - Serbia's foreign debt fell to $13.73 billion (11.09 billion euro) at the end of June, from $13.87 billion a month earlier, preliminary central bank figures showed on Thursday.
SERBIA FOREIGN DEBT (in billions of U.S. dollars):
.............................................................JUNE................MAY.............END'04
TOTAL DEBT.......................................13.73.................13.87...........14.099
International financial institutions........4.540..................4.717...........5.089
--IMF....................................................0.793................0.845.............0.962
--IBRD..................................................2.180................2.268.............2.472
--IDA....................................................0.420................0.424.............0.432
--EUROFIMA.......................................0.142................0.147..............0.160
--IFC.....................................................0.103................0.108..............0.119
--EIB.....................................................0.265.................0.264.............0.282
--European Community.........................0.330................0.342.............0.354
--EUROFOND......................................0.024................0.027.............0.029
--EBRD.................................................0.285.................0.293.............0.280
Governments........................................3.549.................3.595.............3.690
--Paris Club..........................................2.842..................2.888............3.016
---consolidated debt.............................2.621..................2.655.............2.806
---debt after 20.12.2000.......................0.221..................0.233............0.210
--other governments............................0.707...................0.707............0.674
London Club-restructured debt...........1.077....................1.077............1.08
London Club-non-restructured debt....0.086...................0.085............0.084
Other creditors....................................3.210....................3.158............2.976
Short-term debt...................................1.167....................1.133...........0.999
Clearing debt.......................................0.106....................0.106............0.182
NOTE: Serbia's end-May foreign debt figure included the $1.138 billion in debt owed by Kosovo, now a U.N. protectorate.
SERBIA FOREIGN DEBT (in billions of U.S. dollars):
.............................................................JUNE................MAY.............END'04
TOTAL DEBT.......................................13.73.................13.87...........14.099
International financial institutions........4.540..................4.717...........5.089
--IMF....................................................0.793................0.845.............0.962
--IBRD..................................................2.180................2.268.............2.472
--IDA....................................................0.420................0.424.............0.432
--EUROFIMA.......................................0.142................0.147..............0.160
--IFC.....................................................0.103................0.108..............0.119
--EIB.....................................................0.265.................0.264.............0.282
--European Community.........................0.330................0.342.............0.354
--EUROFOND......................................0.024................0.027.............0.029
--EBRD.................................................0.285.................0.293.............0.280
Governments........................................3.549.................3.595.............3.690
--Paris Club..........................................2.842..................2.888............3.016
---consolidated debt.............................2.621..................2.655.............2.806
---debt after 20.12.2000.......................0.221..................0.233............0.210
--other governments............................0.707...................0.707............0.674
London Club-restructured debt...........1.077....................1.077............1.08
London Club-non-restructured debt....0.086...................0.085............0.084
Other creditors....................................3.210....................3.158............2.976
Short-term debt...................................1.167....................1.133...........0.999
Clearing debt.......................................0.106....................0.106............0.182
NOTE: Serbia's end-May foreign debt figure included the $1.138 billion in debt owed by Kosovo, now a U.N. protectorate.
If Plan B fails, Kosovo leaders may be "forced" to sign Serbian plan - minister
Text of report in English by independent internet news agency KosovaLive
Prishtina [Pristina], 11 August: Local Self-administration Minister Lutfi Haziri said that if the version B of the government decentralization plan is not implemented, then there is a fear that political leaders may be forced to sign Kostunica's plan.
Minister Haziri said that the new version has been handed out to the Serb representatives of Kosova [Kosovo], adding that the Kosova government has done for Serbs more than anyone else within the principle of "positive discrimination".
Self-administration Minister Lutfi Haziri made these comments yesterday during a press meeting held in a cafeteria in Prishtina, where he, amongst others, talked about the decentralization process, about its obstacles and the government's efforts for a successful implementation of pilot municipalities, all intended for Kai Eide's positive report.
Speaking on the version B of the decentralization plan, Minister Haziri said that this is going to be the last version. Rejecting the existence of any other versions, Haziri said that "if this version is not implemented then I fear that during negotiations, political leaders may be forced to sign Kostunica's plan".
Haziri said that the key factor for a successful implementation of decentralization is census.
Responding to a question on what the reaction of the Contact Group would be to the delay of pilot projects implementation and modification of the first version, Haziri said that the Contact Group has no right to criticize because the government does not deserve them.
Whereas, in case of a negative report from Kai Eide, Haziri said that "government cannot get out of its schedule".
Haziri also said that the government has done a lot for local Serbs. According to him, Version B of the decentralization plan has been handed over to the Kosova Serb leaders two weeks ago and he expects from them to give their opinion on whether they will accept this plan or not.
"I explained everything to Oliver Ivanovic for half an hour but on the other hand the government will have no-one on its back," said Haziri.
Speaking on the new version of pilot projects, Haziri said that the problem has been easily solved in Hani i Elezit [Djeneral Jankovic] because of the good cooperation that exists there between the political parties, whereas this did not happen with Serbs in Gracanice [Gracanica] or Partesh [Partes].
According to Haziri, it is still unknown which cadastral units will be included within one municipality, adding also that he is not sure if Serb demands for Llapnaselle [Laplje Selo] and Cagllavice [Caglavica] to be included within the municipality of Gracanica will be fulfilled.
"Belgrade continues to have its impact in Gracanice. Serbs want the control over all the places in which they represent majority," said Haziri.
Responding to the question on how many municipalities will Kosova have, Minister Haziri said that "30 municipalities are not enough for Kosova, but 70 are too many".
Minister Haziri also explained that based on a research, some 70 per cent of Kosovar citizens are not informed on the pilot projects. He put the blame for this on the former Public Services Minister Jakup Krasniqi and Prime Minister Rexhepi.
Prishtina [Pristina], 11 August: Local Self-administration Minister Lutfi Haziri said that if the version B of the government decentralization plan is not implemented, then there is a fear that political leaders may be forced to sign Kostunica's plan.
Minister Haziri said that the new version has been handed out to the Serb representatives of Kosova [Kosovo], adding that the Kosova government has done for Serbs more than anyone else within the principle of "positive discrimination".
Self-administration Minister Lutfi Haziri made these comments yesterday during a press meeting held in a cafeteria in Prishtina, where he, amongst others, talked about the decentralization process, about its obstacles and the government's efforts for a successful implementation of pilot municipalities, all intended for Kai Eide's positive report.
Speaking on the version B of the decentralization plan, Minister Haziri said that this is going to be the last version. Rejecting the existence of any other versions, Haziri said that "if this version is not implemented then I fear that during negotiations, political leaders may be forced to sign Kostunica's plan".
Haziri said that the key factor for a successful implementation of decentralization is census.
Responding to a question on what the reaction of the Contact Group would be to the delay of pilot projects implementation and modification of the first version, Haziri said that the Contact Group has no right to criticize because the government does not deserve them.
Whereas, in case of a negative report from Kai Eide, Haziri said that "government cannot get out of its schedule".
Haziri also said that the government has done a lot for local Serbs. According to him, Version B of the decentralization plan has been handed over to the Kosova Serb leaders two weeks ago and he expects from them to give their opinion on whether they will accept this plan or not.
"I explained everything to Oliver Ivanovic for half an hour but on the other hand the government will have no-one on its back," said Haziri.
Speaking on the new version of pilot projects, Haziri said that the problem has been easily solved in Hani i Elezit [Djeneral Jankovic] because of the good cooperation that exists there between the political parties, whereas this did not happen with Serbs in Gracanice [Gracanica] or Partesh [Partes].
According to Haziri, it is still unknown which cadastral units will be included within one municipality, adding also that he is not sure if Serb demands for Llapnaselle [Laplje Selo] and Cagllavice [Caglavica] to be included within the municipality of Gracanica will be fulfilled.
"Belgrade continues to have its impact in Gracanice. Serbs want the control over all the places in which they represent majority," said Haziri.
Responding to the question on how many municipalities will Kosova have, Minister Haziri said that "30 municipalities are not enough for Kosova, but 70 are too many".
Minister Haziri also explained that based on a research, some 70 per cent of Kosovar citizens are not informed on the pilot projects. He put the blame for this on the former Public Services Minister Jakup Krasniqi and Prime Minister Rexhepi.
Premier hails UNMIK, international community for "great progress" in Kosovo
Prishtina [Pristina], 11 August: Kosova [Kosovo] Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi said today following his meeting with UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] Deputy Chief for Civil Administration Francesco Bastagli that he has contributed a lot to the processes in the country.
Kosumi said that today's situation in Kosova is a merit of Kosovars, but at the same time it is a merit of many internationals that worked here, and Bastagli is one of them.
On behalf of the Kosovar people and the government, the prime minister acknowledged Bastagli's efforts and assistance given for our country.
Kosumi said that it is a joint conclusion of the government and Bastagli as well that a good civil administration has been established in Kosova.
"It is a new administration and difficulties are normal. It is a modern administration that aims at being a European administration and we hope to make it such," said Kosumi.
The chief of the Civil Administration said that he is leaving Kosova after three years that were important not only for Kosova, but for him as well in the professional aspect.
"I think that we have achieved a great progress. What we have seen is a physical handover of the reserved powers from UNMIK to Kosovar institutions, in ministries and in municipal level as well. A process that was initiated recently and was very successful, which means that Kosovar institutions are capable and ready to take more responsibility," Bastagli said.
He said that all this was not accomplished only by his mission but also by other partners that work in Kosova.
Bastagli also said that along with local institutions they have been working on the Standards implementation project and his assessment is that big progress has been made on this issue.
"Many normal standard procedures have been set in place and we have created local staff, capable of providing professional services. We have also prepared the staff working in the ministry that is ready to accomplish all the needed tasks," Bastagli said.
His last message for Kosova and its people was that future represents a challenging period to them, expressing his confidence that upcoming events will be positive.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 11 Aug 05
Kosumi said that today's situation in Kosova is a merit of Kosovars, but at the same time it is a merit of many internationals that worked here, and Bastagli is one of them.
On behalf of the Kosovar people and the government, the prime minister acknowledged Bastagli's efforts and assistance given for our country.
Kosumi said that it is a joint conclusion of the government and Bastagli as well that a good civil administration has been established in Kosova.
"It is a new administration and difficulties are normal. It is a modern administration that aims at being a European administration and we hope to make it such," said Kosumi.
The chief of the Civil Administration said that he is leaving Kosova after three years that were important not only for Kosova, but for him as well in the professional aspect.
"I think that we have achieved a great progress. What we have seen is a physical handover of the reserved powers from UNMIK to Kosovar institutions, in ministries and in municipal level as well. A process that was initiated recently and was very successful, which means that Kosovar institutions are capable and ready to take more responsibility," Bastagli said.
He said that all this was not accomplished only by his mission but also by other partners that work in Kosova.
Bastagli also said that along with local institutions they have been working on the Standards implementation project and his assessment is that big progress has been made on this issue.
"Many normal standard procedures have been set in place and we have created local staff, capable of providing professional services. We have also prepared the staff working in the ministry that is ready to accomplish all the needed tasks," Bastagli said.
His last message for Kosova and its people was that future represents a challenging period to them, expressing his confidence that upcoming events will be positive.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 11 Aug 05
Kosovo Serb leader sees "progress" in government's Plan B on decentralization
Text of report in English by independent internet news agency KosovaLive
Prishtina [Pristina], 11 August: The head of the Serb List for Kosova [Kosovo] and Metohija [SLKM], Oliver Ivanovic, told KosovaLive today that Serbs did not reject yet Plan B of the Kosova government's decentralization plan.
"We have not rejected this plan yet," Ivanovic said.
According to our sources, Kosovar Serbs' leader during the course of the day had voiced against the new version of the decentralization plan, saying that it does not fulfil the demands of Kosovar Serbs.
The leader of the Kosova Serbs, Oliver Ivanovic, said that although this version has some deficiencies and does not meet Serb demands, there is a progress in this plan, however many things should change.
"Our stances on decentralization are not so far off," said Ivanovic, adding that in his future meeting with Local Self-government Minister Lutfi Haziri he will also discuss new issues, including the territory of the new municipalities.
According to some statements, Serbs still insist that new municipalities should consist of several cadastral units, should have the same authorisations as current municipalities do and that the additional authorisations should be clarified.
Whereas, the Serbian government evaluated that Plan B of the government's decentralization plan is unacceptable because it does not provide even minimum guarantees for improvement of the Serb and other non-Albanian communities' position, the Serbian government says that decentralization should be taken more seriously and completely different from the current initiatives.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 11 Aug 05
Prishtina [Pristina], 11 August: The head of the Serb List for Kosova [Kosovo] and Metohija [SLKM], Oliver Ivanovic, told KosovaLive today that Serbs did not reject yet Plan B of the Kosova government's decentralization plan.
"We have not rejected this plan yet," Ivanovic said.
According to our sources, Kosovar Serbs' leader during the course of the day had voiced against the new version of the decentralization plan, saying that it does not fulfil the demands of Kosovar Serbs.
The leader of the Kosova Serbs, Oliver Ivanovic, said that although this version has some deficiencies and does not meet Serb demands, there is a progress in this plan, however many things should change.
"Our stances on decentralization are not so far off," said Ivanovic, adding that in his future meeting with Local Self-government Minister Lutfi Haziri he will also discuss new issues, including the territory of the new municipalities.
According to some statements, Serbs still insist that new municipalities should consist of several cadastral units, should have the same authorisations as current municipalities do and that the additional authorisations should be clarified.
Whereas, the Serbian government evaluated that Plan B of the government's decentralization plan is unacceptable because it does not provide even minimum guarantees for improvement of the Serb and other non-Albanian communities' position, the Serbian government says that decentralization should be taken more seriously and completely different from the current initiatives.
Source: KosovaLive website, Pristina, in English 11 Aug 05
Local Govt Ministry says Serb refusal does not impede decentralisation
Koha Ditore reports that following a meeting held in Gracanica yesterday, Kosovo Serb representatives have refused the government’s latest plan for decentralisation. Representatives of the Serb List for Kosovo said Plan B is better in comparison to the first plan, ‘but still insufficient in comparison to the requirements of Serbs’.
Nebojsa Covic, head of the Serb List for Kosovo, told the press that Kosovo Serbs have submitted an offer to Minister Haziri according to which Gracanica and Partesh should become compact municipalities, with large territories and with clear authorisations. According to Covic, Belgrade is currently not influencing the position of Kosovo Serbs, but added that Belgrade should join in as it would ‘help the process’. Ivanovic said the government’s plan was more advanced and added that the partition of Kosovo was not in the interest of Serbs.
“If the government accepts our offer, we have no reason not to participate in decentralisation. If they do not accept it in its entirety there will be consultations… the door shall remain open,” Covic elaborated.
Under the front-page headline, Plan C?, Express reports that the offer of Kosovo Serbs submitted to Minister Haziri lays out requests that go beyond Plan B. Haziri is quoted as saying that Plan B is the final one, that ‘there is no other’.
The paper quoted a senior member of the government as saying that neither the Contact Group nor UNMIK expects a positive response by Serbs. “Therefore, some UNMIK representatives suggested to us on Tuesday that we think of a Plan C,” said the official. UNMIK spokesperson, Neeraj Singh, however ruled out the claims. ‘It is absolutely not true that UNMIK suggested thinking about a Plan C,” he was quoted as saying. The paper also quotes him as saying that the government’s plan is a clear demonstration of progress.
Zëri quotes Minister Haziri as saying that if Plan B fails, political leaders should sit down and talk about the process in general. “If this version proposed by the government is not implemented, I fear that in negotiations with the political leaders, the latter will be served Kostunica’s plan for decentralisation and they will be forced to sign it,” Haziri elaborated. He also said the Contact Group no longer has reason to criticise us.
Dragisa Krstic, member of the Serb List for Kosovo, said in a meeting held in Gracanica that a conclusion was reached that the latest offer of the government for decentralisation does not meet all the requirements of the Serb community.
The daily newspapers also carry a communiqué issued by the Serbian Government, according to which the proposal of the SRSG and the government’s Plan B are unacceptable, ‘because they fail to provide minimal guarantees for improving the position of Serbs and non-Albanians in Kosovo’.
At the end of its coverage, Express says the Kosovo Government is treating this issue only in efforts not to cause delays in the start of negotiations on status.
In a statement to Epoka e Re, Albin Kurti, leader of the Self-Determination Movement, said Serbia has imposed decentralisation on UNMIK, the latter is imposing it on the government and who in turn is imposing it on the people.
Nebojsa Covic, head of the Serb List for Kosovo, told the press that Kosovo Serbs have submitted an offer to Minister Haziri according to which Gracanica and Partesh should become compact municipalities, with large territories and with clear authorisations. According to Covic, Belgrade is currently not influencing the position of Kosovo Serbs, but added that Belgrade should join in as it would ‘help the process’. Ivanovic said the government’s plan was more advanced and added that the partition of Kosovo was not in the interest of Serbs.
“If the government accepts our offer, we have no reason not to participate in decentralisation. If they do not accept it in its entirety there will be consultations… the door shall remain open,” Covic elaborated.
Under the front-page headline, Plan C?, Express reports that the offer of Kosovo Serbs submitted to Minister Haziri lays out requests that go beyond Plan B. Haziri is quoted as saying that Plan B is the final one, that ‘there is no other’.
The paper quoted a senior member of the government as saying that neither the Contact Group nor UNMIK expects a positive response by Serbs. “Therefore, some UNMIK representatives suggested to us on Tuesday that we think of a Plan C,” said the official. UNMIK spokesperson, Neeraj Singh, however ruled out the claims. ‘It is absolutely not true that UNMIK suggested thinking about a Plan C,” he was quoted as saying. The paper also quotes him as saying that the government’s plan is a clear demonstration of progress.
Zëri quotes Minister Haziri as saying that if Plan B fails, political leaders should sit down and talk about the process in general. “If this version proposed by the government is not implemented, I fear that in negotiations with the political leaders, the latter will be served Kostunica’s plan for decentralisation and they will be forced to sign it,” Haziri elaborated. He also said the Contact Group no longer has reason to criticise us.
Dragisa Krstic, member of the Serb List for Kosovo, said in a meeting held in Gracanica that a conclusion was reached that the latest offer of the government for decentralisation does not meet all the requirements of the Serb community.
The daily newspapers also carry a communiqué issued by the Serbian Government, according to which the proposal of the SRSG and the government’s Plan B are unacceptable, ‘because they fail to provide minimal guarantees for improving the position of Serbs and non-Albanians in Kosovo’.
At the end of its coverage, Express says the Kosovo Government is treating this issue only in efforts not to cause delays in the start of negotiations on status.
In a statement to Epoka e Re, Albin Kurti, leader of the Self-Determination Movement, said Serbia has imposed decentralisation on UNMIK, the latter is imposing it on the government and who in turn is imposing it on the people.
Oliver Ivanovic’s party gives signals for return to institutions
Koha Ditore and Zëri report that the Serb List for Kosovo led by Oliver Ivanovic has given signals for return to Kosovo institutions. The newspapers report that the Serb List for Kosovo sent a letter to Assembly Speaker Nexhat Daci informing him that they have formed their parliamentary group. The political entities that make up the Serb List for Kosovo have reportedly agreed that Randjel Nojkic is appointed head of the parliamentary group and Oliver Ivanovic member of the Kosovo Assembly presidency.
Oliver Ivanovic has told Koha Ditore that very soon they would be part of the Assembly and take part in its session. He said the Serb List for Kosovo has the will to return to the institutions and said he was optimistic that by September Kosovo Serbs would return to the Assembly.
Ivanovic also said that non-participation of Kosovo Serbs in the institutions was a result of lack of full support that had been promised by local and international institutions in Kosovo.
Oliver Ivanovic has told Koha Ditore that very soon they would be part of the Assembly and take part in its session. He said the Serb List for Kosovo has the will to return to the institutions and said he was optimistic that by September Kosovo Serbs would return to the Assembly.
Ivanovic also said that non-participation of Kosovo Serbs in the institutions was a result of lack of full support that had been promised by local and international institutions in Kosovo.
Wednesday, August 10, 2005
Kosovo Serbs reject plan for self-rule
By Shaban Buza
PRISTINA, Serbia and Montenegro (Reuters) - Kosovo's Serb minority on Wednesday rejected a plan for Serb self-rule proposed by ethnic Albanian leaders and asked for more concessions, delaying reforms vital to talks on the province's future.
Kosovo's government is under international pressure to do more for minority rights and democracy before a decision on whether "final status" talks can start this year. A major issue is decentralising power to Serbs, who live in enclaves guarded by NATO-led peacekeepers.
The government presented a revised decentralisation pilot plan on Tuesday, saying it should meet Serb demands for bigger self-governing areas. Serbs rejected a previous draft, saying it gave them only small, isolated and economically unviable clusters.
On Wednesday, deputies of the moderate Serb List for Kosovo and Metohija (SLKM), the main Serb coalition which took part in last year's election, agreed to reject the new draft.
Leading SLKM deputy Randjel Nojkic told Reuters that, rather than proposals in principle, Serbs wanted figures on paper. "We rejected the proposed idea. We concluded there will be no talks without an all-inclusive plan for decentralisation in Kosovo, with precise numbers on how many (Serb) villages will make up municipalities," Nojkic said.
SLKM leader Oliver Ivanovic told Belgrade-based Beta news agency the revised draft "had improved compared to the original version, but insufficiently compared to what we are asking for".
Kosovo Albanian government spokesman Daut Dauti said the rejection was "hurried and irrational". "The decentralisation plan continues to be debated and updated with other details," Dauti said. "Consultations with the Serb and other communities are ongoing: the final version of the plan has not been seen by them, it doesn't even exist."
U.N. DECISION LOOMS
Kosovo's 90-percent Albanian majority wants independence from Serbia, six years after becoming a U.N. protectorate when NATO aircraft drove out Serb forces accused of killing civilians while fighting an ethnic Albanian separatist insurgency.
About 180,000 Serbs fled revenge attacks but 100,000 stayed. Most shun Kosovo authorities and look to Belgrade for political direction and economic aid. The West wants them integrated and with more self-government rights before deciding whether "final status" talks can start this year.
In July it chastised the government for stalling on minority rights, a few weeks before U.N. envoy Kai Eide was due to submit a report on whether talks should begin -- possibly in October.
If his review is positive, U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan will appoint a special envoy for what could be six to nine months of shuttle diplomacy between Belgrade and Pristina.
Concessions such as the decentralisation are also opposed by some ethnic Albanians loath to give too much too early or play into the hands of those advocating partition along ethnic lines.
Analysts warn of a repeat of the Kosovo-wide riots against minorities in March last year should talks be delayed. Belgrade insists the southern province of 2 million people is the cradle of the Serb nation and can never become independent.
PRISTINA, Serbia and Montenegro (Reuters) - Kosovo's Serb minority on Wednesday rejected a plan for Serb self-rule proposed by ethnic Albanian leaders and asked for more concessions, delaying reforms vital to talks on the province's future.
Kosovo's government is under international pressure to do more for minority rights and democracy before a decision on whether "final status" talks can start this year. A major issue is decentralising power to Serbs, who live in enclaves guarded by NATO-led peacekeepers.
The government presented a revised decentralisation pilot plan on Tuesday, saying it should meet Serb demands for bigger self-governing areas. Serbs rejected a previous draft, saying it gave them only small, isolated and economically unviable clusters.
On Wednesday, deputies of the moderate Serb List for Kosovo and Metohija (SLKM), the main Serb coalition which took part in last year's election, agreed to reject the new draft.
Leading SLKM deputy Randjel Nojkic told Reuters that, rather than proposals in principle, Serbs wanted figures on paper. "We rejected the proposed idea. We concluded there will be no talks without an all-inclusive plan for decentralisation in Kosovo, with precise numbers on how many (Serb) villages will make up municipalities," Nojkic said.
SLKM leader Oliver Ivanovic told Belgrade-based Beta news agency the revised draft "had improved compared to the original version, but insufficiently compared to what we are asking for".
Kosovo Albanian government spokesman Daut Dauti said the rejection was "hurried and irrational". "The decentralisation plan continues to be debated and updated with other details," Dauti said. "Consultations with the Serb and other communities are ongoing: the final version of the plan has not been seen by them, it doesn't even exist."
U.N. DECISION LOOMS
Kosovo's 90-percent Albanian majority wants independence from Serbia, six years after becoming a U.N. protectorate when NATO aircraft drove out Serb forces accused of killing civilians while fighting an ethnic Albanian separatist insurgency.
About 180,000 Serbs fled revenge attacks but 100,000 stayed. Most shun Kosovo authorities and look to Belgrade for political direction and economic aid. The West wants them integrated and with more self-government rights before deciding whether "final status" talks can start this year.
In July it chastised the government for stalling on minority rights, a few weeks before U.N. envoy Kai Eide was due to submit a report on whether talks should begin -- possibly in October.
If his review is positive, U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan will appoint a special envoy for what could be six to nine months of shuttle diplomacy between Belgrade and Pristina.
Concessions such as the decentralisation are also opposed by some ethnic Albanians loath to give too much too early or play into the hands of those advocating partition along ethnic lines.
Analysts warn of a repeat of the Kosovo-wide riots against minorities in March last year should talks be delayed. Belgrade insists the southern province of 2 million people is the cradle of the Serb nation and can never become independent.
Serbia To Return Bodies Of 84 Ethnic Albanians To Kosovo
PRISTINA (AP)--Serbian authorities Wednesday were returning the bodies of 84 ethnic Albanians killed during the 1998-99 Kosovo war - the largest single return of war dead in the province.
The bodies, which were exhumed from a mass grave on the grounds of a police training center just outside Belgrade, will be handed over to their families and U.N. officials in the border area of Merdare, 25 miles north of the provincial capital, Pristina.
The remains are believed to be those of ethnic Albanian civilians killed by Serb forces during the war and removed from Kosovo in an apparent cover-up attempt by former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic. NATO launched a bombing campaign in 1999 to halt the crackdown of his troops on independence-seeking ethnic Albanians in Kosovo. Since then the province has been administered by the United Nations.
Authorities in Serbia said that, out of 836 bodies of Kosovo Albanians found in mass graves in Serbia, 566 had been identified and nearly 500 returned to their families. The remaining 270 bodies were expected to be identified by the end of the year.
The families have repeatedly demanded that all the war dead exhumed be returned immediately. Nearly 3,000 people were still listed as missing.
Hundreds of bodies recovered from mass graves in Kosovo and Serbia were to be identified through the matching of DNA from bone samples with that of the relatives of missing people.
Earlier this year, Serbian and Kosovo officials resumed talks aimed at establishing the fate of ethnic Albanians, Serbs and others who vanished during the war - one of the most sensitive and emotionally charged issues between the two former foes.
(END) Dow Jones Newswires
The bodies, which were exhumed from a mass grave on the grounds of a police training center just outside Belgrade, will be handed over to their families and U.N. officials in the border area of Merdare, 25 miles north of the provincial capital, Pristina.
The remains are believed to be those of ethnic Albanian civilians killed by Serb forces during the war and removed from Kosovo in an apparent cover-up attempt by former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic. NATO launched a bombing campaign in 1999 to halt the crackdown of his troops on independence-seeking ethnic Albanians in Kosovo. Since then the province has been administered by the United Nations.
Authorities in Serbia said that, out of 836 bodies of Kosovo Albanians found in mass graves in Serbia, 566 had been identified and nearly 500 returned to their families. The remaining 270 bodies were expected to be identified by the end of the year.
The families have repeatedly demanded that all the war dead exhumed be returned immediately. Nearly 3,000 people were still listed as missing.
Hundreds of bodies recovered from mass graves in Kosovo and Serbia were to be identified through the matching of DNA from bone samples with that of the relatives of missing people.
Earlier this year, Serbian and Kosovo officials resumed talks aimed at establishing the fate of ethnic Albanians, Serbs and others who vanished during the war - one of the most sensitive and emotionally charged issues between the two former foes.
(END) Dow Jones Newswires
Requests for waiving of immunity for UNMIK senior staff
Koha Ditore carries on the front page a letter that the Budapest-based European Centre for Roma Rights has sent to UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan. The Centre calls for waiving the diplomatic immunity of UNMIK senior staff ‘because they are responsible for the health and humanitarian catastrophe that has been occurring in the camps in Mitrovica North for the last six years. UNMIK’s behaviour raises some serious issues that need to be addressed by criminal or civil court’, the letter reads.
The letter also says that the camps for Roma were built as an ad hoc response to the displacement of Roma refugees and were meant to exist only for several weeks. ‘However, six years have passed and the camps are still there, the camp residents are devastated and their children suffering from health problems,’ said the letter.
The letter also says that the camps for Roma were built as an ad hoc response to the displacement of Roma refugees and were meant to exist only for several weeks. ‘However, six years have passed and the camps are still there, the camp residents are devastated and their children suffering from health problems,’ said the letter.
Why is there no other solution than start of status resolution in autumn
Zëri reports on the front page that the possibility of a negative report by Ambassador Kai Eide has become a source of major concerns among the international actors, namely the Contact Group countries.
The paper notes that Western centres expect progress to be achieved in decentralisation and standards implementation that would enable the Norwegian diplomat to give a positive note.
Western sources told the paper that diplomatic centres have major concerns regarding the consequences of a negative evaluation by Eide because the West doesn’t have a “Plan B” that could be applied in case status talks would be postponed.
The paper notes that Western centres expect progress to be achieved in decentralisation and standards implementation that would enable the Norwegian diplomat to give a positive note.
Western sources told the paper that diplomatic centres have major concerns regarding the consequences of a negative evaluation by Eide because the West doesn’t have a “Plan B” that could be applied in case status talks would be postponed.
PM Kosumi proposes govt working groups for status talks
Zëri reports that in yesterday’s regular meeting of the government, Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi has proposed the formation of working groups that would prepare the strategy for talks on Kosovo’s final status.
‘The Prime Minister has stated that people engaged in these groups should be local experts from various political parties, non-governmental associations and international experts that have helped Kosovo so far,’ said government spokesman Daut Dauti.
Express carries a report on the same issue and illustrates it by saying that Kosumi has made sure that Jessen-Petersen’s Political Forum has its shadow now. The paper says that major issues will now be discussed in two venues: at the Political Forum and in the Kosovo Government.
‘The Prime Minister has stated that people engaged in these groups should be local experts from various political parties, non-governmental associations and international experts that have helped Kosovo so far,’ said government spokesman Daut Dauti.
Express carries a report on the same issue and illustrates it by saying that Kosumi has made sure that Jessen-Petersen’s Political Forum has its shadow now. The paper says that major issues will now be discussed in two venues: at the Political Forum and in the Kosovo Government.
Tuesday, August 09, 2005
Kosovo govt gives Serbs deadline on rights plan
By Shaban Buza
PRISTINA, Serbia and Montenegro, Aug 9 (Reuters) - Kosovo's ethnic Albanian leaders gave the province's minority Serbs until Wednesday to decide on a government reform plan seen as crucial to clinching negotiations on the province's future.
Kosovo's government is under pressure to do more on minority rights and democracy before a decision on whether "final status" talks can start this year. A key issue is decentralising power to Serbs, who live in enclaves guarded by NATO-led peacekeepers.
Local Administration Minister Lutfi Haziri said government offered local Serb leaders a new draft of the decentralisation plan, charting out bigger self-governing areas. Serbs spurned a previous draft, saying it mapped out small, isolated areas that would be economically unviable.
"I hope that this last sincere offer will be accepted, especially by the Serb community," Haziri said on Tuesday. "Tomorrow is the deadline. Otherwise, the government will proceed with the implementation of the pilot projects".
The decentralisation pilot would create five municipalities. If successful, it could be expanded with the aim of integrating the Serbs, who have so far blocked the process by shunning Pristina authorities and looking to Belgrade for direction.
The process is also opposed by ethnic Albanians loath to concede too much too early or play into the hands of those favouring the partition of Kosovo along ethnic lines.
"This new phase of decentralisation can only be called cantonisation and territorial partition, not based on multi-ethnicity but on the contrary based solely on ethnic principles," said opposition deputy Enver Hoxhaj.
The 90-percent ethnic Albanian majority demands formal independence from Serbia, six years after becoming a United Nations protectorate when NATO bombers drove out Serb forces.
The Kosovo government was criticised by its Western backers last month for dragging its feet on decentralisation, only a few crucial weeks before U.N. envoy Kai Eide submits a report by September on whether talks should begin, possibly in October.
If his review is positive, U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan will appoint a special envoy for what could be six to nine months of shuttle diplomacy between Belgrade and Pristina.
Analysts warn of a repeat of fatal Kosovo-wide riots against minorities in March last year should talks be delayed.
And Washington has signalled it wants a decision soon on the last pending issue from the collapse of Yugoslavia in the 1990s, warning that the status quo is not sustainable.
Belgrade says the southern province of 2 million people is the cradle of the Serb nation and can never become independent.
Serbia lost control over Kosovo in 1999 after Western powers accused its forces of brutal atrocities against civilians as they fought to crush a separatist insurgency. Some 180,000 Serbs fled a wave of Albanian revenge attacks but 100,00 remained.
PRISTINA, Serbia and Montenegro, Aug 9 (Reuters) - Kosovo's ethnic Albanian leaders gave the province's minority Serbs until Wednesday to decide on a government reform plan seen as crucial to clinching negotiations on the province's future.
Kosovo's government is under pressure to do more on minority rights and democracy before a decision on whether "final status" talks can start this year. A key issue is decentralising power to Serbs, who live in enclaves guarded by NATO-led peacekeepers.
Local Administration Minister Lutfi Haziri said government offered local Serb leaders a new draft of the decentralisation plan, charting out bigger self-governing areas. Serbs spurned a previous draft, saying it mapped out small, isolated areas that would be economically unviable.
"I hope that this last sincere offer will be accepted, especially by the Serb community," Haziri said on Tuesday. "Tomorrow is the deadline. Otherwise, the government will proceed with the implementation of the pilot projects".
The decentralisation pilot would create five municipalities. If successful, it could be expanded with the aim of integrating the Serbs, who have so far blocked the process by shunning Pristina authorities and looking to Belgrade for direction.
The process is also opposed by ethnic Albanians loath to concede too much too early or play into the hands of those favouring the partition of Kosovo along ethnic lines.
"This new phase of decentralisation can only be called cantonisation and territorial partition, not based on multi-ethnicity but on the contrary based solely on ethnic principles," said opposition deputy Enver Hoxhaj.
The 90-percent ethnic Albanian majority demands formal independence from Serbia, six years after becoming a United Nations protectorate when NATO bombers drove out Serb forces.
The Kosovo government was criticised by its Western backers last month for dragging its feet on decentralisation, only a few crucial weeks before U.N. envoy Kai Eide submits a report by September on whether talks should begin, possibly in October.
If his review is positive, U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan will appoint a special envoy for what could be six to nine months of shuttle diplomacy between Belgrade and Pristina.
Analysts warn of a repeat of fatal Kosovo-wide riots against minorities in March last year should talks be delayed.
And Washington has signalled it wants a decision soon on the last pending issue from the collapse of Yugoslavia in the 1990s, warning that the status quo is not sustainable.
Belgrade says the southern province of 2 million people is the cradle of the Serb nation and can never become independent.
Serbia lost control over Kosovo in 1999 after Western powers accused its forces of brutal atrocities against civilians as they fought to crush a separatist insurgency. Some 180,000 Serbs fled a wave of Albanian revenge attacks but 100,00 remained.
Spies patrol old Karadzic haunt
The bearded man in the battered, old car, looked at us suspiciously and wrote something down as we crossed the remote border checkpoint between Bosnia and Montenegro.
Twenty minutes later, we were being tailed by two men travelling in a red jeep, keeping a steady distance behind us.
The same two men were in our hotel a couple of hours later, checking our documents behind the reception desk. Another man with a broken nose was leaning back on his chair trying to listen to our conversation.
Welcome to Montenegro or, more specifically, the town of Niksic in the north-west of the republic. Here, some believe, Europe's most wanted man, the former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic, is hiding out.
Suspicion and fear prevail.
"It's a priest's state. A state within a state," Dragica, 47, told me sotto voce in a cafe in the centre of town.
Church search
Outside, it had stopped raining and the new shift of secret policemen who had been following us all morning were wrapping up their umbrellas and pretending to be reading the local death notices posted on trees.
"They're involved in politics and all the decision-making. This place is run by the police and the Church, but they don't like each other," Dragica said.
Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic (right): On the run for 10 years
Myself and some fellow journalists decided to check out local media reports that Mr Karadzic might be hiding in Church-owned buildings a few kilometres outside Niksic, in an annex of the famous Ostrog monastery.
The complex of buildings nestles in a natural bowl surrounded by hills. The only access is via a narrow, winding road, gradually climbing into the mountains. Anybody approaching can be seen from a distance.
The place was eerily quiet as we wandered through the huge gate overlooking the church and priest's buildings. In the centre of the bowl, a field of crops. Next to that, what looked like an electric generator.
A few minutes later, a monk, all in black, appeared from the church and asked if he could help. He politely asked us to leave and direct any enquiries about Mr Karadzic to the local bishop.
The Serbian Orthodox Church has always denied it is sheltering Radovan Karadzic.
Speculation has grown during the last two weeks that Mr Karadzic may be about to surrender, following a dramatic appeal by his wife on Bosnian television. She asked him to give himself up "for the sake of the family".
Accused of genocide by the UN War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague, and after nearly a decade on the run, the pressure may now have become too much to bear. International investigators are now focusing their search on this region of Montenegro.
One local media report even claims talks have already begun between Serbian and Montenegrin intelligence services and the CIA about the mechanics of a Karadzic surrender.
Identification
Back in Niksic we decided to confront the local police chief, Dusko Koprivica, and ask him why his men were taking such a keen interest in our movements, our followers visibly shaken when it became clear where we were going.
"It's normal for us to try to identify people who are not from here," Mr Koprivica told us from behind his desk in the unmarked building where his plain-clothes police are based.
Pouring us some grape brandy, he said we had nothing to worry about - they only wanted to know exactly who we were.
"Journalists have been sucking my blood for years about this issue. But I can tell you from all the intelligence I have, there is no evidence that Mr Karadzic is in this region. If he was, I would personally go and arrest him now."
Twenty minutes later, we were being tailed by two men travelling in a red jeep, keeping a steady distance behind us.
The same two men were in our hotel a couple of hours later, checking our documents behind the reception desk. Another man with a broken nose was leaning back on his chair trying to listen to our conversation.
Welcome to Montenegro or, more specifically, the town of Niksic in the north-west of the republic. Here, some believe, Europe's most wanted man, the former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic, is hiding out.
Suspicion and fear prevail.
"It's a priest's state. A state within a state," Dragica, 47, told me sotto voce in a cafe in the centre of town.
Church search
Outside, it had stopped raining and the new shift of secret policemen who had been following us all morning were wrapping up their umbrellas and pretending to be reading the local death notices posted on trees.
"They're involved in politics and all the decision-making. This place is run by the police and the Church, but they don't like each other," Dragica said.
Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic (right): On the run for 10 years
Myself and some fellow journalists decided to check out local media reports that Mr Karadzic might be hiding in Church-owned buildings a few kilometres outside Niksic, in an annex of the famous Ostrog monastery.
The complex of buildings nestles in a natural bowl surrounded by hills. The only access is via a narrow, winding road, gradually climbing into the mountains. Anybody approaching can be seen from a distance.
The place was eerily quiet as we wandered through the huge gate overlooking the church and priest's buildings. In the centre of the bowl, a field of crops. Next to that, what looked like an electric generator.
A few minutes later, a monk, all in black, appeared from the church and asked if he could help. He politely asked us to leave and direct any enquiries about Mr Karadzic to the local bishop.
The Serbian Orthodox Church has always denied it is sheltering Radovan Karadzic.
Speculation has grown during the last two weeks that Mr Karadzic may be about to surrender, following a dramatic appeal by his wife on Bosnian television. She asked him to give himself up "for the sake of the family".
Accused of genocide by the UN War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague, and after nearly a decade on the run, the pressure may now have become too much to bear. International investigators are now focusing their search on this region of Montenegro.
One local media report even claims talks have already begun between Serbian and Montenegrin intelligence services and the CIA about the mechanics of a Karadzic surrender.
Identification
Back in Niksic we decided to confront the local police chief, Dusko Koprivica, and ask him why his men were taking such a keen interest in our movements, our followers visibly shaken when it became clear where we were going.
"It's normal for us to try to identify people who are not from here," Mr Koprivica told us from behind his desk in the unmarked building where his plain-clothes police are based.
Pouring us some grape brandy, he said we had nothing to worry about - they only wanted to know exactly who we were.
"Journalists have been sucking my blood for years about this issue. But I can tell you from all the intelligence I have, there is no evidence that Mr Karadzic is in this region. If he was, I would personally go and arrest him now."
War starts at the same time as negotiations?! (Lajm)
Citing information published by The Independent, Lajm reports on the front page that the British counter-intelligence service has expressed fear that in October Kosovo could face a similar situation as in 1998. According to the Independent, there is fear that Serb militants in Mitrovica and the north-eastern part of Kosovo could organise. ‘Intelligence services have information that they could be backed by Serbian nationalists from the other side of the border,’ said the source.
The paper says that KFOR has denied having any plans to increase the number of troops when negotiations are expected to start on Kosovo’s final status.
The paper says that KFOR has denied having any plans to increase the number of troops when negotiations are expected to start on Kosovo’s final status.
Govt and UNMIK give €200.000 each to Plemetina Camp project (dailies)
Dailies report that the Kosovo Government and UNMIK have allocated €200.000 each to a construction project for the camp in Plemetina. Zëri carries on the front page a picture of PM Kosumi and PDSRSG Rossin laying the first foundations for 36 apartments for the Roma residents of the camp.
PM Kosumi is quoted as saying that the Government wants to resolve the problem of Roma, that it is interested to eliminate all war consequences and wants all people to live free and equal.
Koha Ditore quotes Kosumi as saying that the Plemetina Camp would be shut down in December, however, the paper also adds that the camp residents are sceptical about Kosumi’s promises.
PM Kosumi is quoted as saying that the Government wants to resolve the problem of Roma, that it is interested to eliminate all war consequences and wants all people to live free and equal.
Koha Ditore quotes Kosumi as saying that the Plemetina Camp would be shut down in December, however, the paper also adds that the camp residents are sceptical about Kosumi’s promises.
Monday, August 08, 2005
Serb war crimes suspect arrested in Argentina
Milan Lukic, on the run since 1990, was in Buenos Aires, police sources say
The Associated Press
Updated: 3:10 p.m. ET Aug. 8, 2005
BUENOS AIRES, Argentina - A top Bosnian Serb war crimes suspect, indicted by the U.N. war crimes tribunal for some of the worst atrocities in the Bosnian war, was arrested Monday in Argentina, federal police said.
Milan Lukic was indicted by the tribunal in The Hague, Netherlands, in 2000 for crimes against humanity. He has also been sentenced to 20 years in prison in Serbia for war crimes but has been on the run since the late 1990s.
Earlier, senior Serbian government officials confirmed the arrest but spoke on condition of anonymity.
Federal police said Lukic was picked up in a residential neighborhood of Buenos Aires on Monday, but a police official did not immediately disclose circumstances surrounding the arrest.
A federal police spokesman said Lukic was taken after his arrest to a police precinct station in Palermo, a downtown Buenos Aires district.
The federal officer, who also spoke on customary condition of not being named, had no further report.
Bosnian Serb war crimes fugitive Milan Lukic has been arrested in Argentina, federal police say.
© 2005 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.
The Associated Press
Updated: 3:10 p.m. ET Aug. 8, 2005
BUENOS AIRES, Argentina - A top Bosnian Serb war crimes suspect, indicted by the U.N. war crimes tribunal for some of the worst atrocities in the Bosnian war, was arrested Monday in Argentina, federal police said.
Milan Lukic was indicted by the tribunal in The Hague, Netherlands, in 2000 for crimes against humanity. He has also been sentenced to 20 years in prison in Serbia for war crimes but has been on the run since the late 1990s.
Earlier, senior Serbian government officials confirmed the arrest but spoke on condition of anonymity.
Federal police said Lukic was picked up in a residential neighborhood of Buenos Aires on Monday, but a police official did not immediately disclose circumstances surrounding the arrest.
A federal police spokesman said Lukic was taken after his arrest to a police precinct station in Palermo, a downtown Buenos Aires district.
The federal officer, who also spoke on customary condition of not being named, had no further report.
Bosnian Serb war crimes fugitive Milan Lukic has been arrested in Argentina, federal police say.
© 2005 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.
Kosovo Starts Building Homes for War Refugees
PRISTINA (Kosovo), August 8 (SeeNews) - The U.N.-administered province of Kosovo said on Monday it started building homes for 36 families that have lived in camps since the 1999 war that convulsed the province.
Authorities hope to soon provide housing for another 19 families as well, Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi said in a statement.
The initiative, co-financed by the Kosovo government and the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), is a step toward the implementation of the U.N.-required standards on security, human and property rights, as well as the return of war refugees and displaced people, after the 1999 war.
Authorities hope to soon provide housing for another 19 families as well, Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi said in a statement.
The initiative, co-financed by the Kosovo government and the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), is a step toward the implementation of the U.N.-required standards on security, human and property rights, as well as the return of war refugees and displaced people, after the 1999 war.
PM Bajram Kosumi’s interview with Zëri
The lead story in today’s Zëri is an interview with Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi, who is quoted as saying that after everything that was done in Kosovo he does not expect a negative report from Ambassador Kai Eide.
Kosumi told the newspaper that the government has a reserve offer, ‘a new offer, or a plan B for decentralisation’. He says that the offer would bring together all factors in the process of pilot municipalities. ‘There can be no progress if all factors are not united, first of all if the residents of the respective settlements have not agreed with the formula. The residents of these settlements were not satisfied with the first version of the plan, therefore, we have prepared the second version and we believe it will satisfy the residents. We have included some basic requests of the residents and I think now they should be ready to participate and work with the government and other factors to start the pilot projects.’
Asked if according to the new plan there will be more cadastral zones, Kosumi said he would not disclose the details. ‘I would not like to give away many details about the new plan, because it is only an idea, a proposal idea that was discussed in the higher levels of the governments, but the government still hasn’t endorsed it and I expect this to happen in the next meeting on Tuesday.’
Kosumi said that there have been concerns by the people in Hani i Elezit, Partesh and Gracanica wanting more cadastral zones, therefore the Government had to do something to address these concerns.
Commenting on recent criticism for a slow pace in standards implementation, Kosumi said: ‘Assessments and some recent criticism, even from Mr. Eide, do not have to do only with the Government. At the end of the day, it is only three months since my Government was created, while the process of returns has been going on for six years and there are still no results in return of refugees.’
‘I appreciate the achievements of the process and I do not expect the eventual report [by Kai Eide] to be negative, because we cannot have a negative report all of a sudden, after positive assessments for six years in a row.’
Kosumi said the government had intervened in Pristina University due to several reasons. He also added that the process in the university had stagnated and the work was blocked for several months.
Asked to comment on the activity of Albin Kurti [leader of the Self-Determination Movement], the Prime Minister said he respects Kurti’s opinion and actions but added that the government has a different concept. Kosumi also said that police was wrong in its behavior toward Kurti. ‘I find handcuffing and beating both unacceptable and humiliating,’ he added.
Kosumi told the newspaper that the government has a reserve offer, ‘a new offer, or a plan B for decentralisation’. He says that the offer would bring together all factors in the process of pilot municipalities. ‘There can be no progress if all factors are not united, first of all if the residents of the respective settlements have not agreed with the formula. The residents of these settlements were not satisfied with the first version of the plan, therefore, we have prepared the second version and we believe it will satisfy the residents. We have included some basic requests of the residents and I think now they should be ready to participate and work with the government and other factors to start the pilot projects.’
Asked if according to the new plan there will be more cadastral zones, Kosumi said he would not disclose the details. ‘I would not like to give away many details about the new plan, because it is only an idea, a proposal idea that was discussed in the higher levels of the governments, but the government still hasn’t endorsed it and I expect this to happen in the next meeting on Tuesday.’
Kosumi said that there have been concerns by the people in Hani i Elezit, Partesh and Gracanica wanting more cadastral zones, therefore the Government had to do something to address these concerns.
Commenting on recent criticism for a slow pace in standards implementation, Kosumi said: ‘Assessments and some recent criticism, even from Mr. Eide, do not have to do only with the Government. At the end of the day, it is only three months since my Government was created, while the process of returns has been going on for six years and there are still no results in return of refugees.’
‘I appreciate the achievements of the process and I do not expect the eventual report [by Kai Eide] to be negative, because we cannot have a negative report all of a sudden, after positive assessments for six years in a row.’
Kosumi said the government had intervened in Pristina University due to several reasons. He also added that the process in the university had stagnated and the work was blocked for several months.
Asked to comment on the activity of Albin Kurti [leader of the Self-Determination Movement], the Prime Minister said he respects Kurti’s opinion and actions but added that the government has a different concept. Kosumi also said that police was wrong in its behavior toward Kurti. ‘I find handcuffing and beating both unacceptable and humiliating,’ he added.
UNMIK denies being threatened by ANA
Koha Ditore reports that the UNMIK administration denied on Sunday to have received any threats by the Albanian National Army [ANA] a few hours after the BBC Serbian Section Radio reported it.
‘I do not have information about having received any such letter’, UNMIK’s spokesperson Neeraj Singh said, according to the paper.
According to this report the ANA HQ ordered UNMIK, UNMIK Police and local Albanian structures to quit their jobs.
‘I do not have information about having received any such letter’, UNMIK’s spokesperson Neeraj Singh said, according to the paper.
According to this report the ANA HQ ordered UNMIK, UNMIK Police and local Albanian structures to quit their jobs.
Kosovo regrets Robin Cook’s death
All dailies report, most of them on the front page, on the death of the former British Foreign Minister, Robin Cook and carry the regrets of the people and the institutions of Kosovo, who consider Cook as a friend and supporter of Kosovo.
‘Big pain for the loss of our friend’ is the headline in Koha Ditore. ‘It is painful and tragic, the death of Robin Cook, the man and the politician who during critical years for Kosovo was heading the British Ministry of Foreign Affairs’, Muhamet Hamiti, a spokesperson of the Presidency is quoted as saying.
Zëri reports that Robin Cook was the man who considered protecting Kosovo as his greatest achievement. The paper also carries an editorial under the headline ‘The man of principles’.
Newly published Tema describes Cook as a ‘diplomat whose principles corresponded with the fate of Kosovo’. Kosovo’s advocate, is the headline in Lajm.
‘Big pain for the loss of our friend’ is the headline in Koha Ditore. ‘It is painful and tragic, the death of Robin Cook, the man and the politician who during critical years for Kosovo was heading the British Ministry of Foreign Affairs’, Muhamet Hamiti, a spokesperson of the Presidency is quoted as saying.
Zëri reports that Robin Cook was the man who considered protecting Kosovo as his greatest achievement. The paper also carries an editorial under the headline ‘The man of principles’.
Newly published Tema describes Cook as a ‘diplomat whose principles corresponded with the fate of Kosovo’. Kosovo’s advocate, is the headline in Lajm.
Saturday, August 06, 2005
Former British Foreign Minister and Kosovo Friend dies
FORMER British foreign secretary Robin Cook has died after collapsing while hiking in Scotland, the BBC has reported.
Mr Cook was taken to hospital in "serious condition" on overnight after he collapsed whilst hiking in his native Scotland, Sky News and BBC News 24 television reported. Cook, 59, was with a group near the summit of Ben Stack mountain in the Highlands when he collapsed, they said. He was taken to a hospital near Inverness by helicopter after a call to the coastguard.
Few further details were immediately available, but BBC News 24 quoted a senior Scottish political source as saying that Cook was "seriously ill". It also said that he was given cardiopulmonary resuscitation.
Without naming Cook, an official of the Maritime and Coastguard Agency told AFP that a Sikorsky air-sea rescue helicopter was sent to Ben Stack to pick up "a collapsed walker".
The Northern Constabulary, the police force that covers the north of Scotland, said it would not release details until Cook's next of kin have been contacted.
Deputy Prime Minister John Prescott, standing in for Prime Minister Tony Blair who departed Saturday for a holiday abroad, was to make a statement later Saturday evening, BBC News 24 said.
Cook, foreign secretary under Blair from 1997 to 2001, resigned from Blair's government -- in which he was House of Commons leader, in charge of the legislative agenda -- in March 2003 protest over the Iraq war.
Last weekend Blair's former Northern Ireland secretary Mo Mowlam, 55, who resigned from parliament at the 2001 election, was admitted to a London hospital where she was reported to be in "critical but stable" condition.
It was unclear as to whether her illness was a recurrence of a brain tumour.
Ben Stack is a cone-shaped mountain, 721 metres (2,365 feet) high, next to Loch More in the north of the rugged Highlands, and would have been a natural destination for Cook, a keen country walker.
During his four years at the Foreign Office, Cook forged an "ethical" foreign policy for Britain, and supported NATO's intervention in Kosovo in 1999 to wrest the mainly ethnic Albanian province from Serbian repression.
But he chose to resign Blair's government two days before the US and British invasion that led to Saddam Hussein's downfall, telling parliament: "I cannot support a war without international agreement or domestic support."
He won re-election in his central Scotland constituency of Livingstone in the May general election that put Blair and Labour back in power for a third straight term.
No longer a cabinet minister, he was a prolific commentator in the press, and many political analysts expected him to make a comeback once Blair steps down to make way for Chancellor of the Exchequer Gordon Brown.
Cook's former parliamentary private secretary Ken Purchase told Sky News that he had heard conflicting reports that his erstwhile boss had collapsed while out walking, or had been involved in an accident.
"Whatever it is, if Robin is ill in hospital, we all want to see him up and fit and back again when parliament assembles," likely in September when it returns to debate special anti-terrorist measures, Purchase said.
"When I last saw him, he looked very fit and well. His wife Gaynor has been keeping him fit and keeping the pounds off. I have no idea why he might be ill."
He described Cook as "without question one of the best parliamentary performers in the Commons at the present time and one of the leading thinkers in the whole Parliamentary Labour Party".
Mr Cook was taken to hospital in "serious condition" on overnight after he collapsed whilst hiking in his native Scotland, Sky News and BBC News 24 television reported. Cook, 59, was with a group near the summit of Ben Stack mountain in the Highlands when he collapsed, they said. He was taken to a hospital near Inverness by helicopter after a call to the coastguard.
Few further details were immediately available, but BBC News 24 quoted a senior Scottish political source as saying that Cook was "seriously ill". It also said that he was given cardiopulmonary resuscitation.
Without naming Cook, an official of the Maritime and Coastguard Agency told AFP that a Sikorsky air-sea rescue helicopter was sent to Ben Stack to pick up "a collapsed walker".
The Northern Constabulary, the police force that covers the north of Scotland, said it would not release details until Cook's next of kin have been contacted.
Deputy Prime Minister John Prescott, standing in for Prime Minister Tony Blair who departed Saturday for a holiday abroad, was to make a statement later Saturday evening, BBC News 24 said.
Cook, foreign secretary under Blair from 1997 to 2001, resigned from Blair's government -- in which he was House of Commons leader, in charge of the legislative agenda -- in March 2003 protest over the Iraq war.
Last weekend Blair's former Northern Ireland secretary Mo Mowlam, 55, who resigned from parliament at the 2001 election, was admitted to a London hospital where she was reported to be in "critical but stable" condition.
It was unclear as to whether her illness was a recurrence of a brain tumour.
Ben Stack is a cone-shaped mountain, 721 metres (2,365 feet) high, next to Loch More in the north of the rugged Highlands, and would have been a natural destination for Cook, a keen country walker.
During his four years at the Foreign Office, Cook forged an "ethical" foreign policy for Britain, and supported NATO's intervention in Kosovo in 1999 to wrest the mainly ethnic Albanian province from Serbian repression.
But he chose to resign Blair's government two days before the US and British invasion that led to Saddam Hussein's downfall, telling parliament: "I cannot support a war without international agreement or domestic support."
He won re-election in his central Scotland constituency of Livingstone in the May general election that put Blair and Labour back in power for a third straight term.
No longer a cabinet minister, he was a prolific commentator in the press, and many political analysts expected him to make a comeback once Blair steps down to make way for Chancellor of the Exchequer Gordon Brown.
Cook's former parliamentary private secretary Ken Purchase told Sky News that he had heard conflicting reports that his erstwhile boss had collapsed while out walking, or had been involved in an accident.
"Whatever it is, if Robin is ill in hospital, we all want to see him up and fit and back again when parliament assembles," likely in September when it returns to debate special anti-terrorist measures, Purchase said.
"When I last saw him, he looked very fit and well. His wife Gaynor has been keeping him fit and keeping the pounds off. I have no idea why he might be ill."
He described Cook as "without question one of the best parliamentary performers in the Commons at the present time and one of the leading thinkers in the whole Parliamentary Labour Party".
18 minority members join KPC
Dailies report that 18 minority members have joined Kosovo Protection Corps: 5 Serbs, 5 Bosniaks, 2 Roma, 2 Ashkalis and 2 Turks.
‘We altogether will build the state, society and at the same time the KPC. We were together in the past, we are and we will be in building a multi-cultural society’, Sylejman Selimi, KPC’s deputy commander said during the inauguration ceremony.
‘We altogether will build the state, society and at the same time the KPC. We were together in the past, we are and we will be in building a multi-cultural society’, Sylejman Selimi, KPC’s deputy commander said during the inauguration ceremony.
Friday, August 05, 2005
Washington analyst for independence
Political analyst from the Kato Institute in Washington D.C., Doug Bandow, called for Kosovo independence, but to have the areas of Kosovo which are populated by a Serbian majority remain part of Serbia-Montenegro.
Bandow, who is former special advisor of former US president Ronald Reagan, told Voice of America that the solution for Kosovo will be “of a compromising nature” and that for the best results two things will be necessary: the discussions need to begin without any prerequisites and that there most be no options ruled out without talking them through first.
Bandow claims that although it will be nearly impossible to uphold the Serbian sovereignty in Kosovo because of the large Albanian majority of the region, it is still unfair to the Serbs living in Kosovo to declare it an independent state.
In his opinion, one option is to “give independence to the Kosovo Albanians, which is what the majority wants, and to have the sectors with majority Serbian populations, such as the northern region and the parts where Serbian churches are located, remain part of Serbia-Montenegro.”
Explaining his plan, Bandow says that two divisions will be made.
“The first will be the giving of independence to Kosovo, separating it from Serbia. The US has actually started that process and accepted it, so why couldn’t we divide Kosovo as well? In other words, if Kosovo becomes independent, that does not mean that the entire territory should become independent, because the Serbian population and cultural landmarks must be taken into consideration.” Bandow said.
Bandow, who is former special advisor of former US president Ronald Reagan, told Voice of America that the solution for Kosovo will be “of a compromising nature” and that for the best results two things will be necessary: the discussions need to begin without any prerequisites and that there most be no options ruled out without talking them through first.
Bandow claims that although it will be nearly impossible to uphold the Serbian sovereignty in Kosovo because of the large Albanian majority of the region, it is still unfair to the Serbs living in Kosovo to declare it an independent state.
In his opinion, one option is to “give independence to the Kosovo Albanians, which is what the majority wants, and to have the sectors with majority Serbian populations, such as the northern region and the parts where Serbian churches are located, remain part of Serbia-Montenegro.”
Explaining his plan, Bandow says that two divisions will be made.
“The first will be the giving of independence to Kosovo, separating it from Serbia. The US has actually started that process and accepted it, so why couldn’t we divide Kosovo as well? In other words, if Kosovo becomes independent, that does not mean that the entire territory should become independent, because the Serbian population and cultural landmarks must be taken into consideration.” Bandow said.
CG supports transfer of competencies in police and justice
Under the front page headline, Contact Group asks for de-politicisation and for building of capacities for new ministries, Koha Ditore reports that the CG supports the transfer of competencies in police and justice and that Russian Federation wants the issue to be postponed.
The paper quotes one of the heads of CG offices in Pristina as saying, “The best thing would be to have ministries with people who know their jobs, are experts and make decisions based on the interest of the people”.
According to the newspaper, the Russian Federation representative in Pristina said necessary success in standards implementation was required before moving ahead with the issue.
The paper quotes one of the heads of CG offices in Pristina as saying, “The best thing would be to have ministries with people who know their jobs, are experts and make decisions based on the interest of the people”.
According to the newspaper, the Russian Federation representative in Pristina said necessary success in standards implementation was required before moving ahead with the issue.
Minister Haziri denies accusations by Nebojsa Covic
Dailies report that Local Government Minister Lutfi Haziri has denied claims made by CCK head Nebojsa Covic that decentralisation is not in the interest of Kosovo Serbs.
“I can understand the dissatisfaction of Nebojsa Covic and the Serbian Government,” Minister Haziri was quoted as saying, “their concern lies in the fact that they could not impose the Serb project for reforms in local government”.
“I can understand the dissatisfaction of Nebojsa Covic and the Serbian Government,” Minister Haziri was quoted as saying, “their concern lies in the fact that they could not impose the Serb project for reforms in local government”.
Govt expected to endorse new plan for pilot projects on Tuesday
Zëri reports on the front page that according to local and international sources, by next Tuesday the Kosovo Government will prepare a new plan for the territories and boundaries of the first pilot projects for decentralisation.
According to the paper, the Ministry of Local Government and the Kosovo Government are expected to change the current concept of territorial definition for pilot projects, which in most cases implied that one cadastral unit would be a pilot project. The paper says that the administrative directives signed by the SRSG created legal room so the Government could change its concept and each pilot project would be able to expand territorially.
According to the paper, the Ministry of Local Government and the Kosovo Government are expected to change the current concept of territorial definition for pilot projects, which in most cases implied that one cadastral unit would be a pilot project. The paper says that the administrative directives signed by the SRSG created legal room so the Government could change its concept and each pilot project would be able to expand territorially.
Thursday, August 04, 2005
PM Kosumi and Minister Haziri discuss decentralisation
All dailies quote Kosovo Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi as saying that there will be no mono-ethnic municipal units in Kosovo that he believes common ground would be found on the first pilot-projects very soon.
“We as a Government guarantee to the people of Kosovo that we will not create monoethnic municipal units, regardless of someone’s wishes. We must create multiethnic municipal units and this is the message that is in accordance with our vision for the future of Kosovo.”
The statement was made following a meeting with the Minister of Local Governance, Lutfi Haziri. The latter told the media that if the current decentralisation plan failed, the Government had an alternative plan, which was ready to be implemented. Haziri, however, did not disclose details of this plan. The minister told the newspaper that the alternative plan is almost similar to the current one, “where the basic principle is that of multiethnicity”.
Kosumi said despite certain delays, the process of decentralisation has made progress, “and I hope that we will all find a common language to begin implementing pilot projects”.
Minister Haziri said the Government was ready to immediately begin establishing municipal assemblies, but added that not everything depends on the establishment of the assemblies. “We are ready. If you read the administrative directive you will see that it clearly states that not everything depends on us,” said Haziri. “We have analysed all issues with the Prime Minister and are making the first steps in accordance with the law. We are ready to eliminate all obstacles to start the implementation as soon as possible.”
Disclaimer
This media summary consists of selected local media articles for the information of UNMIK personnel. The public distribution of this summary is a courtesy extended by UNMIK with the understanding that the choice of articles translated is exclusive, and the contents do not represent anything other than a selection of articles likely to be of interest to a United Nations readership. The inclusion of articles in this summary does not imply endorsement by UNMIK.
Express quotes Minister Haziri as saying, “There will always be ways to find partners to implement this programme. What we focussed and agreed on with our partners from the Contact Group and UNMIK relates to credible names to give the necessary credibility to the process and this does not mean that we will wait for every political party or group that wants to join this process. We will however make a serious offer to everyone that wants to take part in the process.”
“We as a Government guarantee to the people of Kosovo that we will not create monoethnic municipal units, regardless of someone’s wishes. We must create multiethnic municipal units and this is the message that is in accordance with our vision for the future of Kosovo.”
The statement was made following a meeting with the Minister of Local Governance, Lutfi Haziri. The latter told the media that if the current decentralisation plan failed, the Government had an alternative plan, which was ready to be implemented. Haziri, however, did not disclose details of this plan. The minister told the newspaper that the alternative plan is almost similar to the current one, “where the basic principle is that of multiethnicity”.
Kosumi said despite certain delays, the process of decentralisation has made progress, “and I hope that we will all find a common language to begin implementing pilot projects”.
Minister Haziri said the Government was ready to immediately begin establishing municipal assemblies, but added that not everything depends on the establishment of the assemblies. “We are ready. If you read the administrative directive you will see that it clearly states that not everything depends on us,” said Haziri. “We have analysed all issues with the Prime Minister and are making the first steps in accordance with the law. We are ready to eliminate all obstacles to start the implementation as soon as possible.”
Disclaimer
This media summary consists of selected local media articles for the information of UNMIK personnel. The public distribution of this summary is a courtesy extended by UNMIK with the understanding that the choice of articles translated is exclusive, and the contents do not represent anything other than a selection of articles likely to be of interest to a United Nations readership. The inclusion of articles in this summary does not imply endorsement by UNMIK.
Express quotes Minister Haziri as saying, “There will always be ways to find partners to implement this programme. What we focussed and agreed on with our partners from the Contact Group and UNMIK relates to credible names to give the necessary credibility to the process and this does not mean that we will wait for every political party or group that wants to join this process. We will however make a serious offer to everyone that wants to take part in the process.”
Serbs give Swiss dressing down over Kosovo
Belgrade has summoned the Swiss chargé d’affaires in Serbia and Montenegro to protest against Switzerland’s stance on the future status of Kosovo.
But Swiss Foreign Minister Micheline Calmy-Rey’s diplomatic adviser told swissinfo that the policy – a push for a form of independence for the province – would not change.
But Swiss Foreign Minister Micheline Calmy-Rey’s diplomatic adviser told swissinfo that the policy – a push for a form of independence for the province – would not change.
IMF Predicts Slight Growth in Kosovo
PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro (AP) -- The International Monetary Fund predicted that Kosovo's economy will grow in 2006 but warned of a high budget deficit this year, an official said Thursday.
Marc Auboin, the IMF representative in Kosovo, recommended that Kosovo's government freeze the hiring of civil servants to keep the deficit in check.
The IMF forecasted a euro140 million (US$172 million) budget deficit for 2005 if the government does not halt hirings and adjust spending, Auboin said.
He also said authorities should adjust spending and taxes in 2006 to meet planned targets. Kosovo has been administered by the United Nations since 1999.
Marc Auboin, the IMF representative in Kosovo, recommended that Kosovo's government freeze the hiring of civil servants to keep the deficit in check.
The IMF forecasted a euro140 million (US$172 million) budget deficit for 2005 if the government does not halt hirings and adjust spending, Auboin said.
He also said authorities should adjust spending and taxes in 2006 to meet planned targets. Kosovo has been administered by the United Nations since 1999.
Govt has plan B if pilot projects fail (Koha Ditore)
Zëri quotes Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi as saying, ‘We as a government guarantee to the people of Kosovo that we will not create monoethnic municipal units, regardless of someone’s wishes. We must create multiethnic municipal units and this is the message that is in accordance with our vision for the future of Kosovo.’
Wednesday, August 03, 2005
Kostunica Cannot Solve Kosovo's Problems, Says Dauti
osovo government spokesman Daut Dauti told BETA on Aug. 2 that Kosovo Premier Bajram Kosumi was ready to talk with his Serbian counterpart, Vojislav Kostunica, but without previously set conditions concerning the topics of discussion.
According to Dauti, the talks cannot be "the fruit of setting terms, especially not now, when the Serbian premier says that there are problems in the decentralization process and that he allegedly wants to come (to Kosovo) and solve them."
"Kostunica is neither in a political nor a legal position to solve problems in Kosovo," Dauti said, adding that the Kosovo government, in case it encounters problems in the province, can turn to UNMIK, the EU and the international community, assigned to help Kosovo institutions.
"There is not a single example to show that Serbia has aided certain processes in Kosovo," Dauti said.
According to Dauti, the talks cannot be "the fruit of setting terms, especially not now, when the Serbian premier says that there are problems in the decentralization process and that he allegedly wants to come (to Kosovo) and solve them."
"Kostunica is neither in a political nor a legal position to solve problems in Kosovo," Dauti said, adding that the Kosovo government, in case it encounters problems in the province, can turn to UNMIK, the EU and the international community, assigned to help Kosovo institutions.
"There is not a single example to show that Serbia has aided certain processes in Kosovo," Dauti said.
Kosovo, Macedonia Enter Free Trade Deal
Kosovo began the provisional implementation of a free trade agreement with neighboring Macedonia on Wednesday, according to a U.N. statement.
Kosovo's customs authorities will continue to collect taxes on oil and some agricultural products with tariffs gradually decreasing until 2008, and Kosovo's products will have duty free access to Macedonia's market, the statement said.
The implementation of the deal follows months of negotiations between U.N. and government officials in Kosovo and Macedonia authorities. The agreement was concluded more than a month ago, but Macedonia has not yet formalized it, officials said.
The U.N. mission "is starting to provisionally implement the free trade agreement to not cause delays for Kosovo's economy to benefit from it," said Mechthild Henneke, a U.N. spokeswoman. "We understand that authorities in Macedonia are continuing to consider the documentation that will formalize the agreement."
Kosovo has been administered by the United Nations for the past six years following NATO's air war aimed at stopping the crackdown of Serbian troops on the province's separatist ethnic Albanians.
Since then, Kosovo has remained split between ethnic Albanians who want it to be independent and ethnic Serbs who want it to remain part of Serbia.
Kosovo's economy remains in tatters, with unemployment estimated at more than 50 percent. The province has had a free trade pact with Albania since mid-2003.
Kosovo's customs authorities will continue to collect taxes on oil and some agricultural products with tariffs gradually decreasing until 2008, and Kosovo's products will have duty free access to Macedonia's market, the statement said.
The implementation of the deal follows months of negotiations between U.N. and government officials in Kosovo and Macedonia authorities. The agreement was concluded more than a month ago, but Macedonia has not yet formalized it, officials said.
The U.N. mission "is starting to provisionally implement the free trade agreement to not cause delays for Kosovo's economy to benefit from it," said Mechthild Henneke, a U.N. spokeswoman. "We understand that authorities in Macedonia are continuing to consider the documentation that will formalize the agreement."
Kosovo has been administered by the United Nations for the past six years following NATO's air war aimed at stopping the crackdown of Serbian troops on the province's separatist ethnic Albanians.
Since then, Kosovo has remained split between ethnic Albanians who want it to be independent and ethnic Serbs who want it to remain part of Serbia.
Kosovo's economy remains in tatters, with unemployment estimated at more than 50 percent. The province has had a free trade pact with Albania since mid-2003.
Covic Demands Serbian Authorities to Condemn Swiss Stand on Kosovo Iss
Belgrade. The leader of the coordination center for Kosovo Nobejsa Covic sent a letter yesterday to the Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica and to the Foreign Minister of Serbia and Montenegro Vuk Draskovic appealing to them to undertake some action regarding the statement of the Swiss Foreign Minister Michelle Calmi-Rey on Kosovo, the Serbian Blic newspaper reads today. Mrs. Calmi-Rey had stated that Switzerland supports the idea about the independence of Kosovo.
Covic had also appealed to the Serbian Diaspora in Switzerland to react to this statement and express their stand clearly.
Covic had also appealed to the Serbian Diaspora in Switzerland to react to this statement and express their stand clearly.
Serbian MP: Serbia Must Follow Turkey’s Example When It Comes to Kosovo
elgrade. The chairman of the Commission for Kosovo with the Serbian parliament Dusan Prorokovic stated that when it comes to the issue about the province Serbia should follow Turkey’s example, which reacted really harsh with the very mentioning about the independence of Kurdistan, RTS reports.
“We should start behaving like Turkey – the way it behaves when someone mentions about the independence of Kurdisatn. If we had done that, we would not have found ourselves in the situation someone else to deal with our internal issues,” Prorokovic stated in an interview for the Novi Sad-based newspaper Dnevnik.
According to him, the independence of Kosovo is less and less probable due to the intervention of Belgrade.
“We reached to the level that we don’t talk about the final status of Kosovo as an independent state, but about a future status that would be established through negotiations”, Prorokovic pointed out.
“We should start behaving like Turkey – the way it behaves when someone mentions about the independence of Kurdisatn. If we had done that, we would not have found ourselves in the situation someone else to deal with our internal issues,” Prorokovic stated in an interview for the Novi Sad-based newspaper Dnevnik.
According to him, the independence of Kosovo is less and less probable due to the intervention of Belgrade.
“We reached to the level that we don’t talk about the final status of Kosovo as an independent state, but about a future status that would be established through negotiations”, Prorokovic pointed out.
Govt says Kostunica’s invitation is not serious
Koha Ditore quotes Government spokesman Dauti as saying the position of Prime Minister Kosumi remains the same as far as the meeting with Serbian PM Kostunica is concerned, ‘but we believe that Kostunica’s invitation is not serious and that he is not interested in talking about problems in Kosovo’.
Lajm newspaper also reports that the Government is not serious about the criticism by the Contact Group.
Lajm newspaper also reports that the Government is not serious about the criticism by the Contact Group.
Govt: Belgrade wants to stop decentralisation by pressuring K-Serbs
Zëri reports on the front page that according to Kosovo Government officials, obstacles from Belgrade have slowed down the Kosovo Government’s steps in achieving sufficient progress in implementing pilot projects for decentralisation. Government spokesman Dauti is quoted as saying that the main delay is connected to the list of political representatives in the new pilot municipalities, namely in Gracanica.
‘The situation on the ground is changing as far as the problems with preparing the lists are concerned. The Serb side has other demands and has changed its position. Belgrade is applying pressure, and has engaged people to stop the process,’ Dauti added.
‘The situation on the ground is changing as far as the problems with preparing the lists are concerned. The Serb side has other demands and has changed its position. Belgrade is applying pressure, and has engaged people to stop the process,’ Dauti added.
Tuesday, August 02, 2005
Kosumi agrees to meet Kostunica
Dailies quote Kosovo Government spokesman Daut Dauti as saying that Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi is ready to meet his Serbian counterpart Vojislav Kostunica, ‘anywhere and anytime’.
‘We have no conditions. PM Kosumi thinks that the venue could be his office in Prishtina or the office of Prime Minister Kostunica in Belgrade. And if the prime ministers agree they could meet in another venue,’ Dauti added.
‘We have no conditions. PM Kosumi thinks that the venue could be his office in Prishtina or the office of Prime Minister Kostunica in Belgrade. And if the prime ministers agree they could meet in another venue,’ Dauti added.
Monday, August 01, 2005
U.S. Donates $1.06 Mln in Equipment to Kosovo
PRISTINA - The U.S. department of defence donated on Monday more than $1.06 million (867,000 euro) in equipment to the U.N.-administered province of Kosovo.
The donation went to the Kosovo Protection Corps, the province's civilian emergency service agency. It includes search and rescue equipment.
The donation is part a U.S. humanitarian assistance package for the province. The U.S. last month donated $90,000 in fire fighting aid.
The United Nations has administered Kosovo since the 1999 NATO bombing campaign to halt Serbia's repression of the province's ethnic Albanian majority, which continues to seek independence.
The donation went to the Kosovo Protection Corps, the province's civilian emergency service agency. It includes search and rescue equipment.
The donation is part a U.S. humanitarian assistance package for the province. The U.S. last month donated $90,000 in fire fighting aid.
The United Nations has administered Kosovo since the 1999 NATO bombing campaign to halt Serbia's repression of the province's ethnic Albanian majority, which continues to seek independence.
Kosovo Offers 12 Firms for Sale
The Kosovo Trust Agency (KTA), charged with the privatisation process in the U.N.-run province of Kosovo, said on Monday it launched the sale of 12 companies.
The companies are involved in everything from mining to yarn and are being offered as part of the eighth privatisation wave, the KTA said.
Three of the companies - a textile manufacturer, pipe factory and mining company - will be sold through special spin-offs. The procedure requires additional investment and employment guarantees.
The first bid day for the KosovaTex textile manufacturer was set for October 12. The second bid day will take place one week later, KTA said.
The first and the second bid days for both the Xim Strezovci pipe factory and Goleshi Mines will be held on January 11 and 18, respectively.
The remaining nine companies will be sold through ordinary spin-offs. The pre-qualification deadline for the nine firms was set for October 5 and bid day for October 12, the KTA said.
KTA ( www.kta-kosovo.org ) so far has sold around 40 of the 500 companies it has on its privatisation list.
KTA's efforts to boost the economy in the province of two million people and create new job has been hampered by Kosovo's unclear status.
Kosovo has been under U.N. administration since 1999 following the NATO bombing campaign to halt Serb repression of the ethnic Albanian majority in the province.
The companies are involved in everything from mining to yarn and are being offered as part of the eighth privatisation wave, the KTA said.
Three of the companies - a textile manufacturer, pipe factory and mining company - will be sold through special spin-offs. The procedure requires additional investment and employment guarantees.
The first bid day for the KosovaTex textile manufacturer was set for October 12. The second bid day will take place one week later, KTA said.
The first and the second bid days for both the Xim Strezovci pipe factory and Goleshi Mines will be held on January 11 and 18, respectively.
The remaining nine companies will be sold through ordinary spin-offs. The pre-qualification deadline for the nine firms was set for October 5 and bid day for October 12, the KTA said.
KTA ( www.kta-kosovo.org ) so far has sold around 40 of the 500 companies it has on its privatisation list.
KTA's efforts to boost the economy in the province of two million people and create new job has been hampered by Kosovo's unclear status.
Kosovo has been under U.N. administration since 1999 following the NATO bombing campaign to halt Serb repression of the ethnic Albanian majority in the province.
Milosevic could serve his time in Russia
Several dailies have picked up an article by the London newspaper ‘Sunday Times’, which says that Americans and the British have agreed that former Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic, charged with war crimes, could be transferred to Russia to serve his sentence there.
According to the paper Milosevic will be closer to his wife, Mirjana, his brother Borislav and his son Marko.
The news that Milosevic may be allowed preferential treatment in Russia – traditionally an Orthodox ally of Serbia – has angered the families of his regime’s many victims. Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Kosovo have reacted against this decision, writes Koha Ditore.
The paper quotes Kosovo Government’s spokesperson, Daut Dauti, as opposing the decision of Milosevic serving his time in Russia.
‘The Government is against transferring of Milosevic to Russia, as it is known that this state is an ally of the accused and, while serving his time in Russia, he will have a different treatment from what Milosevic deserves’, says Dauti.
Zëri quotes Munira Subasic, from the Movement of Srebrenica’s and Zepa’s Mothers as saying that she and other war widows would be double victims if Milosevic was to be sent to Russia to serve his time.
Slobodan Milosevic is facing charges of 66 counts of crimes against humanity, violation of rules of war in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo and of genocide in Bosnia.
According to the paper Milosevic will be closer to his wife, Mirjana, his brother Borislav and his son Marko.
The news that Milosevic may be allowed preferential treatment in Russia – traditionally an Orthodox ally of Serbia – has angered the families of his regime’s many victims. Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Kosovo have reacted against this decision, writes Koha Ditore.
The paper quotes Kosovo Government’s spokesperson, Daut Dauti, as opposing the decision of Milosevic serving his time in Russia.
‘The Government is against transferring of Milosevic to Russia, as it is known that this state is an ally of the accused and, while serving his time in Russia, he will have a different treatment from what Milosevic deserves’, says Dauti.
Zëri quotes Munira Subasic, from the Movement of Srebrenica’s and Zepa’s Mothers as saying that she and other war widows would be double victims if Milosevic was to be sent to Russia to serve his time.
Slobodan Milosevic is facing charges of 66 counts of crimes against humanity, violation of rules of war in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo and of genocide in Bosnia.
Editorial: Serbs on the offensive again
Kosova Sot carries an editorial on the front page saying that Serbs have launched a new political offensive asking for no less than 80 municipalities in Kosovo.
The editorial says that they are also using the apathy of Kosovo institutions and Albanians working there who have become myopic from power.
The new Belgrade stance says that the Serbian minority would support only a decentralization that implies creation of an enormous number of municipalities, and they want to add cadastral zones to the first pilot projects.
If the Serbian model was to be followed there would be a real mess in administering local territories. Their crazy idea, as the editorial calls it, aims at strengthening enclaves, and at the same time legalizing a linking bridge with Serbia.
Although the SRSG has signed the Administrative Direction, the process has again been hindered. Serbian boycott is one of the obstacles. Their absence makes implementation of these projects in their areas senseless.
However, the editorial concludes that with or without Serbs the Government needs to go ahead with decentralization in order for the international community to see their will to keep promises and be convinced about Serbian destructiveness and the consequences of Belgrade’s policy.
The editorial says that they are also using the apathy of Kosovo institutions and Albanians working there who have become myopic from power.
The new Belgrade stance says that the Serbian minority would support only a decentralization that implies creation of an enormous number of municipalities, and they want to add cadastral zones to the first pilot projects.
If the Serbian model was to be followed there would be a real mess in administering local territories. Their crazy idea, as the editorial calls it, aims at strengthening enclaves, and at the same time legalizing a linking bridge with Serbia.
Although the SRSG has signed the Administrative Direction, the process has again been hindered. Serbian boycott is one of the obstacles. Their absence makes implementation of these projects in their areas senseless.
However, the editorial concludes that with or without Serbs the Government needs to go ahead with decentralization in order for the international community to see their will to keep promises and be convinced about Serbian destructiveness and the consequences of Belgrade’s policy.
Goldberg: US wants start of negotiations on Kosovo’s final status
Bota Sot reports on the front page that heads of the Contact Group have conveyed to Prime Minister Kosumi the message from the meeting in London with Ambassador Eide and the remarks about delays in the process of decentralisation and IDP returns.
In the same article, the newspaper quotes Philip Goldberg, head of the US Office in Pristina, as saying, ‘US wants progress for the start of negotiations on Kosovo’s final status’. The quote on page two is different from the front-page quote that has Goldberg saying that the US is calling for the start of negotiations.
In the same article, the newspaper quotes Philip Goldberg, head of the US Office in Pristina, as saying, ‘US wants progress for the start of negotiations on Kosovo’s final status’. The quote on page two is different from the front-page quote that has Goldberg saying that the US is calling for the start of negotiations.
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