A U.S. military plane with nine people on board crashed in a mountainous area of southern Albania on Thursday, exploding in a ball of flame, police and villagers said.
"It is thought the people on board have died, but this is not confirmed," Public Order Ministry spokesman Florion Serjani told Reuters.
Serjani said the control tower at Albania's Rinas airport "saw the plane move in an irregular way while it was flying over a valley" in southeast Albania.
Lieutenant Colonel Patrick Mackin, a spokesman for the U.S. military in Germany, confirmed the plane had crashed, but added he could not confirm how many people were on board.
"We are trying to establish that with their base units. They came out of Mildenhall base in the United Kingdom," he told Reuters.
The plane had probably been trying to reach the nearby military airfield of Kucove.
Serjani said the C-130 had been taking part in exercises in Albania and crashed in the area of Gramsh.
He said the mountainous terrain had forced police to abandon their vehicles and proceed to the crash site on foot.
Albania's general staff chief Pellumb Qazimi told Reuters he had sent troops to the area and planned to fly helicopters there by dawn.
"The villagers said they were awoken by an explosion and saw giant flames in the Driza mountain," a reporter for Albania's News24 network said.
The area is covered by snow up to two meters (six feet) deep. A U.S. helicopter was reported to be monitoring the crash site.
Two U.S. pilots died when their Apache helicopter crashed in Albania in May 5, 1999 while it was on a night-time training mission in preparation for possible use in the Kosovo conflict.
Thursday, March 31, 2005
Kosovo '04 Trade Gap Widens 7.3 % Y/Y - Table
(c) 2005 SeeNews - South East Europe Newswire. All Rights Reserved. editor@see-news.com.
PRISTINA (Serbia and Montenegro), March 31 (SeeNews) - The trade deficit of the UN-run southern Serbian province of Kosovo rose by 7.3 % last year, reaching one billion euro ($1.3 billion), the Kosovo Statistics Office reported on Thursday.
KOSOVO TRADE BALANCE (in millions of euro)
..........................'04..............'03
Exports................56.6..........35.6
Imports...........1,063..........973.3
Balance..........-1,006.........-937.7
NOTE: Kosovo, population around two million, is still part of the loose union of Serbia and Montenegro, which succeeded rump Yugoslavia two years ago. The province has been administered by the United Nations since 1999.
($=0.7688 euro)
www.see-news.com
Source: SeeNews (TM/BMK/RD)
PRISTINA (Serbia and Montenegro), March 31 (SeeNews) - The trade deficit of the UN-run southern Serbian province of Kosovo rose by 7.3 % last year, reaching one billion euro ($1.3 billion), the Kosovo Statistics Office reported on Thursday.
KOSOVO TRADE BALANCE (in millions of euro)
..........................'04..............'03
Exports................56.6..........35.6
Imports...........1,063..........973.3
Balance..........-1,006.........-937.7
NOTE: Kosovo, population around two million, is still part of the loose union of Serbia and Montenegro, which succeeded rump Yugoslavia two years ago. The province has been administered by the United Nations since 1999.
($=0.7688 euro)
www.see-news.com
Source: SeeNews (TM/BMK/RD)
Members of KTA Board in Kosovo Agree on 5th Privatisation Round
PRISTINA – The members of the KTA Board agreed today that they were happy if DSRSG Ruecker launched the 5th privatisation round. In its first meeting after 15 months, the members of the board expressed their wish for a speedy continuation of the privatisation process.
After discussions on current technical issues regarding the legal status of the KTA, Deputy Managing Director Ahmet Shala presented results of the 3rd and 4th privatisation round. As to the 5th round, Shala explained that KTA prepared 15 Socially Owned Enterprises to be privatised, which have been transformed into 30 “NewCos” (new companies).
KTA official Ilir Salihu introduced to the members of the board a report on the progress of the Publicly Owned Enterprises Incorporation Project. “Immediate actions are needed in order to proceed with the next phase of incorporation”, said Salihu. These actions include approval of the restructuring plans for PTK and Pristina Airport. The members of the board welcomed the report.
Addressing the press, DSRSG Ruecker announced to launch the 5th privatisation round in April. He also said that he will sign and ratify the majority of contracts of the 4th round within the next ten days. The Minister of Economy and Finance, Haki Shatri said: “The climate has changed regarding privatisation and also incorporation. This meeting has put into movement many things, as for example the 5th privatisation round.” Minister Dugolli also expressed his satisfaction with the meeting and called it “successful”.
After discussions on current technical issues regarding the legal status of the KTA, Deputy Managing Director Ahmet Shala presented results of the 3rd and 4th privatisation round. As to the 5th round, Shala explained that KTA prepared 15 Socially Owned Enterprises to be privatised, which have been transformed into 30 “NewCos” (new companies).
KTA official Ilir Salihu introduced to the members of the board a report on the progress of the Publicly Owned Enterprises Incorporation Project. “Immediate actions are needed in order to proceed with the next phase of incorporation”, said Salihu. These actions include approval of the restructuring plans for PTK and Pristina Airport. The members of the board welcomed the report.
Addressing the press, DSRSG Ruecker announced to launch the 5th privatisation round in April. He also said that he will sign and ratify the majority of contracts of the 4th round within the next ten days. The Minister of Economy and Finance, Haki Shatri said: “The climate has changed regarding privatisation and also incorporation. This meeting has put into movement many things, as for example the 5th privatisation round.” Minister Dugolli also expressed his satisfaction with the meeting and called it “successful”.
AFTER HARADINAJ - THE ECONOMIST
Mar 31st 2005
Tense moments before final-status talks can begin
THE face of Ramush Haradinaj stares down from billboards and posters
across Kosovo's dusty capital. But alongside the images of the former
prime minister, now in custody in The Hague, where he faces charges
before the Yugoslav war-crimes tribunal, is a clumsily written message:
"our Prime has a job to do here". The point is to suggest that Mr
Haradinaj, once a rebel commander in the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA),
may still have a role to play in the province, which has been run as a
UN protectorate since 1999.
Mr Haradinaj's supporters, as well as Kosovo's Danish UN proconsul,
Soren Jessen Petersen, insist that, during his 100-day tenure of
office, the ex-guerrilla fighter was shaping up to be quite a good
prime minister. Yet last week, his post was taken by Bajram Kosumi, a
former student leader who was not a guerrilla fighter and was
previously environment minister. For the first time since Kosovo
elected a government of its own in 2001, there are no known former KLA
men in power.
Kosovo's (still provisional) government is assuming ever-increasing
responsibility as the UN-led administration devolves power in the
run-up to talks due to start later this year on the province's final
status. Before such talks can begin, according to the longstanding UN
mantra, Kosovo must show progress towards a number of internationally
imposed standards, in such areas as good democratic governance and
respect for minorities (code for the 100,000 Serbs and other
non-Albanians still clinging on in Kosovo).
The provisional government declared last week that it hoped to meet
most of these standards by June. More hopeful UN representatives agree
that progress is being made. Indeed, it may prove to be just enough--so
long as there is no relapse in security--to permit the final talks on
Kosovo's status to begin this autumn. Among the more vociferous of
Kosovo's estimated 1.8m ethnic Albanians, however, patience may be
running out. A recent poll taken by the UN itself showed that as many
as 75% of Kosovo's Albanians were dissatisfied, one way or another,
with the UN mission's progress.
But might hardliners, including ex-KLA men, pick up their guns and
stones again, as they did a year ago in a sudden, savage outbreak of
violence? It is quite possible. A roadside bomb narrowly failed to kill
Kosovo's president, Ibrahim Rugova, two weeks ago. Occasional hand
grenades and gunfire are being directed against UN soldiers. Who is
behind this violence? A shadowy Albanian rebel group claimed
responsibility for the attack on Mr Rugova, though NATO and UN
intelligence suggests that Albanian extremists on the political fringes
are at work. But the hand of Serbs, keen to disrupt any progress
towards independence for their former fief, cannot be discounted
either.
Tense moments before final-status talks can begin
THE face of Ramush Haradinaj stares down from billboards and posters
across Kosovo's dusty capital. But alongside the images of the former
prime minister, now in custody in The Hague, where he faces charges
before the Yugoslav war-crimes tribunal, is a clumsily written message:
"our Prime has a job to do here". The point is to suggest that Mr
Haradinaj, once a rebel commander in the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA),
may still have a role to play in the province, which has been run as a
UN protectorate since 1999.
Mr Haradinaj's supporters, as well as Kosovo's Danish UN proconsul,
Soren Jessen Petersen, insist that, during his 100-day tenure of
office, the ex-guerrilla fighter was shaping up to be quite a good
prime minister. Yet last week, his post was taken by Bajram Kosumi, a
former student leader who was not a guerrilla fighter and was
previously environment minister. For the first time since Kosovo
elected a government of its own in 2001, there are no known former KLA
men in power.
Kosovo's (still provisional) government is assuming ever-increasing
responsibility as the UN-led administration devolves power in the
run-up to talks due to start later this year on the province's final
status. Before such talks can begin, according to the longstanding UN
mantra, Kosovo must show progress towards a number of internationally
imposed standards, in such areas as good democratic governance and
respect for minorities (code for the 100,000 Serbs and other
non-Albanians still clinging on in Kosovo).
The provisional government declared last week that it hoped to meet
most of these standards by June. More hopeful UN representatives agree
that progress is being made. Indeed, it may prove to be just enough--so
long as there is no relapse in security--to permit the final talks on
Kosovo's status to begin this autumn. Among the more vociferous of
Kosovo's estimated 1.8m ethnic Albanians, however, patience may be
running out. A recent poll taken by the UN itself showed that as many
as 75% of Kosovo's Albanians were dissatisfied, one way or another,
with the UN mission's progress.
But might hardliners, including ex-KLA men, pick up their guns and
stones again, as they did a year ago in a sudden, savage outbreak of
violence? It is quite possible. A roadside bomb narrowly failed to kill
Kosovo's president, Ibrahim Rugova, two weeks ago. Occasional hand
grenades and gunfire are being directed against UN soldiers. Who is
behind this violence? A shadowy Albanian rebel group claimed
responsibility for the attack on Mr Rugova, though NATO and UN
intelligence suggests that Albanian extremists on the political fringes
are at work. But the hand of Serbs, keen to disrupt any progress
towards independence for their former fief, cannot be discounted
either.
UNMIK head tells displaced Kosovo Serbs, Roma he will stay in post
(c) 2005 The British Broadcasting Corporation. All Rights Reserved. No material may be reproduced except with the express permission of The British Broadcasting Corporation.
Text of report by Serbian independent news agency FoNet
Bujanovac, 30 March: UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] chief Soeren Jessen-Petersen told FoNet today that the return [of displaced people] to Kosovo was a priority issue, adding that this was why he had visited Bujanovac, where he had discussions with internally displaced Serbs and Romanies from Kosovo-Metohija.
Asked whether his visit to Bujanovac was a sign that he was going to change to another post - given that his predecessors always only came here prior their departure - Petersen replied that he "not only thought, but knew" that he would be here not only a month or two but longer, because as the UN secretary-general's special envoy for Kosovo-Metohija special issues [as received], he had much to do.
Petersen said that he "cooperated very closely" with [Serbian] Coordination Centre [for Kosovo-Metohija] chief Nebojsa Covic.
"Beside Mr Covic, I have a very good dialogue with Serbian President Boris Tadic and Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica," Petersen said.
Petersen said that Covic "was tasked to work on several technical issues which are of direct importance", adding that they had "very good dialogue" over that.
As previously announced, Petersen was to take over the post of UN High Commissioner for Refugees.
Source: FoNet news agency, Belgrade, in Serbian 2040 gmt 30 Mar 05
Text of report by Serbian independent news agency FoNet
Bujanovac, 30 March: UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] chief Soeren Jessen-Petersen told FoNet today that the return [of displaced people] to Kosovo was a priority issue, adding that this was why he had visited Bujanovac, where he had discussions with internally displaced Serbs and Romanies from Kosovo-Metohija.
Asked whether his visit to Bujanovac was a sign that he was going to change to another post - given that his predecessors always only came here prior their departure - Petersen replied that he "not only thought, but knew" that he would be here not only a month or two but longer, because as the UN secretary-general's special envoy for Kosovo-Metohija special issues [as received], he had much to do.
Petersen said that he "cooperated very closely" with [Serbian] Coordination Centre [for Kosovo-Metohija] chief Nebojsa Covic.
"Beside Mr Covic, I have a very good dialogue with Serbian President Boris Tadic and Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica," Petersen said.
Petersen said that Covic "was tasked to work on several technical issues which are of direct importance", adding that they had "very good dialogue" over that.
As previously announced, Petersen was to take over the post of UN High Commissioner for Refugees.
Source: FoNet news agency, Belgrade, in Serbian 2040 gmt 30 Mar 05
Kosovo police hold TV crew for 72 hours after violent incident
(c) 2005 The British Broadcasting Corporation. All Rights Reserved. No material may be reproduced except with the express permission of The British Broadcasting Corporation.
Text of unattributed report entitled "ShPK members attack RTK crew, detain them for 72 hours" published by the Kosovo Albanian newspaper Koha Ditore on 31 March
Prishtina [Pristina], 30 March: Parking a vehicle in the wrong place has cost a crew of the Kosova [Kosovo] Radio Television [RTK] "dearly". The arguments between the RTK crew and the Kosova Police Service [ShPK] members in an effort to explain the situation ended in violence against RTK reporter Behxhet Begu. Though quite seriously injured, Begu and other members of the RTK crew - the cameraman and driver - ended up in the police station in Vushtrri [Vucitrn]. The police have confirmed that physical violence was used against the RTK crew, and Behxhet Begu has sustained slight injuries.
RTK executive director Liridon Canhasi has described the attack on his television crew as a "drastic violation of the freedom of expression". "The worst of it is that the attack was carried out by those (police officers) who have sworn and are paid to maintain order, and not to use violence," he said.
According to lawyer Tome Gashi, the grave incident of police brutality took place "as a result of a problem related to parking the vehicle". He said Behxhet Begu, head of the television crew, had suffered bodily injuries as result of police violence against him.
Gashi told Koha Ditore that the police have decided to hold the RTK crew in detention for 72 hours, and that reporter Behxhet Begu has already been transferred to Mitrovice [Kosovska Mitrovica] prison. He also said that the police have confiscated the RTK crew's cameras, and have refused to show the filmed material in his presence and that of ShPK seniors. Gashi explained that the police have decided to hold the three RTK employees in detention under "attack on police" charges.
Kosova Police Service spokesperson Refki Morina has also confirmed this. He said the three members of the RTK crew and their companion will spend the next 72 hours in detention. "After viewing the scene of the incident, and after taking the statements of both parties involved, the public prosecutor ruled that the three RTK crew members and their companion are given 72 hours detention each," Morina said.
He rejected the RTK reporter's statement that it was the police that had started the argument and that police officers had used violence against the RTK team. "Initially, the police asked them to remove their vehicle, which had been parked in a prohibited area, and only after the RTK team refused to remove the vehicle and insulted the police did the police officer send them to the police station," he said. He added that the case had been passed on to the prosecution, and it remains to be seen how the whole story will end.
[Box] AGPK calls for protests in front of police headquarters in Prishtina and regional police stations
The Association of Professional Journalists of Kosova (AGPK) has decided to invite all Kosova journalists to a protest in front of the police headquarters in Prishtina and regional police stations today (Thursday, 31 March) at 1100 hours [0900 gmt] if the police do not immediately release the RTK employees and if the police officers involved in the incident with the RTK crew are not suspended from duty.
The AGKP has likewise invited all editorial staff of all media outlets, journalist associations of Kosova, trade unions and reporters' clubs from all over Kosova to protest in front of the regional police stations starting from 1100 hours today until the Kosova Police Service offers official confirmation that the RTK employees have been released and the police officers involved in the incident are suspended.
Source: Koha Ditore, Pristina, in Albanian 31 Mar 05 p 4
Text of unattributed report entitled "ShPK members attack RTK crew, detain them for 72 hours" published by the Kosovo Albanian newspaper Koha Ditore on 31 March
Prishtina [Pristina], 30 March: Parking a vehicle in the wrong place has cost a crew of the Kosova [Kosovo] Radio Television [RTK] "dearly". The arguments between the RTK crew and the Kosova Police Service [ShPK] members in an effort to explain the situation ended in violence against RTK reporter Behxhet Begu. Though quite seriously injured, Begu and other members of the RTK crew - the cameraman and driver - ended up in the police station in Vushtrri [Vucitrn]. The police have confirmed that physical violence was used against the RTK crew, and Behxhet Begu has sustained slight injuries.
RTK executive director Liridon Canhasi has described the attack on his television crew as a "drastic violation of the freedom of expression". "The worst of it is that the attack was carried out by those (police officers) who have sworn and are paid to maintain order, and not to use violence," he said.
According to lawyer Tome Gashi, the grave incident of police brutality took place "as a result of a problem related to parking the vehicle". He said Behxhet Begu, head of the television crew, had suffered bodily injuries as result of police violence against him.
Gashi told Koha Ditore that the police have decided to hold the RTK crew in detention for 72 hours, and that reporter Behxhet Begu has already been transferred to Mitrovice [Kosovska Mitrovica] prison. He also said that the police have confiscated the RTK crew's cameras, and have refused to show the filmed material in his presence and that of ShPK seniors. Gashi explained that the police have decided to hold the three RTK employees in detention under "attack on police" charges.
Kosova Police Service spokesperson Refki Morina has also confirmed this. He said the three members of the RTK crew and their companion will spend the next 72 hours in detention. "After viewing the scene of the incident, and after taking the statements of both parties involved, the public prosecutor ruled that the three RTK crew members and their companion are given 72 hours detention each," Morina said.
He rejected the RTK reporter's statement that it was the police that had started the argument and that police officers had used violence against the RTK team. "Initially, the police asked them to remove their vehicle, which had been parked in a prohibited area, and only after the RTK team refused to remove the vehicle and insulted the police did the police officer send them to the police station," he said. He added that the case had been passed on to the prosecution, and it remains to be seen how the whole story will end.
[Box] AGPK calls for protests in front of police headquarters in Prishtina and regional police stations
The Association of Professional Journalists of Kosova (AGPK) has decided to invite all Kosova journalists to a protest in front of the police headquarters in Prishtina and regional police stations today (Thursday, 31 March) at 1100 hours [0900 gmt] if the police do not immediately release the RTK employees and if the police officers involved in the incident with the RTK crew are not suspended from duty.
The AGKP has likewise invited all editorial staff of all media outlets, journalist associations of Kosova, trade unions and reporters' clubs from all over Kosova to protest in front of the regional police stations starting from 1100 hours today until the Kosova Police Service offers official confirmation that the RTK employees have been released and the police officers involved in the incident are suspended.
Source: Koha Ditore, Pristina, in Albanian 31 Mar 05 p 4
Serbia returns remains of 43 ethnic Albanians killed in Kosovo war - AP
By GARENTINA KRAJA
Associated Press Writer
408 words
31 March 2005
09:19 am
Associated Press Newswires
English
(c) 2005. The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved.
MERDARE, Serbia-Montenegro (AP) - Serbian authorities on Thursday returned the bodies of 43 ethnic Albanians who were killed in the war in Kosovo and buried in a mass grave in Serbia.
The bodies, which were exhumed from a grave on the grounds of a police training center just outside Belgrade, were handed over to U.N. officials in the border area of Merdare, 40 kilometers (25 miles) north of the provincial capital, Pristina.
Dozens of relatives and friends of people missing since the war filed past white body bags, some laying flowers and weeping.
Among them was Xhafer Veliu, 50, from a central Kosovo village. He hopes one day to learn the fate of his 18-year old son, one of the thousands still listed as missing and presumed dead.
"There's no pressure being put on Serbia to tell us where our loved ones are," he said, clutching a single flower.
About 836 bodies presumed to be those of ethnic Albanians killed during Kosovo's 1998-99 war and removed from the province in an apparent cover-up attempt by Yugoslav forces have been found in several mass graves in Serbia.
The bodies were exhumed after the 2000 ouster of former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic. Thursday's transfer brought the number of bodies returned to Kosovo to 441, said Valerie Brasey of the U.N.-run office for missing persons and forensics.
The relatives of the missing have repeatedly demanded that all the bodies be returned immediately.
The remains of those repatriated Thursday will be taken to a U.N.-run laboratory in the province to undergo forensic inspection and be identified before they are returned to the families for burial.
Earlier this month, Serbian and Kosovo officials resumed talks aimed at establishing the fate of ethnic Albanians, Serbs and others who vanished during the war -- one of the most sensitive and emotionally charged issues between the two former foes.
The two sides signed a framework document and agreed to accept the Red Cross list of 2,960 still missing as their figure of reference. The officials agreed to meet again on June 9 in Pristina.
Kosovo's war claimed an estimated 10,000 lives, mostly ethnic Albanians. The conflict ended after NATO launched air strikes to halt the crackdown of Milosevic's troops on independence-seeking ethnic Albanians.
Associated Press Writer
408 words
31 March 2005
09:19 am
Associated Press Newswires
English
(c) 2005. The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved.
MERDARE, Serbia-Montenegro (AP) - Serbian authorities on Thursday returned the bodies of 43 ethnic Albanians who were killed in the war in Kosovo and buried in a mass grave in Serbia.
The bodies, which were exhumed from a grave on the grounds of a police training center just outside Belgrade, were handed over to U.N. officials in the border area of Merdare, 40 kilometers (25 miles) north of the provincial capital, Pristina.
Dozens of relatives and friends of people missing since the war filed past white body bags, some laying flowers and weeping.
Among them was Xhafer Veliu, 50, from a central Kosovo village. He hopes one day to learn the fate of his 18-year old son, one of the thousands still listed as missing and presumed dead.
"There's no pressure being put on Serbia to tell us where our loved ones are," he said, clutching a single flower.
About 836 bodies presumed to be those of ethnic Albanians killed during Kosovo's 1998-99 war and removed from the province in an apparent cover-up attempt by Yugoslav forces have been found in several mass graves in Serbia.
The bodies were exhumed after the 2000 ouster of former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic. Thursday's transfer brought the number of bodies returned to Kosovo to 441, said Valerie Brasey of the U.N.-run office for missing persons and forensics.
The relatives of the missing have repeatedly demanded that all the bodies be returned immediately.
The remains of those repatriated Thursday will be taken to a U.N.-run laboratory in the province to undergo forensic inspection and be identified before they are returned to the families for burial.
Earlier this month, Serbian and Kosovo officials resumed talks aimed at establishing the fate of ethnic Albanians, Serbs and others who vanished during the war -- one of the most sensitive and emotionally charged issues between the two former foes.
The two sides signed a framework document and agreed to accept the Red Cross list of 2,960 still missing as their figure of reference. The officials agreed to meet again on June 9 in Pristina.
Kosovo's war claimed an estimated 10,000 lives, mostly ethnic Albanians. The conflict ended after NATO launched air strikes to halt the crackdown of Milosevic's troops on independence-seeking ethnic Albanians.
Kosovo's Negotiating team in April? (Express)
Express reports on the front page that by the end of April a group that will handle the issue of Kosovo’s status is expected to be formed. According to the paper, the group will include members from various political parties and will be voted by the Kosovo Assembly.
‘I have voiced my concept – so that we can be joined together come the end of April. This is my personal opinion, but a consensus must be reached between partners in the government and the opposition. And the Assembly must decide on these issues,’ Kosovo Assembly Speaker Nexhat Daci told the paper.
Daci said he has promised international representatives that Kosovars would not disappoint them and would not be divided as in Rambouillet. ‘My opinion is to create an institutional unity and to agree for all issues. I believe that such a formula will be found. I say with great responsibility that Kosovo and Kosovars are not a property of the government or opposition,’ he added.
The paper reports that even the opposition is supporting the idea of appointing a negotiating team by the end of April. The Kosovo Democratic Party (PDK) thinks it is best to appoint the group as soon as possible. ‘It is certainly good for this to happen as soon as possible. Otherwise, in case of delays, Kosovo will face realities and political facts that wouldn’t be created by Kosovars,’ said PDK deputy leader Enver Hoxhaj.
‘The Kosovo Assembly reflects the unity of Kosovo citizens and is the only forum that should shape this mechanism or council. But I also think that this team should also include respected people from outside institutions,’ said Hoxhaj, adding that Kosovo Albanians should create without any delays a political and united platform for the issue of status.
‘I have voiced my concept – so that we can be joined together come the end of April. This is my personal opinion, but a consensus must be reached between partners in the government and the opposition. And the Assembly must decide on these issues,’ Kosovo Assembly Speaker Nexhat Daci told the paper.
Daci said he has promised international representatives that Kosovars would not disappoint them and would not be divided as in Rambouillet. ‘My opinion is to create an institutional unity and to agree for all issues. I believe that such a formula will be found. I say with great responsibility that Kosovo and Kosovars are not a property of the government or opposition,’ he added.
The paper reports that even the opposition is supporting the idea of appointing a negotiating team by the end of April. The Kosovo Democratic Party (PDK) thinks it is best to appoint the group as soon as possible. ‘It is certainly good for this to happen as soon as possible. Otherwise, in case of delays, Kosovo will face realities and political facts that wouldn’t be created by Kosovars,’ said PDK deputy leader Enver Hoxhaj.
‘The Kosovo Assembly reflects the unity of Kosovo citizens and is the only forum that should shape this mechanism or council. But I also think that this team should also include respected people from outside institutions,’ said Hoxhaj, adding that Kosovo Albanians should create without any delays a political and united platform for the issue of status.
Work done on clarifying roles before start of debate on Kosovo status - KOHA DITORE
Koha Ditore carries a report on possible developments before the addressing of Kosovo’s status. According to the paper, there is still a possibility that Jessen-Petersen leaves Kosovo and Kai Eide is appointed special envoy for the assessment of standards implementation and that a high-profile politician like Marti Ahtisaari or Karl Bildt could be appointed special envoy for the issue of status. ‘The international community is now working on clarifying the roles before the start of the debate on Kosovo’s status,’ the paper added.
Koha Ditore notes that even though UNMIK in Kosovo tries to leave the impression that Jessen-Petersen doesn’t plan to leave Kosovo, the fact that he has accepted the nomination by his government for the post of UNHCR chief shows that he will leave Kosovo if he is appointed to this post. If Jessen-Petersen didn’t want to leave Kosovo he would have refused the nomination in the first place.
At the same time, diplomats that claim that the SRSG is doing an excellent job in Kosovo also say that the process of appointing a new UNHCR chief can last at least until mid summer and that after an eventual appointment the new commissioner would start work in autumn. Under such circumstances, it could happen that Jessen-Petersen would leave Kosovo in autumn.
Norwegian Ambassador to NATO, Kai Eide has refuted information that he is interested to replace Jessen-Petersen at the helm of UNMIK, but officials in Brussels claim he is a serious candidate for another important post in Kosovo.
The same diplomats said that sometime around the end of May, the UN Secretary General Kofi Annan is expected to appoint a special envoy for the comprehensive review of standards implementation and Eide is still the main candidate for this post.
Koha Ditore also notes that in case of a positive review of standards implementation, the UN will also appoint a special envoy to prepare negotiations on Kosovo’s status. Unnamed diplomatic sources in Brussels told the paper that this should be a high-profile diplomat, a former prime minister. Former Finnish President Marti Ahtisaari and former Swedish Prime Minister Karl Bildt are among the names mentioned for this post.
Although US officials have said nothing about this matter so far, diplomatic circles in Brussels told the paper that Washington could be expected to appoint its special envoy for the status of Kosovo. This was even recently reported by The Washington Post.
According to EU and NATO diplomats, Washington would appoint a special envoy for the phase of negotiations to prove to Prishtina and Belgrade that the issue of Kosovo’s status is a high priority. ‘If a US special envoy is appointed for Kosovo, he could act as deputy to the UN special envoy on the issue of status,’ said diplomats in Brussels.
‘No one can predict what will happen after the start of the debate on Kosovo’s status. Although the whole process will be formally led by the United Nations, it will be coordinated through the Contact Group. As far as the final status is concerned, there is a growing agreement that for the time being conditional independence seems like the most realistic solution,’ the paper concluded.
Koha Ditore notes that even though UNMIK in Kosovo tries to leave the impression that Jessen-Petersen doesn’t plan to leave Kosovo, the fact that he has accepted the nomination by his government for the post of UNHCR chief shows that he will leave Kosovo if he is appointed to this post. If Jessen-Petersen didn’t want to leave Kosovo he would have refused the nomination in the first place.
At the same time, diplomats that claim that the SRSG is doing an excellent job in Kosovo also say that the process of appointing a new UNHCR chief can last at least until mid summer and that after an eventual appointment the new commissioner would start work in autumn. Under such circumstances, it could happen that Jessen-Petersen would leave Kosovo in autumn.
Norwegian Ambassador to NATO, Kai Eide has refuted information that he is interested to replace Jessen-Petersen at the helm of UNMIK, but officials in Brussels claim he is a serious candidate for another important post in Kosovo.
The same diplomats said that sometime around the end of May, the UN Secretary General Kofi Annan is expected to appoint a special envoy for the comprehensive review of standards implementation and Eide is still the main candidate for this post.
Koha Ditore also notes that in case of a positive review of standards implementation, the UN will also appoint a special envoy to prepare negotiations on Kosovo’s status. Unnamed diplomatic sources in Brussels told the paper that this should be a high-profile diplomat, a former prime minister. Former Finnish President Marti Ahtisaari and former Swedish Prime Minister Karl Bildt are among the names mentioned for this post.
Although US officials have said nothing about this matter so far, diplomatic circles in Brussels told the paper that Washington could be expected to appoint its special envoy for the status of Kosovo. This was even recently reported by The Washington Post.
According to EU and NATO diplomats, Washington would appoint a special envoy for the phase of negotiations to prove to Prishtina and Belgrade that the issue of Kosovo’s status is a high priority. ‘If a US special envoy is appointed for Kosovo, he could act as deputy to the UN special envoy on the issue of status,’ said diplomats in Brussels.
‘No one can predict what will happen after the start of the debate on Kosovo’s status. Although the whole process will be formally led by the United Nations, it will be coordinated through the Contact Group. As far as the final status is concerned, there is a growing agreement that for the time being conditional independence seems like the most realistic solution,’ the paper concluded.
Balkans urged to curb trafficking - BBC
By Imogen Foulkes
BBC News, Geneva
France has tightened up controls at Calais
Countries in South-East Europe are failing to take effective measures against people trafficking, the United Nations Children's Fund (Unicef) says.
A Unicef report says that while countries in the region have strict anti-trafficking laws they do not tackle the root causes of the problem.
Unicef found that young people at risk often did not know how to protect themselves from traffickers.
Few knew that traffickers were often friends or even family members.
The report looked at trafficking in Albania, Bosnia-Hercegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Macedonia, Moldova, Romania and Serbia-Montenegro.
No one knows exactly how many people fall victim to traffickers - it is a secretive and complex business.
But Unicef does know what kind of people are trafficked: young women between the ages of 15 and 17 are sold for sexual exploitation; children under 13 are trafficked for forced labour and begging.
Children ill-informed
Many countries in South-East Europe have harsh laws against trafficking, but they focus on preventing illegal migration or cracking down on prostitution and organised crime.
What is missing, Unicef says, are child-focused strategies to prevent trafficking in the long term.
Children surveyed in Montenegro, for example, suggested that not walking alone at night might protect them.
In Romania, trafficked children returning from European Union countries are simply sent back to their families by the police, without involving the child protection agency and without investigating the situation of the family concerned.
But there are some success stories. Moldova, Europe's poorest country, has set up community services for abused children and introduced family and life-skill classes for those most at risk.
Education and awareness-raising are, Unicef says, the strategies most likely to prevent trafficking in the long-term. Repressive laws alone will not work.
BBC News, Geneva
France has tightened up controls at Calais
Countries in South-East Europe are failing to take effective measures against people trafficking, the United Nations Children's Fund (Unicef) says.
A Unicef report says that while countries in the region have strict anti-trafficking laws they do not tackle the root causes of the problem.
Unicef found that young people at risk often did not know how to protect themselves from traffickers.
Few knew that traffickers were often friends or even family members.
The report looked at trafficking in Albania, Bosnia-Hercegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Macedonia, Moldova, Romania and Serbia-Montenegro.
No one knows exactly how many people fall victim to traffickers - it is a secretive and complex business.
But Unicef does know what kind of people are trafficked: young women between the ages of 15 and 17 are sold for sexual exploitation; children under 13 are trafficked for forced labour and begging.
Children ill-informed
Many countries in South-East Europe have harsh laws against trafficking, but they focus on preventing illegal migration or cracking down on prostitution and organised crime.
What is missing, Unicef says, are child-focused strategies to prevent trafficking in the long term.
Children surveyed in Montenegro, for example, suggested that not walking alone at night might protect them.
In Romania, trafficked children returning from European Union countries are simply sent back to their families by the police, without involving the child protection agency and without investigating the situation of the family concerned.
But there are some success stories. Moldova, Europe's poorest country, has set up community services for abused children and introduced family and life-skill classes for those most at risk.
Education and awareness-raising are, Unicef says, the strategies most likely to prevent trafficking in the long-term. Repressive laws alone will not work.
Kfor rejects Serbian president's request for meeting of army chiefs
(c) 2005 The British Broadcasting Corporation. All Rights Reserved. No material may be reproduced except with the express permission of The British Broadcasting Corporation.
Excerpt from report by Kosovo Albanian television KohaVision TV on 30 March
[Announcer] There will be no special meeting between the Kfor [NATO-led Kosovo Force] commander and the chief of the Serbia-Montenegro Army, a Kfor spokesman said in reply to Serbian President Boris Tadic's request for an urgent meeting to obtain an explanation for the Kosovo Protection Corps [TMK] exercise in Vushtrri [Vucitern], which he regarded as unacceptable.
[Reporter] The request by Serbian President Boris Tadic for an urgent and special meeting between the Serbia-Montenegro Army chief and Kfor commander will not be met. Kfor spokesperson Col Yves Kermorvant said there was no reason for a special meeting with the Serbia-Montenegro army officials. The answer was very short and clear.
[Col Yves Kermorvant speaking in English throughout with superimposed Albanian translation] Meeting? No! There is no reason for a special meeting between Kfor Commander Yves de Kermabon and the commander of the Serbia-Montenegro Army. The TMK is a civilian, emergency organization. It has no weapons, and it is not a force engaged in military training.
[Reporter] The statement by the Kfor spokesperson follows a request from Serbian President Boris Tadic who, during the UNMIK [United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] chief's visit to Belgrade on Monday [28 March], had requested an urgent meeting of the Kfor commander and Serbia-Montenegro Army chief. Tadic had declared that such a meeting should be held as soon as possible in order to present Belgrade's dissatisfaction with the TMK training that began several days ago in Vushtrri. On this occasion he said that the TMK training was totally unacceptable. He even said that it posed a threat to the security of the region. Kfor officials have a diametrically opposed opinion.
[Col Yves Kermorvant] The situation is calm and stable.
[Passage omitted]
Source: KohaVision TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1700 gmt 30 Mar 05
Excerpt from report by Kosovo Albanian television KohaVision TV on 30 March
[Announcer] There will be no special meeting between the Kfor [NATO-led Kosovo Force] commander and the chief of the Serbia-Montenegro Army, a Kfor spokesman said in reply to Serbian President Boris Tadic's request for an urgent meeting to obtain an explanation for the Kosovo Protection Corps [TMK] exercise in Vushtrri [Vucitern], which he regarded as unacceptable.
[Reporter] The request by Serbian President Boris Tadic for an urgent and special meeting between the Serbia-Montenegro Army chief and Kfor commander will not be met. Kfor spokesperson Col Yves Kermorvant said there was no reason for a special meeting with the Serbia-Montenegro army officials. The answer was very short and clear.
[Col Yves Kermorvant speaking in English throughout with superimposed Albanian translation] Meeting? No! There is no reason for a special meeting between Kfor Commander Yves de Kermabon and the commander of the Serbia-Montenegro Army. The TMK is a civilian, emergency organization. It has no weapons, and it is not a force engaged in military training.
[Reporter] The statement by the Kfor spokesperson follows a request from Serbian President Boris Tadic who, during the UNMIK [United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] chief's visit to Belgrade on Monday [28 March], had requested an urgent meeting of the Kfor commander and Serbia-Montenegro Army chief. Tadic had declared that such a meeting should be held as soon as possible in order to present Belgrade's dissatisfaction with the TMK training that began several days ago in Vushtrri. On this occasion he said that the TMK training was totally unacceptable. He even said that it posed a threat to the security of the region. Kfor officials have a diametrically opposed opinion.
[Col Yves Kermorvant] The situation is calm and stable.
[Passage omitted]
Source: KohaVision TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1700 gmt 30 Mar 05
Serbia to return remains of 43 ethnic Albanians killed in Kosovo war - AP
(c) 2005. The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved.
PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro (AP) - Serbian authorities on Thursday were to return the bodies of 43 ethnic Albanians killed in the war in Kosovo, the government said.
The bodies, which were exhumed from mass graves, were to be handed over to authorities in Kosovo in the border area of Merdare, 40 kilometers (25 miles) north of the provincial capital, Pristina, the government's commission on missing people said in a statement.
About 836 bodies presumed to be those of ethnic Albanians killed during Kosovo's 1998-99 war and removed from the province in an apparent cover-up attempt by Yugoslav forces have been found in several mass graves in Serbia.
The bodies were exhumed after the 2000 ouster of former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic, but only 378 have been returned to their families in Kosovo so far, according to the office for missing persons and forensics.
The relatives of the missing have repeatedly demanded that all the bodies be returned immediately.
Earlier this month, Serbian and Kosovo officials resumed talks aimed at establishing the fate of ethnic Albanians, Serbs and others who vanished during the war -- one of the most sensitive and emotionally charged issues between the two former foes.
The two sides signed a framework document and agreed to accept the Red Cross list of 2,960 still missing as their figure of reference. The officials agreed to meet again on June 9 in Pristina.
Kosovo's war left an estimated 10,000 people killed, mostly ethnic Albanians. The conflict ended after NATO launched air strikes to halt the crackdown of Milosevic's troops on independence-seeking ethnic Albanians in Kosovo.
PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro (AP) - Serbian authorities on Thursday were to return the bodies of 43 ethnic Albanians killed in the war in Kosovo, the government said.
The bodies, which were exhumed from mass graves, were to be handed over to authorities in Kosovo in the border area of Merdare, 40 kilometers (25 miles) north of the provincial capital, Pristina, the government's commission on missing people said in a statement.
About 836 bodies presumed to be those of ethnic Albanians killed during Kosovo's 1998-99 war and removed from the province in an apparent cover-up attempt by Yugoslav forces have been found in several mass graves in Serbia.
The bodies were exhumed after the 2000 ouster of former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic, but only 378 have been returned to their families in Kosovo so far, according to the office for missing persons and forensics.
The relatives of the missing have repeatedly demanded that all the bodies be returned immediately.
Earlier this month, Serbian and Kosovo officials resumed talks aimed at establishing the fate of ethnic Albanians, Serbs and others who vanished during the war -- one of the most sensitive and emotionally charged issues between the two former foes.
The two sides signed a framework document and agreed to accept the Red Cross list of 2,960 still missing as their figure of reference. The officials agreed to meet again on June 9 in Pristina.
Kosovo's war left an estimated 10,000 people killed, mostly ethnic Albanians. The conflict ended after NATO launched air strikes to halt the crackdown of Milosevic's troops on independence-seeking ethnic Albanians in Kosovo.
Wednesday, March 30, 2005
New Kosovo premier says ready to visit Belgrade
Text of report by Kosovo Albanian television KohaVision TV on 29 March
[Announcer] Good evening, this is the main KohaVision news bulletin. After the first meeting of the new government, Kosova [Kosovo] Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi has said that he is ready to visit Belgrade, but not before Tirana. Kosumi also responded to opposition criticism.
[Reporter] Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi expressed his readiness to visit the Serbian capital. According to him, this visit could take place during his mandate as prime minister.
[Bajram Kosumi] After the war in Kosova, in the first meeting I had with a diplomat, whose name I will not disclose - you may take into account the situation after the war and the nervousness - I said that while in politics I wish to see the day when I sit at the same table with representatives of the Serbian government where on one side there would be a Serbian flag and on the other the Kosova flag.
[Reporter] Kosumi reiterated that his first visit abroad would be Tirana. Speaking about opposition accusations that some ministers were involved in criminal activities that were made public several days ago, Kosumi said:
[Kosumi] While I was listening to the statements and declarations of the assembly deputies, all the time in my mind I had one request - let us do our job and then you will see how we do our job.
[Reporter] After the first meeting of the new government the premier thanked the ministers for their work over the last four months. He also thanked municipal mayors who, according to him, did a great job in fulfilling the Standards.
[Kosumi] We really saw a unique and successful teamwork, an example of leadership, and I wish to publicly thank all the Kosova municipal mayors. They did an excellent job in recent weeks. I thank the minister of local government, Mr Lutfi Haziri, and the Association of Municipalities that was also involved in this process.
Source: KohaVision TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1800 gmt 29 Mar 05
[Announcer] Good evening, this is the main KohaVision news bulletin. After the first meeting of the new government, Kosova [Kosovo] Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi has said that he is ready to visit Belgrade, but not before Tirana. Kosumi also responded to opposition criticism.
[Reporter] Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi expressed his readiness to visit the Serbian capital. According to him, this visit could take place during his mandate as prime minister.
[Bajram Kosumi] After the war in Kosova, in the first meeting I had with a diplomat, whose name I will not disclose - you may take into account the situation after the war and the nervousness - I said that while in politics I wish to see the day when I sit at the same table with representatives of the Serbian government where on one side there would be a Serbian flag and on the other the Kosova flag.
[Reporter] Kosumi reiterated that his first visit abroad would be Tirana. Speaking about opposition accusations that some ministers were involved in criminal activities that were made public several days ago, Kosumi said:
[Kosumi] While I was listening to the statements and declarations of the assembly deputies, all the time in my mind I had one request - let us do our job and then you will see how we do our job.
[Reporter] After the first meeting of the new government the premier thanked the ministers for their work over the last four months. He also thanked municipal mayors who, according to him, did a great job in fulfilling the Standards.
[Kosumi] We really saw a unique and successful teamwork, an example of leadership, and I wish to publicly thank all the Kosova municipal mayors. They did an excellent job in recent weeks. I thank the minister of local government, Mr Lutfi Haziri, and the Association of Municipalities that was also involved in this process.
Source: KohaVision TV, Pristina, in Albanian 1800 gmt 29 Mar 05
OHR: AMBASSADOR WNENDT ENDS MANDATE IN BiH TO HEAD OSCE MISSION IN KOSOVO
SARAJEVO, March 30 (FENA) - The Senior Deputy High Representative, Ambassador Werner Wnendt, arrived in BiH in August 2003 and will leave Bosnia and Herzegovina at the end of April. Ambassador Wnendt will take up the position as Head of the OSCE Mission to Kosovo. His successor will be appointed shortly, said OHR.
The High Representative thanks Ambassador Wnendt for the contribution and dedication he has brought to a broad range of responsibilities, including refugee return and institution-building, ieducation reform and the reorganization of the BiH armed and intelligence forces.
As Special Envoy to Mostar upon enacting of the Mostar Statute Ambassador Wnendt played a key role in the restructuring of the City of Mostar.
”I deeply appreciate Ambassador Wnendt's immense dedication and commitment to Bosnia and Herzegovina and reform agenda. Although I am sad to see him leave, I wish him all the best at his capacity of OSCE Head of Mission in Kosovo,'' said the High Representative.
The High Representative thanks Ambassador Wnendt for the contribution and dedication he has brought to a broad range of responsibilities, including refugee return and institution-building, ieducation reform and the reorganization of the BiH armed and intelligence forces.
As Special Envoy to Mostar upon enacting of the Mostar Statute Ambassador Wnendt played a key role in the restructuring of the City of Mostar.
”I deeply appreciate Ambassador Wnendt's immense dedication and commitment to Bosnia and Herzegovina and reform agenda. Although I am sad to see him leave, I wish him all the best at his capacity of OSCE Head of Mission in Kosovo,'' said the High Representative.
SRSG expresses confidence on achieving major progress in returns soon during his visit to IDP centres in Serbia
PRISTINA – SRSG Søren Jessen-Petersen today visited two IDP centres in Bujanovac, Serbia. He listened to the individual and collective problems and grievances of displaced persons at the Motel Camping collective centre with some 70 Kosovo Serb residents, and Camp Salvatore, a settlement for 240 persons from 49 Roma families originating from Gjilan/Gnjilane.
Encouraged by his interactions with the IDPs, the SRSG expressed confidence that “a major step forward could be achieved in return of displaced persons in the next six months.”
“I came here today because the return of the IDPs is one of the top priorities in implementation of standards in Kosovo, and is one of my top priorities. I came here first and foremost to listen to the displaced persons and I had the opportunity to listen to quite a few,” the SRSG said, recalling his long experience of 25 years working with refugees that helps him better understand their plight.
“Some of the displaced persons were very angry and I understand their anger,” the SRSG told journalists at the end of his trip, “I am also angry, because it is a shame for all of us that, six years after the end of the war in Kosovo, people still have to live in those kind of conditions.”
“Return is first and foremost a matter of human beings. Return is first and foremost a responsibility on behalf of all of us towards the people we met this morning that we don’t leave them in those kind of conditions for much longer,” Mr Jessen-Petersen said.
Refering to his visit to Belgrade earlier this week, the SRSG said that he appealed to leaders in Belgrade to be “more careful and more responsible with their statements on the security situation in Kosovo”. At the same time he stressed, “In Kosovo we have to work first of all to improve the freedom of movement in areas where that is still a problem.”
The SRSG observed that very few of the displaced persons he met today expressed security concerns as an obstacle to their return. “And they are right, because the security situation has improved considerably in Kosovo in the past 12 months,” he said. However, noting that all of them talked about problems of property and housing, the SRSG said, “It is clear to me that we have to work much, much harder on resolving the very complex and difficult issues linked to property,” adding that he saw “no major reason why we cannot promote the return of many of the displaced persons today”.
The SRSG welcomed the readiness of Belgrade to start the working group for dialogue on returns and, in the context of promoting returns, he said, “Most importantly, all actors must work together: the institutions in Kosovo; the municipal authorities in Kosovo; the authorities in Belgrade; the international organizations – UNMIK, UNHCR, UNDP – and the internally displaced persons.”
Encouraged by his interactions with the IDPs, the SRSG expressed confidence that “a major step forward could be achieved in return of displaced persons in the next six months.”
“I came here today because the return of the IDPs is one of the top priorities in implementation of standards in Kosovo, and is one of my top priorities. I came here first and foremost to listen to the displaced persons and I had the opportunity to listen to quite a few,” the SRSG said, recalling his long experience of 25 years working with refugees that helps him better understand their plight.
“Some of the displaced persons were very angry and I understand their anger,” the SRSG told journalists at the end of his trip, “I am also angry, because it is a shame for all of us that, six years after the end of the war in Kosovo, people still have to live in those kind of conditions.”
“Return is first and foremost a matter of human beings. Return is first and foremost a responsibility on behalf of all of us towards the people we met this morning that we don’t leave them in those kind of conditions for much longer,” Mr Jessen-Petersen said.
Refering to his visit to Belgrade earlier this week, the SRSG said that he appealed to leaders in Belgrade to be “more careful and more responsible with their statements on the security situation in Kosovo”. At the same time he stressed, “In Kosovo we have to work first of all to improve the freedom of movement in areas where that is still a problem.”
The SRSG observed that very few of the displaced persons he met today expressed security concerns as an obstacle to their return. “And they are right, because the security situation has improved considerably in Kosovo in the past 12 months,” he said. However, noting that all of them talked about problems of property and housing, the SRSG said, “It is clear to me that we have to work much, much harder on resolving the very complex and difficult issues linked to property,” adding that he saw “no major reason why we cannot promote the return of many of the displaced persons today”.
The SRSG welcomed the readiness of Belgrade to start the working group for dialogue on returns and, in the context of promoting returns, he said, “Most importantly, all actors must work together: the institutions in Kosovo; the municipal authorities in Kosovo; the authorities in Belgrade; the international organizations – UNMIK, UNHCR, UNDP – and the internally displaced persons.”
Kosovo Albanians did not beat up Serb couple - UNMIK chief UPDATED
UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] chief Soeren Jessen-Petersen said today, in talks with displaced Serbs from Kosovo-Metohija, that it was not true that [ethnic] Albanians beat up the Vucic [elderly] married couple from the village of Crkolez near Istok.
While visiting Serbs housed in the collective centre near Bujanovac, Petersen said that this crime was not ethnically motivated and that it was "nearer home", although he did not want to explain what this meant.
He pointed out that whenever he met the displaced population from Kosovo accommodated in collective centres it was a shame.
"The fact that you have not been in your homes for six years is also a disgrace for Europe," Petersen said, adding that security in Kosovo was satisfactory and the only problem for Serbs was to do with property.
According to him, Albanians are aware that they have done some bad things to Serbs, as well as bad things being done to them, but now an environment for communal life has been created in Kosovo.
He called on Serbs, once they decide to return, to come back with "open hearts".
There are more than 100 Serbs housed in the Prolece Motel near Bujanovac and in talks with the UNMIK chief they pointed out the problems to do with property and security.
Source: FoNet news agency, Belgrade, in Serbian 0912 gmt 30 Mar 05
While visiting Serbs housed in the collective centre near Bujanovac, Petersen said that this crime was not ethnically motivated and that it was "nearer home", although he did not want to explain what this meant.
He pointed out that whenever he met the displaced population from Kosovo accommodated in collective centres it was a shame.
"The fact that you have not been in your homes for six years is also a disgrace for Europe," Petersen said, adding that security in Kosovo was satisfactory and the only problem for Serbs was to do with property.
According to him, Albanians are aware that they have done some bad things to Serbs, as well as bad things being done to them, but now an environment for communal life has been created in Kosovo.
He called on Serbs, once they decide to return, to come back with "open hearts".
There are more than 100 Serbs housed in the Prolece Motel near Bujanovac and in talks with the UNMIK chief they pointed out the problems to do with property and security.
Source: FoNet news agency, Belgrade, in Serbian 0912 gmt 30 Mar 05
Kosovo Protection Corps denies plans to hold military exercise
Members of the Kosovo Protection Corps (KZK) are not carrying out armed exercises near Vucitrn [northern Kosovo] and Serbian President Boris Tadic's statements are not true, Kfor [NATO-led Kosovo Corps] spokesman Ives de Kermabon said at a news conference in Pristina today.
"The KZK is a civilian organization and recruits of the Vucitrn school are currently undergoing training. They have not had and do not have weapons," the Kfor spokesman added.
Serbian President Boris Tadic said in a meeting with UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] chief Soeren Jessen-Petersen on Monday [28 March] that the holding of a Kosovo Protection Corps military exercise in the vicinity of Vucitrn would be absolutely unacceptable.
Tadic stressed that the holding of a military exercise would constitute "a flagrant violation of UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and the Constitutional Framework for Kosovo-Metohija, which established the KZK as a civilian organization".
Source: SRNA news agency, Bijeljina, in Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian 1321 gmt 30 Mar 05
"The KZK is a civilian organization and recruits of the Vucitrn school are currently undergoing training. They have not had and do not have weapons," the Kfor spokesman added.
Serbian President Boris Tadic said in a meeting with UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] chief Soeren Jessen-Petersen on Monday [28 March] that the holding of a Kosovo Protection Corps military exercise in the vicinity of Vucitrn would be absolutely unacceptable.
Tadic stressed that the holding of a military exercise would constitute "a flagrant violation of UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and the Constitutional Framework for Kosovo-Metohija, which established the KZK as a civilian organization".
Source: SRNA news agency, Bijeljina, in Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian 1321 gmt 30 Mar 05
Kai Eide says he doesn’t plan to take over helm of UNMIK
Several daily newspapers report that the Norwegian Ambassador to NATO, Kai Eide, has refuted information broadcast by Serbian media according to which he is a serious candidate to replace Søren Jessen-Petersen at the helm of UNMIK.
‘There is no truth in these articles and I have no idea how this was reported. Such speculation is completely inaccurate and untrue. I want to be honest and tell you that I have no intention of becoming SRSG in Kosovo,’ Eide was quoted as saying.
‘There is no truth in these articles and I have no idea how this was reported. Such speculation is completely inaccurate and untrue. I want to be honest and tell you that I have no intention of becoming SRSG in Kosovo,’ Eide was quoted as saying.
Fieschi doesn’t rule out option of independence
Express carries an interview with outgoing OSCE Head of Mission in Pristina Pascal Fieschi. Commenting on Kosovo’s future status and asked about the possibility of an independent country, Fieschi was quoted as saying, ‘Why not? It all depends on you, it depends from the citizens of Kosovo, how they behave, their policies and the standards. Nothing is automatic and nothing comes from the skies. Why not, even independence. No one rules out this possibility.’
KFOR and KPC refute Tadic’s statements
Epoka e Re reports on page four that KFOR and KPC have refuted a recent statement made by Serbian President Boris Tadic who claimed that KPC was performing out military exercises near Vushtrri.
‘I can tell you that there have been no exercises in the region of Vushtrri; there have been no armed exercises contrary to some inaccurate reports in the media’, said KFOR Information Chief Yves Kermovant.
‘I can tell you that there have been no exercises in the region of Vushtrri; there have been no armed exercises contrary to some inaccurate reports in the media’, said KFOR Information Chief Yves Kermovant.
U.N. rep. in Kosovo - Serb Old Couple Were Not Beaten by Albanians - Not An Ethnic Crime developing...
Tuesday, March 29, 2005
Kosovo must be dealt with in broader European context: Zoellick
LJUBLJANA, Slovenia (AFP) - Talks about the future of Kosovo will have a greater chance of success if all European states take part and the Serbian province is treated as a future EU member, US Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick said here. "The discussions over Kosovo's future status will be most successful if they take place within a broader European context and there is a recognition of a vision in future for these countries within the European space," Zoellick said in Slovenia at the start of a 14-nation tour of Europe.
"This is not easy because the EU has been moving through a rather extensive enlargement process. It's got a constitutional process and there are some people in other capitals in Europe that probably want to take a pause", Zoellick added.
Talks over Kosovo's final status are expected to take place later this year between the Albanian ethnic authorities and the Serbian representatives which were forced to leave the province under the UN administration after NATO's 1999 intervention.
The head of the UN mission in the province has suggested it could start in September.
Zoellick said 2005 will be a year during which "various standards will be reviewed and status discussions will take place" related to Kosovo.
"The future of Kosovo obviously depends on discussions with Serbia," he said.
"This is not easy because the EU has been moving through a rather extensive enlargement process. It's got a constitutional process and there are some people in other capitals in Europe that probably want to take a pause", Zoellick added.
Talks over Kosovo's final status are expected to take place later this year between the Albanian ethnic authorities and the Serbian representatives which were forced to leave the province under the UN administration after NATO's 1999 intervention.
The head of the UN mission in the province has suggested it could start in September.
Zoellick said 2005 will be a year during which "various standards will be reviewed and status discussions will take place" related to Kosovo.
"The future of Kosovo obviously depends on discussions with Serbia," he said.
Former Top Bosnian Serb Official to Surrender to Hague Court
By VOA News
29 March 2005
A former top Bosnian Serb police official has agreed to surrender to the United Nations war crimes tribunal on charges of having a role in the 1995 Srebrenica massacre.
Bosnian Serb President Dragan Cavic announced the surrender plans of Ljubomir Borovcanin Tuesday. Bosnian Serb officials say he will travel to The Hague on Friday.
Mr. Borovcanin was indicted for alleged complicity in genocide in the deaths of nearly eight thousand Muslim men and boys after Serb forces captured the U.N. enclave of Srebrenica in eastern Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1995.
Meanwhile, officials in neighboring Serbia say war crimes suspect General Sreten Lukic underwent vascular surgery Tuesday, ahead of his expected transfer to the tribunal.
The Hague Court has indicted General Lukic and three other Serbian generals for alleged war crimes committed against Kosovo Albanians in 1999.
29 March 2005
A former top Bosnian Serb police official has agreed to surrender to the United Nations war crimes tribunal on charges of having a role in the 1995 Srebrenica massacre.
Bosnian Serb President Dragan Cavic announced the surrender plans of Ljubomir Borovcanin Tuesday. Bosnian Serb officials say he will travel to The Hague on Friday.
Mr. Borovcanin was indicted for alleged complicity in genocide in the deaths of nearly eight thousand Muslim men and boys after Serb forces captured the U.N. enclave of Srebrenica in eastern Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1995.
Meanwhile, officials in neighboring Serbia say war crimes suspect General Sreten Lukic underwent vascular surgery Tuesday, ahead of his expected transfer to the tribunal.
The Hague Court has indicted General Lukic and three other Serbian generals for alleged war crimes committed against Kosovo Albanians in 1999.
UNMIK chief notes "change in climate" in Serbia-Kosovo relations
Jessen-Petersen told KosovaLive upon arrival at Prishtina airport that the official Belgrade has not yet given a clear signal for Kosova [Kosovo] Serbs to join the institutions, but he believes that this will happen in the coming weeks.
[KosovaLive] What did you agree with Serbia authorities?
[Jessen-Petersen] We agreed to continue the work of the group on missing persons. We also agreed to start the work with working groups on energy and on the return and now we have the chairman of this group from the EU. He is Jolly Dickinson. Whereas the UNHCR will chair the working group on the return. Serbia authorities also suggested that there should be talks on property issues as well. I think this is an important issue and we will consider it. We agreed to start with the dialogue on energy and on the return immediately and later on to see the issues related to property. President Tadic was very clear that he wants a direct dialogue with the Provisional Institutions of Self-Government (PISG) and we will convey his stance to Prishtina authorities.
On the issue of decentralization, I insisted on the stance that this is a Prishtina-driven process, but we need Serbs to be a part of it. Of course, Belgrade is welcome to send its advisers. And finally, I welcomed the fact that the memorandum of understanding for the reconstruction of churches was signed, even though there was some confusion.
[KosovaLive] When do you think a meeting between the PISG with President Tadic can take place?
[Jessen-Petersen] I think we have to talk now with PISG. I want to inform them as I usually do when I come back. I think that they are in favour of having such a dialogue. As for the direct dialogue with President Tadic, this must be discussed now with the PISG and they (PISG) decide on it. I think this is good thing and would help building the confidence and preparing Prishtina and Belgrade for the status talks.
[KosovaLive] According to you the climate in the relations between Prishtina and Belgrade has started to change.
[Jessen-Petersen] I think it has changed. We have seen encouraging signs. I think it has changed because Belgrade has understood that, as I said many times, the train is moving with or without Belgrade. And it seems they want to be part of it and I think this is a good thing.
Now, I expect that Belgrade encourage Kosovo Serbs to be part of the dialogue and to join PISG. But I did not get a clear signal there, because they are working in a new policy. I think that this is a matter of weeks. Tadic was again clear that he wants Kosovo Serbs to join the PISG.
[KosovaLive] What can Belgrade do to convince Kosova Serbs to join the PISG?
[Jessen-Petersen] I think that a clear signal must be that they either become part of the government or of the Assembly. As you know the PISG have reserved portfolios for them in the government, second they should take part in the working group for decentralization and there is lot of other issues as well. They have to participate and you know it, but I think that Belgrade is close to make a decision. It remained that they join policies and give clear signals.
[KosovaLive] Which is the main obstacle in giving clear signals?
[Jessen-Petersen] There are four, five or six main leaders that have to agree on it. I think that it is an issue of different politicians to come together and to agree on policies.
[KosovaLive] You have got the list of the international organizations who could facilitate the dialogue between Prishtina and Belgrade?
[Jessen-Petersen] We have ICRC [International Committee of the Red Cross], which is continuing the dialogue on missing persons. Then we have EU, which have confirmed to me in Brussels that they would lead the working group on energy, and Jolly Dickinson would chair it. The UNHCR have confirmed last week that they are ready to chair the working group for the return. We have asked from the UNHCR to assign a senior official and we would see other issues later on.
Source: KosovaLive web site, Pristina, in English 29 Mar 05
[KosovaLive] What did you agree with Serbia authorities?
[Jessen-Petersen] We agreed to continue the work of the group on missing persons. We also agreed to start the work with working groups on energy and on the return and now we have the chairman of this group from the EU. He is Jolly Dickinson. Whereas the UNHCR will chair the working group on the return. Serbia authorities also suggested that there should be talks on property issues as well. I think this is an important issue and we will consider it. We agreed to start with the dialogue on energy and on the return immediately and later on to see the issues related to property. President Tadic was very clear that he wants a direct dialogue with the Provisional Institutions of Self-Government (PISG) and we will convey his stance to Prishtina authorities.
On the issue of decentralization, I insisted on the stance that this is a Prishtina-driven process, but we need Serbs to be a part of it. Of course, Belgrade is welcome to send its advisers. And finally, I welcomed the fact that the memorandum of understanding for the reconstruction of churches was signed, even though there was some confusion.
[KosovaLive] When do you think a meeting between the PISG with President Tadic can take place?
[Jessen-Petersen] I think we have to talk now with PISG. I want to inform them as I usually do when I come back. I think that they are in favour of having such a dialogue. As for the direct dialogue with President Tadic, this must be discussed now with the PISG and they (PISG) decide on it. I think this is good thing and would help building the confidence and preparing Prishtina and Belgrade for the status talks.
[KosovaLive] According to you the climate in the relations between Prishtina and Belgrade has started to change.
[Jessen-Petersen] I think it has changed. We have seen encouraging signs. I think it has changed because Belgrade has understood that, as I said many times, the train is moving with or without Belgrade. And it seems they want to be part of it and I think this is a good thing.
Now, I expect that Belgrade encourage Kosovo Serbs to be part of the dialogue and to join PISG. But I did not get a clear signal there, because they are working in a new policy. I think that this is a matter of weeks. Tadic was again clear that he wants Kosovo Serbs to join the PISG.
[KosovaLive] What can Belgrade do to convince Kosova Serbs to join the PISG?
[Jessen-Petersen] I think that a clear signal must be that they either become part of the government or of the Assembly. As you know the PISG have reserved portfolios for them in the government, second they should take part in the working group for decentralization and there is lot of other issues as well. They have to participate and you know it, but I think that Belgrade is close to make a decision. It remained that they join policies and give clear signals.
[KosovaLive] Which is the main obstacle in giving clear signals?
[Jessen-Petersen] There are four, five or six main leaders that have to agree on it. I think that it is an issue of different politicians to come together and to agree on policies.
[KosovaLive] You have got the list of the international organizations who could facilitate the dialogue between Prishtina and Belgrade?
[Jessen-Petersen] We have ICRC [International Committee of the Red Cross], which is continuing the dialogue on missing persons. Then we have EU, which have confirmed to me in Brussels that they would lead the working group on energy, and Jolly Dickinson would chair it. The UNHCR have confirmed last week that they are ready to chair the working group for the return. We have asked from the UNHCR to assign a senior official and we would see other issues later on.
Source: KosovaLive web site, Pristina, in English 29 Mar 05
Zoellick, Slovenian Foreign Minister Discuss Kyrgyzstan, Kosovo - OSCE has "key role" to play in Kyrgyzstan, says deputy secretary
Deputy Secretary of State Robert B. Zoellick and Slovenian Foreign Minister Dmitrij Rupel said they focused during their meeting in Ljubljana March 28 on Kyrgyzstan and Kosovo.
With Slovenia currently holding the chairmanship of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), Rupel has played an active role in the events that have followed the disputed election in Kyrgyzstan. Zoellick said the OSCE has "a key role in terms of trying to bring the parties together within Kyrgyzstan as they sort of deal with the departure of the President and looking towards the new government and new elections."
The OSCE can also provide election assistance and monitoring and support for some police services, as well as help in the development of a free press, he added.
"The OSCE can also play a role among its 55 members in terms of making sure that key partners, particularly neighbors -- Kazakhstan, Russia, others -- have a comfort about the [democratic] process moving forward and support the process," said Zoellick.
Regarding Kosovo, Zoellick said 2005 is already scheduled to be a year in which there is a review of the achievement of democratic standards and also discussions of Kosovo's status.
"It's important to see how these [standards and status] fit together. So the future of Kosovo obviously depends on discussions with Serbia and also as Slovenia has discussed with its Croatian neighbors."
Zoellick added that he and Rupel agree the discussions will be most successful if they "take place within a broader European context, if there's a recognition of a vision and future for these countries within a European space."
Zoellick was United States Trade Representative from February 2001 until his Senate confirmation and swearing in as deputy secretary of state last month. He is visiting fourteen European capitals March 28-April 5 on his first trip in his new post.
Zoellick's itinerary includes stops in Belgium, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Latvia, the Netherlands, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia, and Spain.
Following is the State Department transcript:
U.S. Department of State
Washington, D.C
March 29, 2005
Remarks With Foreign Minister Dmitrij Rupel of Slovenia
Robert B. Zoellick, Deputy Secretary of State
Ljubljana, Slovenia
March 29, 2005
MINISTER RUPEL: -- let us say southeastern of Europe. WE mostly spoke about Kosovo and Serbia-Montenegro. Slovenia is a member to the European Union, NATO is chairing the OSCE, and is thus in the center of very important events, international events, that have to do with security issues. Slovenia also participates in very important debates regarding the world or global stability peace, et cetera.
As I said, we talked about Kosovo, we talked about Kyrgyzstan. I informed Mr. Zoellick of our intentions regarding the traveling to Kyrgyzstan in the days to come. I also spoke about what has happened there, what the situation is there now and what was the role of Slovenia there during this time. We noted that the role of the OSCE is this case was of course beneficial and that it can also prove very important in the future. This is why our activities there will continue.
Concerning Kyrgyzstan, I already talked to some other colleagues, also to Mrs. Rice some days ago, and today we presented a situation currently existing there. We said that we intend to assist with the issues regarding the implementation or carrying out elections about legal and constitutional affairs with the so-called police assistance. We are speaking here about training of police forces, about settling the issues concerned with the operation and organization of police forces in Kyrgyzstan.
Regarding bilateral relations, I am certain that our guest will be able to say something more. We expressed, both me and Prime Minister our interest for comprehensive and increased cooperation between the United States and Slovenia in the economic area. We also expressed our interest to strengthen bilateral relations between the two countries, and we spoke about how it would be possible to cooperate in the coming months not only in the economic area but also in the area of countries around us in our area, meaning countries of Southeastern Europe, also Afghanistan, Africa, Iraq, et cetera.
I would like to reiterate, we are very much in favor of strengthening economic cooperation between the U.S. and Slovenia in the area of trading goods and services as well as in the area of foreign direct investment. So much from my part. Mr. Zoellick, the floor is yours.
DEPUTY SECRETARY ZOELLICK: Thank you very much, Minister. I think the Minister gave you a good sense of the topics that we had a chance to discuss, but I want to thank the Minister, as well as the Prime Minister for their graciousness in meeting with me today. The prime purpose of this visit was for me to come and be able to listen and to learn some of Slovenia's primary topics of interest.
This is the first visit of 14 different capitals that I'll be meeting with our NATO partners in over the next week or so, and it reflects President Bush and Secretary Rice's view that early in this second term of President Bush they wanted to come to Europe, talk about some of the issues on our agenda, and I on this trip am trying to visit the various capitals that they did not have a chance to visit yet. So we wanted in the early months of this term to be able to have an opportunity to hear in capitals of people's primary interests.
So as the Minister said, we had a chance to cover in particular Slovenia's leadership role in the OSCE. We talked about how this is particularly important given the events in Kyrgyzstan and I know the Minister is playing an active day by day if not hour by hour role in terms of trying to work with the other members of the OSCE and support the democratic process in Kyrgyzstan. But we also spent considerable time on the Balkans. And here as well I wanted to make sure I got the Minister's perspective on the events ahead because we think that 2005 will be a very important year for the process in the Balkans.
In general, as I expressed to both the Prime Minster and the Foreign Minister, we are delighted that Slovenia is a new member of both NATO and the European Union. As a member of both we see it as part of a larger transatlantic community. So whether the issues that we deal with are part of the transatlantic space or ones farther afield in Afghanistan, Iraq, even Sudan which we talked about, we want to make sure that we understand and fully appreciate the views of Slovenia. That was the main reason why I wanted to come here and to listen to those perspectives.
SLOVENE MFA SPOKESWOMAN MIRIAM MOZGAN: Unfortunately we are short with time so we'll only have time to answer two questions. Maybe Spela?
QUESTION: Spela Novak from Radio Slovenia.
I would have one question. Is your tour around Europe also intended to solve some trade disputes between the United States and the EU? Recently you also tackled a lot of issues about Boeing. So is this also one of the issues on your agenda?
DEPUTY SECRETARY ZOELLICK: Not really. Although I'm open to any topics that my colleagues may wish to raise with me. But I had the pleasure of serving as a Trade Minister for four years, now I'm back at our Foreign Ministry where I had served from '89 to '92. So the Minister and the Prime Minister did discuss some of the economic reforms and we had a chance to talk briefly about the fact that what I've been able to see take place in the global economy over the past four years gives me a particular perspective on the challenge that countries face, whether it be with their education system, their pension system, their tax system and others, to remain competitive. I got some opportunity to ask the Prime Minister about some of the plans for the new government in those dimensions for Slovenia. Obviously a big aspect is the steps that Slovenia is taking to meet the criteria for joining the euro in 2007. So I'm no longer the Trade Minister but I'm permitted to talk about the subject if people raise it with me.
QUESTION: Marija Novak from Reuters. I'll ask in Slovene.
What are your impressions with the events in Kyrgyzstan and do you expect that similar revolutions, if we call it that, could happen in some neighboring countries, former members of the Soviet Union? And what is your prediction regarding the future status of Kosovo? When and how do you think the decision will be reached on the status of Kosovo? Thank you.
DEPUTY SECRETARY ZOELLICK: As to your first question, I think what we've seen over the course of past months is an expression by people in very diverse parts of the world, whether it be Ukraine, whether it be Georgia, whether it be Iraq, Afghanistan, the Palestinian elections, of a desire to be free and to participate in their own future with their government and take part in a process of self-determination. Lebanon as well, where you have people moving towards true independence.
There are certainly large changes afoot, but the process of change also requires careful attention by countries that want to try to support the process taking place peacefully. So in that context with your question on Kyrgyzstan, we think that there's a particular role for the OSCE to play. The Minister and I talked about aspects of that role.
First, we think there is a key role in terms of trying to bring the parties together within Kyrgyzstan as they sort of deal with the departure of the President and looking towards the new government and new elections. There is a role that can be played by the OSCE in election assistance and also election monitoring, work with the free press. The Minister also mentioned to support some of the police services. The OSCE can also play a role among its 55 members in terms of making sure that key partners, particularly neighbors -- Kazakhstan, Russia, others -- have a comfort about the process moving forward and support the process.
So I think all these need to be kept in the context of recognizing that the people of Kyrgyzstan want to determine their own future.
So we are absolutely delighted that Slovenia is in the chair of OSCE because this is a country that also wanted to determine its own future not many years ago and has done so very ably.
In the context of the Balkans, I think as both the Minister and I mentioned, 2005 is already scheduled to be a year where there are to be a review of various standards but also status discussions. It's important to see how these fit together. So the future of Kosovo obviously depends on discussions with Serbia and also as Slovenia has discussed with its Croatian neighbors.
I think we are in agreement, but I'll let the Minister speak for himself on this, that this will be most successful if these discussions take place within a broader European context, if there's a recognition of a vision and future for these countries within a European space.
This is not easy because the European Union has been moving through a rather extensive enlargement process. It's got a constitutional process. So there are some people in other capitals in Europe that probably want to take a pause, but history doesn't permit a pause, and that's one reason why I wanted to come here, because I wanted to get a sense from the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister about their perspective on these issues so we could work together with them and with other European partners during the course of 2005.
MS. MOZGAN: Thank you.
(end text)
(Distributed by the Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State.)
With Slovenia currently holding the chairmanship of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), Rupel has played an active role in the events that have followed the disputed election in Kyrgyzstan. Zoellick said the OSCE has "a key role in terms of trying to bring the parties together within Kyrgyzstan as they sort of deal with the departure of the President and looking towards the new government and new elections."
The OSCE can also provide election assistance and monitoring and support for some police services, as well as help in the development of a free press, he added.
"The OSCE can also play a role among its 55 members in terms of making sure that key partners, particularly neighbors -- Kazakhstan, Russia, others -- have a comfort about the [democratic] process moving forward and support the process," said Zoellick.
Regarding Kosovo, Zoellick said 2005 is already scheduled to be a year in which there is a review of the achievement of democratic standards and also discussions of Kosovo's status.
"It's important to see how these [standards and status] fit together. So the future of Kosovo obviously depends on discussions with Serbia and also as Slovenia has discussed with its Croatian neighbors."
Zoellick added that he and Rupel agree the discussions will be most successful if they "take place within a broader European context, if there's a recognition of a vision and future for these countries within a European space."
Zoellick was United States Trade Representative from February 2001 until his Senate confirmation and swearing in as deputy secretary of state last month. He is visiting fourteen European capitals March 28-April 5 on his first trip in his new post.
Zoellick's itinerary includes stops in Belgium, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Latvia, the Netherlands, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia, and Spain.
Following is the State Department transcript:
U.S. Department of State
Washington, D.C
March 29, 2005
Remarks With Foreign Minister Dmitrij Rupel of Slovenia
Robert B. Zoellick, Deputy Secretary of State
Ljubljana, Slovenia
March 29, 2005
MINISTER RUPEL: -- let us say southeastern of Europe. WE mostly spoke about Kosovo and Serbia-Montenegro. Slovenia is a member to the European Union, NATO is chairing the OSCE, and is thus in the center of very important events, international events, that have to do with security issues. Slovenia also participates in very important debates regarding the world or global stability peace, et cetera.
As I said, we talked about Kosovo, we talked about Kyrgyzstan. I informed Mr. Zoellick of our intentions regarding the traveling to Kyrgyzstan in the days to come. I also spoke about what has happened there, what the situation is there now and what was the role of Slovenia there during this time. We noted that the role of the OSCE is this case was of course beneficial and that it can also prove very important in the future. This is why our activities there will continue.
Concerning Kyrgyzstan, I already talked to some other colleagues, also to Mrs. Rice some days ago, and today we presented a situation currently existing there. We said that we intend to assist with the issues regarding the implementation or carrying out elections about legal and constitutional affairs with the so-called police assistance. We are speaking here about training of police forces, about settling the issues concerned with the operation and organization of police forces in Kyrgyzstan.
Regarding bilateral relations, I am certain that our guest will be able to say something more. We expressed, both me and Prime Minister our interest for comprehensive and increased cooperation between the United States and Slovenia in the economic area. We also expressed our interest to strengthen bilateral relations between the two countries, and we spoke about how it would be possible to cooperate in the coming months not only in the economic area but also in the area of countries around us in our area, meaning countries of Southeastern Europe, also Afghanistan, Africa, Iraq, et cetera.
I would like to reiterate, we are very much in favor of strengthening economic cooperation between the U.S. and Slovenia in the area of trading goods and services as well as in the area of foreign direct investment. So much from my part. Mr. Zoellick, the floor is yours.
DEPUTY SECRETARY ZOELLICK: Thank you very much, Minister. I think the Minister gave you a good sense of the topics that we had a chance to discuss, but I want to thank the Minister, as well as the Prime Minister for their graciousness in meeting with me today. The prime purpose of this visit was for me to come and be able to listen and to learn some of Slovenia's primary topics of interest.
This is the first visit of 14 different capitals that I'll be meeting with our NATO partners in over the next week or so, and it reflects President Bush and Secretary Rice's view that early in this second term of President Bush they wanted to come to Europe, talk about some of the issues on our agenda, and I on this trip am trying to visit the various capitals that they did not have a chance to visit yet. So we wanted in the early months of this term to be able to have an opportunity to hear in capitals of people's primary interests.
So as the Minister said, we had a chance to cover in particular Slovenia's leadership role in the OSCE. We talked about how this is particularly important given the events in Kyrgyzstan and I know the Minister is playing an active day by day if not hour by hour role in terms of trying to work with the other members of the OSCE and support the democratic process in Kyrgyzstan. But we also spent considerable time on the Balkans. And here as well I wanted to make sure I got the Minister's perspective on the events ahead because we think that 2005 will be a very important year for the process in the Balkans.
In general, as I expressed to both the Prime Minster and the Foreign Minister, we are delighted that Slovenia is a new member of both NATO and the European Union. As a member of both we see it as part of a larger transatlantic community. So whether the issues that we deal with are part of the transatlantic space or ones farther afield in Afghanistan, Iraq, even Sudan which we talked about, we want to make sure that we understand and fully appreciate the views of Slovenia. That was the main reason why I wanted to come here and to listen to those perspectives.
SLOVENE MFA SPOKESWOMAN MIRIAM MOZGAN: Unfortunately we are short with time so we'll only have time to answer two questions. Maybe Spela?
QUESTION: Spela Novak from Radio Slovenia.
I would have one question. Is your tour around Europe also intended to solve some trade disputes between the United States and the EU? Recently you also tackled a lot of issues about Boeing. So is this also one of the issues on your agenda?
DEPUTY SECRETARY ZOELLICK: Not really. Although I'm open to any topics that my colleagues may wish to raise with me. But I had the pleasure of serving as a Trade Minister for four years, now I'm back at our Foreign Ministry where I had served from '89 to '92. So the Minister and the Prime Minister did discuss some of the economic reforms and we had a chance to talk briefly about the fact that what I've been able to see take place in the global economy over the past four years gives me a particular perspective on the challenge that countries face, whether it be with their education system, their pension system, their tax system and others, to remain competitive. I got some opportunity to ask the Prime Minister about some of the plans for the new government in those dimensions for Slovenia. Obviously a big aspect is the steps that Slovenia is taking to meet the criteria for joining the euro in 2007. So I'm no longer the Trade Minister but I'm permitted to talk about the subject if people raise it with me.
QUESTION: Marija Novak from Reuters. I'll ask in Slovene.
What are your impressions with the events in Kyrgyzstan and do you expect that similar revolutions, if we call it that, could happen in some neighboring countries, former members of the Soviet Union? And what is your prediction regarding the future status of Kosovo? When and how do you think the decision will be reached on the status of Kosovo? Thank you.
DEPUTY SECRETARY ZOELLICK: As to your first question, I think what we've seen over the course of past months is an expression by people in very diverse parts of the world, whether it be Ukraine, whether it be Georgia, whether it be Iraq, Afghanistan, the Palestinian elections, of a desire to be free and to participate in their own future with their government and take part in a process of self-determination. Lebanon as well, where you have people moving towards true independence.
There are certainly large changes afoot, but the process of change also requires careful attention by countries that want to try to support the process taking place peacefully. So in that context with your question on Kyrgyzstan, we think that there's a particular role for the OSCE to play. The Minister and I talked about aspects of that role.
First, we think there is a key role in terms of trying to bring the parties together within Kyrgyzstan as they sort of deal with the departure of the President and looking towards the new government and new elections. There is a role that can be played by the OSCE in election assistance and also election monitoring, work with the free press. The Minister also mentioned to support some of the police services. The OSCE can also play a role among its 55 members in terms of making sure that key partners, particularly neighbors -- Kazakhstan, Russia, others -- have a comfort about the process moving forward and support the process.
So I think all these need to be kept in the context of recognizing that the people of Kyrgyzstan want to determine their own future.
So we are absolutely delighted that Slovenia is in the chair of OSCE because this is a country that also wanted to determine its own future not many years ago and has done so very ably.
In the context of the Balkans, I think as both the Minister and I mentioned, 2005 is already scheduled to be a year where there are to be a review of various standards but also status discussions. It's important to see how these fit together. So the future of Kosovo obviously depends on discussions with Serbia and also as Slovenia has discussed with its Croatian neighbors.
I think we are in agreement, but I'll let the Minister speak for himself on this, that this will be most successful if these discussions take place within a broader European context, if there's a recognition of a vision and future for these countries within a European space.
This is not easy because the European Union has been moving through a rather extensive enlargement process. It's got a constitutional process. So there are some people in other capitals in Europe that probably want to take a pause, but history doesn't permit a pause, and that's one reason why I wanted to come here, because I wanted to get a sense from the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister about their perspective on these issues so we could work together with them and with other European partners during the course of 2005.
MS. MOZGAN: Thank you.
(end text)
(Distributed by the Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State.)
Letter From Kosovo by Misha Glenny in the Nation
by MISHA GLENNY
[from the April 11, 2005 issue]
Ramush Haradinaj, who resigned as Kosovo's prime minister on March 8, had been expecting his indictment for alleged war crimes for almost three months. American and European diplomats spent much of that time coaxing him to surrender voluntarily when the announcement was made. "He started to wobble a bit a couple of weeks before it was made public, but obviously we got over it," one of them told me in Belgrade.
International representatives put so much effort into persuading Haradinaj to go quietly because they were terrified that Kosovar Albanians might react by going on a rampage as they did in March 2004, almost bringing UNMIK, the United Nations administration that runs the province, to its knees. And boy, did the diplomats let their relief show. "Thanks to Ramush Haradinaj's dynamic leadership, strong commitment and vision," gushed Soren Jessen-Petersen, the head of UNMIK, "Kosovo is today closer than ever before to achieving its aspirations in settling its future status. Personally, I am saddened to no longer be working with a close partner and friend." There was some concern in European capitals that Jessen-Petersen had gone over the top. "After all," said a diplomat in Belgrade, "let's not forget that Haradinaj has been indicted for committing the foulest of crimes."
Yet Jessen-Petersen's passionate outburst is understandable. International control over Kosovo is fragile. KFOR, the NATO-led force of 18,000 peacekeepers, is designed to prevent an unauthorized return of the Serbian military into the province; as it proved last March, it has no capacity to pacify tens of thousands of testosterone-driven young Albanians who are fed up with being unemployed and having no political control over their lives.
I have spent the past six years watching glumly as the Balkans slide back toward catastrophe as if in slow motion. Only a small minority of the actors involved want this outcome; many are breaking their backs to stop it from happening. But despite their efforts, three factors are driving the region toward, at best, damaging civil unrest and, at worst, a revival of armed conflict: a steady, severe economic crisis; the persistence of weak states caught up in an unholy constitutional tangle; and profound incompetence on the part of the international community.
Until the mess actually collapses into violence, there are real opportunities to halt the slide. But the countdown to disaster has already begun, and the region urgently requires the kind of political adroitness and élan that have been conspicuously absent over the past five years. The Balkans provide the clearest proof that Western military intervention, whether liberal or illiberal, is a complete waste of time, money and life if it is not accompanied by a coherent, long-term attempt to address the root causes of instability after hostilities have ceased. But as Western Europe and the United States are learning, it's easy to defeat small countries with limited military strength, and mind-bogglingly hard to create a working system of governance from the ashes of victory.
NATO supposedly dealt with the southern Serbian province of Kosovo in 1999 by going to war against Yugoslavia. (For those who have missed the past few episodes, what's left of that country has been refashioned as Serbia and Montenegro, although nobody believes this latest incarnation will last for very long.) In the past five years Kosovo has become unrecognizable, but in a very recognizable way. Its crumbling roads, heaving under the weight of civilian and international military vehicles, are punctuated every half-mile by gas stations trading under different, perhaps unique, emblems: Kospetrol, Kosova Petrol, Djukagjini Inc., International Gas and Petrol, ShqipGas, etc. Shell, BP, ExxonMobil and Lukoil (the Russian company ubiquitous elsewhere in the Balkans) are absent--a blow, perhaps, against the multinational giants and in favor of the small trader. Er, not quite.
Peppered between the gas stations are hotels, motels and restaurants offering countless beds to phantom tourists and kebabs, delicious cheese burek and Ohrid trout to ghostly foodies. Except for a few chic eateries in the main urban areas, these establishments are not going concerns but the long-term investment bolt-holes of corrupt politicians and organized criminal syndicates who have mountains of cash but nothing to do with it. The opprobrium that used to be hurled at Balkan people because of their apparent predilection for killing their neighbors is now drawn by their apparent tolerance for, and widespread indulgence in, organized criminal activities--drug dealing, trafficking of women and cigarette smuggling, to name but a few of the most popular. The Kosovars are seen as key movers in all these industries.
Before we condemn, let us consider the economic environment developed for the people of Kosovo by the combined might of the UN, the European Union and KFOR. (The people of Kosovo, whether Serb or Albanian, have no control of economic policy.) Two statistics stand out. First, Kosovo is the only territory in Europe that has recorded a negative growth rate each year since 2002. (Its sole competitor is the unrecognized breakaway republic of Transdniestria in Moldova, whose decline can be attributed to the emigration of about half its population in the past decade.) Second, overall unemployment stands at 50 percent, while youth unemployment runs at 70 percent. Every year 30,000-40,000 young Kosovars enter a nonexistent job market. Yet Kosovo is almost completely surrounded, both economically and culturally, by the affluence of the EU. If a young Kosovar, struggling to raise children and look after elderly parents, is offered $700 (well over twice a ministerial salary in Kosovo's provisional government) to lead a donkey packed with cigarettes over the border to Montenegro, will he hesitate because of the moral implications of the act?
This decline, and the dysfunctional mafia economy it has precipitated, is largely the consequence of an utterly botched privatization strategy executed by the EU via the inefficient and corrupt Kosovo Trust Agency, which is staffed and run by Western civil servants. Under UN Security Council Resolution 1244, which details the limbo in which Kosovo must live, most political decisions at all levels of government are reserved for the UN's Special Representative in Pristina and his bureaucracy, while the powers of the provisional government and the municipalities are carefully restricted.
Stirred into this paralyzing brew are the Serbs' and Albanians' antithetical aspirations for the province, and the grim conditions in which the Serb minority in Kosovo lives. Resolution 1244 stipulates that the province is part of Serbia under the temporary aegis of the UN, until such time as all parties happily work out Kosovo's long-term constitutional future. For the Albanians, who currently make up some 90 percent of the population, independence is the only acceptable solution. (Albanian nationalists who seek union with the motherland are not to be underestimated, but they form a minority in Kosovo's political spectrum; Albanians from Albania openly oppose the idea. The international community is adamant that an independent Kosovo would not be permitted to form a political union with either Albania or the Albanian-dominated parts of Macedonia.) Most of Serbia's political spectrum concedes the possibility of advanced autonomy for Kosovo, whereby ultimate sovereignty (including foreign and defense policy) would rest in Belgrade. They would also demand self-governance for Serb-populated zones in the province.
Although in public the chancelleries of Europe and America insist that the so-called "final status" of Kosovo must wait until the Kosovars have achieved acceptable political standards (code for decent treatment of the Serb minority), in private all now more or less agree that Kosovo must become independent. Even Russia, Serbia's supposed staunch ally, shows no real interest in blocking Kosovo's statehood beyond rhetorical bluster. Some quarters even advocate independence regardless of the views of Kosovo's Serbs or Serbia. Crudely paraphrased, the most recent report of the International Crisis Group, an influential Brussels-based think tank, calls for independence for Kosovo with Serbia's approval, but if the Serbs don't like it, screw them.
Attractive though this solution may seem to some people, it will not work. Serbia is the key regional power and the main transit route for goods from the region to the rest of Europe, and for goods from northern Europe to the Middle East. If Kosovo becomes independent without Serbian approval, the prospects for a stable Bosnia, Montenegro and Macedonia are slim, as Serbian influence in these countries is almost certain to turn malign. Furthermore, the 100,000 Serbs still in the province will probably decamp to southern Serbia. Even this might be sustainable were it not that tens of thousands of Albanians live there under the rules of a very decent but fragile peace deal negotiated for the region in May 2001. None of these eventualities would benefit a newly independent Kosovo, which will be characterized, above all else, by economic weakness.
In public, all Serbian leaders rule out independence. In private, most members of Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica's governing coalition, along with the Democratic Party of his rival, President Boris Tadic, concede that the loss of Kosovo is more or less inevitable. But if they are to transform their private assessment into public reality, they need a serious incentive. At the moment, it would be like turkeys voting for Christmas.
The EU possesses the very incentive required to smooth Kosovo's transition from a failing protectorate to an independent state free from the seeds of future conflict. If the EU were to suggest fast-tracking Serbia for EU membership, as it has done for Croatia, Serbia's leaders would have a real argument with which to convince the public that Kosovo's independence is not the worst of the many depressing options open to their country.
Unfortunately, creative policies for the Balkans have rarely issued from the EU or the United States. Furthermore, the political process is seriously hampered by the activities of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and its chief prosecutor, Carla del Ponte. Throughout her tenure, del Ponte has maintained that her role is solely judicial, not political. And yet she holds a veto on the progress of EU accession negotiations, which affords her immense political influence. It is not an influence that generally contributes to stability.
Haradinaj, just 36 years old, is the first leading Kosovar Albanian to be indicted by the tribunal. He heads the third-largest political party in the province, the AAK, and is seen as the chief rival of another young and very energetic Kosovo politician, Hashim Thaci, who heads the second-largest party, the PDK. Haradinaj's main power base is the west of the province. Elsewhere his appeal is limited but growing. He did not win a popular vote but secured the office of prime minister after last October's elections because the AAK held the balance of power. Jessen-Petersen's assessment of Haradinaj's political ability is probably fair: Since then he has injected some real dynamism into the political process.
Haradinaj's trip to The Hague (which is likely to last many years) coincides with several other surrenders to the ICTY that are also significant but have not received media attention in the West. Ten days before Haradinaj surrendered, Rasim Delic, the former chief of the Bosnian Army, who had earlier given himself up, appeared in court for the first time to hear the war crimes charges leveled against him. Then Momcilo Perisic, onetime head of the Yugoslav army, turned himself in; it is expected that Belgrade will hand over two other main suspects in the hope that this will move forward its tortured EU accession talks. Meanwhile, the EU told Croatia that unless it handed over its most wanted suspect, Ante Gotovina, by March 16 it would not be allowed to start final accession negotiations. Sure enough, the EU held firm and snatched the holy grail of final accession from the hands of the Croatian government after the deadline. This is a catastrophic blow to Zagreb--and one that some EU governments are unhappy about--as EU membership for Croatia is regarded as critical to the stability of the region. In the end, however, the EU concluded understandably that it would lose all political purchase on Serbia if it were to allow Gotovina through the net while insisting on Ratko Mladic et al. from Belgrade as a condition of progress in EU talks.
For all its destabilizing effects, the ICTY is a political reality, and for governments in the former Yugoslavia to resist its mandate is futile and self-defeating, and damaging to their long-term interests. The EU and the United States are exerting maximum pressure on all countries and territories in the region to comply with the ICTY in order to neutralize as soon as possible the negative impact of the demands for indictees to be handed over on the political process of reconciliation. This is because the crisis in the region is set to come to a head this summer. When the UN launched its flaccid negotiation process for Kosovo two years ago under the slogan "Standards Before Status," summer 2005 was set as the target for final-status talks to begin. If that deadline is not met, then KFOR, the international military force, is likely to face real difficulties. The last time Albanian frustration at the apparent lack of progress exploded was in March 2004, when the resentment of young Albanian males led to several days of province-wide mob rioting. The initial targets were Serbs, but the rioters also destroyed vehicles, buildings and other assets belonging to the UN and KFOR. All the international actors know that a repeat of this on a wider scale is a real possibility. If it were to happen again in the next year, the southern Balkans could no longer be at peace.
[from the April 11, 2005 issue]
Ramush Haradinaj, who resigned as Kosovo's prime minister on March 8, had been expecting his indictment for alleged war crimes for almost three months. American and European diplomats spent much of that time coaxing him to surrender voluntarily when the announcement was made. "He started to wobble a bit a couple of weeks before it was made public, but obviously we got over it," one of them told me in Belgrade.
International representatives put so much effort into persuading Haradinaj to go quietly because they were terrified that Kosovar Albanians might react by going on a rampage as they did in March 2004, almost bringing UNMIK, the United Nations administration that runs the province, to its knees. And boy, did the diplomats let their relief show. "Thanks to Ramush Haradinaj's dynamic leadership, strong commitment and vision," gushed Soren Jessen-Petersen, the head of UNMIK, "Kosovo is today closer than ever before to achieving its aspirations in settling its future status. Personally, I am saddened to no longer be working with a close partner and friend." There was some concern in European capitals that Jessen-Petersen had gone over the top. "After all," said a diplomat in Belgrade, "let's not forget that Haradinaj has been indicted for committing the foulest of crimes."
Yet Jessen-Petersen's passionate outburst is understandable. International control over Kosovo is fragile. KFOR, the NATO-led force of 18,000 peacekeepers, is designed to prevent an unauthorized return of the Serbian military into the province; as it proved last March, it has no capacity to pacify tens of thousands of testosterone-driven young Albanians who are fed up with being unemployed and having no political control over their lives.
I have spent the past six years watching glumly as the Balkans slide back toward catastrophe as if in slow motion. Only a small minority of the actors involved want this outcome; many are breaking their backs to stop it from happening. But despite their efforts, three factors are driving the region toward, at best, damaging civil unrest and, at worst, a revival of armed conflict: a steady, severe economic crisis; the persistence of weak states caught up in an unholy constitutional tangle; and profound incompetence on the part of the international community.
Until the mess actually collapses into violence, there are real opportunities to halt the slide. But the countdown to disaster has already begun, and the region urgently requires the kind of political adroitness and élan that have been conspicuously absent over the past five years. The Balkans provide the clearest proof that Western military intervention, whether liberal or illiberal, is a complete waste of time, money and life if it is not accompanied by a coherent, long-term attempt to address the root causes of instability after hostilities have ceased. But as Western Europe and the United States are learning, it's easy to defeat small countries with limited military strength, and mind-bogglingly hard to create a working system of governance from the ashes of victory.
NATO supposedly dealt with the southern Serbian province of Kosovo in 1999 by going to war against Yugoslavia. (For those who have missed the past few episodes, what's left of that country has been refashioned as Serbia and Montenegro, although nobody believes this latest incarnation will last for very long.) In the past five years Kosovo has become unrecognizable, but in a very recognizable way. Its crumbling roads, heaving under the weight of civilian and international military vehicles, are punctuated every half-mile by gas stations trading under different, perhaps unique, emblems: Kospetrol, Kosova Petrol, Djukagjini Inc., International Gas and Petrol, ShqipGas, etc. Shell, BP, ExxonMobil and Lukoil (the Russian company ubiquitous elsewhere in the Balkans) are absent--a blow, perhaps, against the multinational giants and in favor of the small trader. Er, not quite.
Peppered between the gas stations are hotels, motels and restaurants offering countless beds to phantom tourists and kebabs, delicious cheese burek and Ohrid trout to ghostly foodies. Except for a few chic eateries in the main urban areas, these establishments are not going concerns but the long-term investment bolt-holes of corrupt politicians and organized criminal syndicates who have mountains of cash but nothing to do with it. The opprobrium that used to be hurled at Balkan people because of their apparent predilection for killing their neighbors is now drawn by their apparent tolerance for, and widespread indulgence in, organized criminal activities--drug dealing, trafficking of women and cigarette smuggling, to name but a few of the most popular. The Kosovars are seen as key movers in all these industries.
Before we condemn, let us consider the economic environment developed for the people of Kosovo by the combined might of the UN, the European Union and KFOR. (The people of Kosovo, whether Serb or Albanian, have no control of economic policy.) Two statistics stand out. First, Kosovo is the only territory in Europe that has recorded a negative growth rate each year since 2002. (Its sole competitor is the unrecognized breakaway republic of Transdniestria in Moldova, whose decline can be attributed to the emigration of about half its population in the past decade.) Second, overall unemployment stands at 50 percent, while youth unemployment runs at 70 percent. Every year 30,000-40,000 young Kosovars enter a nonexistent job market. Yet Kosovo is almost completely surrounded, both economically and culturally, by the affluence of the EU. If a young Kosovar, struggling to raise children and look after elderly parents, is offered $700 (well over twice a ministerial salary in Kosovo's provisional government) to lead a donkey packed with cigarettes over the border to Montenegro, will he hesitate because of the moral implications of the act?
This decline, and the dysfunctional mafia economy it has precipitated, is largely the consequence of an utterly botched privatization strategy executed by the EU via the inefficient and corrupt Kosovo Trust Agency, which is staffed and run by Western civil servants. Under UN Security Council Resolution 1244, which details the limbo in which Kosovo must live, most political decisions at all levels of government are reserved for the UN's Special Representative in Pristina and his bureaucracy, while the powers of the provisional government and the municipalities are carefully restricted.
Stirred into this paralyzing brew are the Serbs' and Albanians' antithetical aspirations for the province, and the grim conditions in which the Serb minority in Kosovo lives. Resolution 1244 stipulates that the province is part of Serbia under the temporary aegis of the UN, until such time as all parties happily work out Kosovo's long-term constitutional future. For the Albanians, who currently make up some 90 percent of the population, independence is the only acceptable solution. (Albanian nationalists who seek union with the motherland are not to be underestimated, but they form a minority in Kosovo's political spectrum; Albanians from Albania openly oppose the idea. The international community is adamant that an independent Kosovo would not be permitted to form a political union with either Albania or the Albanian-dominated parts of Macedonia.) Most of Serbia's political spectrum concedes the possibility of advanced autonomy for Kosovo, whereby ultimate sovereignty (including foreign and defense policy) would rest in Belgrade. They would also demand self-governance for Serb-populated zones in the province.
Although in public the chancelleries of Europe and America insist that the so-called "final status" of Kosovo must wait until the Kosovars have achieved acceptable political standards (code for decent treatment of the Serb minority), in private all now more or less agree that Kosovo must become independent. Even Russia, Serbia's supposed staunch ally, shows no real interest in blocking Kosovo's statehood beyond rhetorical bluster. Some quarters even advocate independence regardless of the views of Kosovo's Serbs or Serbia. Crudely paraphrased, the most recent report of the International Crisis Group, an influential Brussels-based think tank, calls for independence for Kosovo with Serbia's approval, but if the Serbs don't like it, screw them.
Attractive though this solution may seem to some people, it will not work. Serbia is the key regional power and the main transit route for goods from the region to the rest of Europe, and for goods from northern Europe to the Middle East. If Kosovo becomes independent without Serbian approval, the prospects for a stable Bosnia, Montenegro and Macedonia are slim, as Serbian influence in these countries is almost certain to turn malign. Furthermore, the 100,000 Serbs still in the province will probably decamp to southern Serbia. Even this might be sustainable were it not that tens of thousands of Albanians live there under the rules of a very decent but fragile peace deal negotiated for the region in May 2001. None of these eventualities would benefit a newly independent Kosovo, which will be characterized, above all else, by economic weakness.
In public, all Serbian leaders rule out independence. In private, most members of Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica's governing coalition, along with the Democratic Party of his rival, President Boris Tadic, concede that the loss of Kosovo is more or less inevitable. But if they are to transform their private assessment into public reality, they need a serious incentive. At the moment, it would be like turkeys voting for Christmas.
The EU possesses the very incentive required to smooth Kosovo's transition from a failing protectorate to an independent state free from the seeds of future conflict. If the EU were to suggest fast-tracking Serbia for EU membership, as it has done for Croatia, Serbia's leaders would have a real argument with which to convince the public that Kosovo's independence is not the worst of the many depressing options open to their country.
Unfortunately, creative policies for the Balkans have rarely issued from the EU or the United States. Furthermore, the political process is seriously hampered by the activities of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and its chief prosecutor, Carla del Ponte. Throughout her tenure, del Ponte has maintained that her role is solely judicial, not political. And yet she holds a veto on the progress of EU accession negotiations, which affords her immense political influence. It is not an influence that generally contributes to stability.
Haradinaj, just 36 years old, is the first leading Kosovar Albanian to be indicted by the tribunal. He heads the third-largest political party in the province, the AAK, and is seen as the chief rival of another young and very energetic Kosovo politician, Hashim Thaci, who heads the second-largest party, the PDK. Haradinaj's main power base is the west of the province. Elsewhere his appeal is limited but growing. He did not win a popular vote but secured the office of prime minister after last October's elections because the AAK held the balance of power. Jessen-Petersen's assessment of Haradinaj's political ability is probably fair: Since then he has injected some real dynamism into the political process.
Haradinaj's trip to The Hague (which is likely to last many years) coincides with several other surrenders to the ICTY that are also significant but have not received media attention in the West. Ten days before Haradinaj surrendered, Rasim Delic, the former chief of the Bosnian Army, who had earlier given himself up, appeared in court for the first time to hear the war crimes charges leveled against him. Then Momcilo Perisic, onetime head of the Yugoslav army, turned himself in; it is expected that Belgrade will hand over two other main suspects in the hope that this will move forward its tortured EU accession talks. Meanwhile, the EU told Croatia that unless it handed over its most wanted suspect, Ante Gotovina, by March 16 it would not be allowed to start final accession negotiations. Sure enough, the EU held firm and snatched the holy grail of final accession from the hands of the Croatian government after the deadline. This is a catastrophic blow to Zagreb--and one that some EU governments are unhappy about--as EU membership for Croatia is regarded as critical to the stability of the region. In the end, however, the EU concluded understandably that it would lose all political purchase on Serbia if it were to allow Gotovina through the net while insisting on Ratko Mladic et al. from Belgrade as a condition of progress in EU talks.
For all its destabilizing effects, the ICTY is a political reality, and for governments in the former Yugoslavia to resist its mandate is futile and self-defeating, and damaging to their long-term interests. The EU and the United States are exerting maximum pressure on all countries and territories in the region to comply with the ICTY in order to neutralize as soon as possible the negative impact of the demands for indictees to be handed over on the political process of reconciliation. This is because the crisis in the region is set to come to a head this summer. When the UN launched its flaccid negotiation process for Kosovo two years ago under the slogan "Standards Before Status," summer 2005 was set as the target for final-status talks to begin. If that deadline is not met, then KFOR, the international military force, is likely to face real difficulties. The last time Albanian frustration at the apparent lack of progress exploded was in March 2004, when the resentment of young Albanian males led to several days of province-wide mob rioting. The initial targets were Serbs, but the rioters also destroyed vehicles, buildings and other assets belonging to the UN and KFOR. All the international actors know that a repeat of this on a wider scale is a real possibility. If it were to happen again in the next year, the southern Balkans could no longer be at peace.
Kai Eide to replace Søren Jessen-Petersen?
Several local daily newspapers quote information broadcast by Belgrade-based Beta news agency according to which the former Norwegian Ambassador to NATO Kai Eide could replace Jessen-Petersen in the post of UNMIK chief. According to Beta, Eide, who is author of the UN report after March riots last year, has received the support of many important international factors. The Belgrade news agency reportedly got this information from unnamed sources in Brussels.
Koha Ditore’s headline on page three on this issue is Kai Eide – ‘doomed’ to work with Kosovo?
Koha Ditore’s headline on page three on this issue is Kai Eide – ‘doomed’ to work with Kosovo?
Prishtina and Belgrade are preparing for talks
Prishtina, March 29, 2005 – The head of UNMIK, Soren Jessen-Petersen says that he has reached an agreement with Belgrade officials for commencement of talks on energy and the return. These talks would be lead by EU, respectively UNHCR.
Jessen-Petersen told KosovaLive upon arrival at the Prishtina Airport that the official Belgrade has not yet given a clear signal for Kosovo Serbs to join the institutions, but he believes that this will happen in the coming weeks.
“We agreed to continue the work of the group on missing persons. We also agreed to start the work with working groups on energy and on the return. And now we have the chairman of this group from the EU. He is Jolly Dickinson. Whereas the UNHCR will chair the working group on the return,“ he said.
Belgrade authorities also suggested that there should also be talks on property issues. “ I think this is an important issue and we will consider it. We agreed to start with the dialogue on energy and on the return immediately and later on to see the issues related to property,” Jessen–Petersen said.
Jessen-Petersen told KosovaLive upon arrival at the Prishtina Airport that the official Belgrade has not yet given a clear signal for Kosovo Serbs to join the institutions, but he believes that this will happen in the coming weeks.
“We agreed to continue the work of the group on missing persons. We also agreed to start the work with working groups on energy and on the return. And now we have the chairman of this group from the EU. He is Jolly Dickinson. Whereas the UNHCR will chair the working group on the return,“ he said.
Belgrade authorities also suggested that there should also be talks on property issues. “ I think this is an important issue and we will consider it. We agreed to start with the dialogue on energy and on the return immediately and later on to see the issues related to property,” Jessen–Petersen said.
Monday, March 28, 2005
Kosovo loses patience with UN mission as the economy flags
CHRISTIAN JENNINGS IN PRISTINA
WHEN three armour-piercing bullets struck communications equipment on the roof of the United Nations headquarters in Kosovo’s regional capital earlier this month, staff there took it as a warning.
Once seen as the province’s saviour from the hated regime of ex-president Slobodan Milosevic’s Serbs, the UN mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) - which since 1999 has been the area’s de facto government - seems to have lost the public’s goodwill.
In a recent poll carried out by the UN Development Programme, 75 per cent of Kosovars said they are dissatisfied with the UN mission.
Only days before the attack on the UN HQ, Ramush Haradinaj, Kosovo’s popular prime minister, resigned and surrendered to the war crimes tribunal in the Hague. Aside from a failed bomb attack on president Ibrahim Rugova’s motorcade, an expected violent backlash did not materialise.
But western staff and military officials in Kosovo and Europe warn that the security situation could "significantly deteriorate" between now and mid-summer, as frustration with the UN seethes just below the surface.
Colonel Yves Kermorvant, a spokesman for K-FOR, the 19,000-strong NATO peacekeeping force in the province, assured journalists last week that "the security situation in Kosovo is excellent".
Soren Jessen-Petersen, effectively the UN’s pro-consul in Kosovo, was less optimistic.
"A series of security incidents highlight the essential volatility of the situation in Kosovo, and the readiness to resort to violence by those still bent on blocking progress," the Dane said. "Such lawlessness could still, in certain circumstances, communicate itself to broader sections of the public."
International officials in the former Yugoslav province say discussions have been held between the UN HQ in New York and the mission in Pristina about the feasibility of re-locating UNMIK’s headquarters to outside the capital, where it will be easier to evacuate if the security situation breaks down.
After the bombing of the UN HQ in Baghdad in 2003, security officials in New York are taking no chances. But senior UNMIK officials say that this would give the worst possible message to Kosovo’s population at a time when crucial progress is being made towards possible talks on the province’s future independence.
A cross-section of mostly employed, educated and politically moderate Kosovo Albanians questioned over the last ten days explained why the UN mission in Kosovo is so unpopular.
The personal popularity of Mr Jessen-Petersen is on the up because he is seen as straight-talking and is pushing forward the agenda on the province’s independence. But the mission itself is seen as untrustworthy, aloof, corrupt, subject to a separate set of laws from Kosovars, and responsible for the political limbo in which Kosovo has remained since 1999.
UN security council resolution 1244, which has mandated the UN and NATO’s presence in and administration of Kosovo from June 1999 onwards, specifies that the former Yugoslav province will remain part of Serbia and Montenegro until its final status is agreed.
The lack of political resolution has meant that the main, and justified bugbear of Kosovars is the parlous state of the economy, which means few jobs, low international investment, high crime, and unemployment running at between 30 per cent and 55 per cent.
Suspicious of state apparatuses, Albanians see most international and local institutions as corrupt, regardless of evidence.
But in the western Balkans, where perception is king, each incident can be blown out of all proportion by suspicious and violence-prone extremists of any ethnicity.
WHEN three armour-piercing bullets struck communications equipment on the roof of the United Nations headquarters in Kosovo’s regional capital earlier this month, staff there took it as a warning.
Once seen as the province’s saviour from the hated regime of ex-president Slobodan Milosevic’s Serbs, the UN mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) - which since 1999 has been the area’s de facto government - seems to have lost the public’s goodwill.
In a recent poll carried out by the UN Development Programme, 75 per cent of Kosovars said they are dissatisfied with the UN mission.
Only days before the attack on the UN HQ, Ramush Haradinaj, Kosovo’s popular prime minister, resigned and surrendered to the war crimes tribunal in the Hague. Aside from a failed bomb attack on president Ibrahim Rugova’s motorcade, an expected violent backlash did not materialise.
But western staff and military officials in Kosovo and Europe warn that the security situation could "significantly deteriorate" between now and mid-summer, as frustration with the UN seethes just below the surface.
Colonel Yves Kermorvant, a spokesman for K-FOR, the 19,000-strong NATO peacekeeping force in the province, assured journalists last week that "the security situation in Kosovo is excellent".
Soren Jessen-Petersen, effectively the UN’s pro-consul in Kosovo, was less optimistic.
"A series of security incidents highlight the essential volatility of the situation in Kosovo, and the readiness to resort to violence by those still bent on blocking progress," the Dane said. "Such lawlessness could still, in certain circumstances, communicate itself to broader sections of the public."
International officials in the former Yugoslav province say discussions have been held between the UN HQ in New York and the mission in Pristina about the feasibility of re-locating UNMIK’s headquarters to outside the capital, where it will be easier to evacuate if the security situation breaks down.
After the bombing of the UN HQ in Baghdad in 2003, security officials in New York are taking no chances. But senior UNMIK officials say that this would give the worst possible message to Kosovo’s population at a time when crucial progress is being made towards possible talks on the province’s future independence.
A cross-section of mostly employed, educated and politically moderate Kosovo Albanians questioned over the last ten days explained why the UN mission in Kosovo is so unpopular.
The personal popularity of Mr Jessen-Petersen is on the up because he is seen as straight-talking and is pushing forward the agenda on the province’s independence. But the mission itself is seen as untrustworthy, aloof, corrupt, subject to a separate set of laws from Kosovars, and responsible for the political limbo in which Kosovo has remained since 1999.
UN security council resolution 1244, which has mandated the UN and NATO’s presence in and administration of Kosovo from June 1999 onwards, specifies that the former Yugoslav province will remain part of Serbia and Montenegro until its final status is agreed.
The lack of political resolution has meant that the main, and justified bugbear of Kosovars is the parlous state of the economy, which means few jobs, low international investment, high crime, and unemployment running at between 30 per cent and 55 per cent.
Suspicious of state apparatuses, Albanians see most international and local institutions as corrupt, regardless of evidence.
But in the western Balkans, where perception is king, each incident can be blown out of all proportion by suspicious and violence-prone extremists of any ethnicity.
Kosovo loses patience with UN mission as the economy flags
CHRISTIAN JENNINGS IN PRISTINA
WHEN three armour-piercing bullets struck communications equipment on the roof of the United Nations headquarters in Kosovo’s regional capital earlier this month, staff there took it as a warning.
Once seen as the province’s saviour from the hated regime of ex-president Slobodan Milosevic’s Serbs, the UN mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) - which since 1999 has been the area’s de facto government - seems to have lost the public’s goodwill.
In a recent poll carried out by the UN Development Programme, 75 per cent of Kosovars said they are dissatisfied with the UN mission.
Only days before the attack on the UN HQ, Ramush Haradinaj, Kosovo’s popular prime minister, resigned and surrendered to the war crimes tribunal in the Hague. Aside from a failed bomb attack on president Ibrahim Rugova’s motorcade, an expected violent backlash did not materialise.
But western staff and military officials in Kosovo and Europe warn that the security situation could "significantly deteriorate" between now and mid-summer, as frustration with the UN seethes just below the surface.
Colonel Yves Kermorvant, a spokesman for K-FOR, the 19,000-strong NATO peacekeeping force in the province, assured journalists last week that "the security situation in Kosovo is excellent".
Soren Jessen-Petersen, effectively the UN’s pro-consul in Kosovo, was less optimistic.
"A series of security incidents highlight the essential volatility of the situation in Kosovo, and the readiness to resort to violence by those still bent on blocking progress," the Dane said. "Such lawlessness could still, in certain circumstances, communicate itself to broader sections of the public."
International officials in the former Yugoslav province say discussions have been held between the UN HQ in New York and the mission in Pristina about the feasibility of re-locating UNMIK’s headquarters to outside the capital, where it will be easier to evacuate if the security situation breaks down.
After the bombing of the UN HQ in Baghdad in 2003, security officials in New York are taking no chances. But senior UNMIK officials say that this would give the worst possible message to Kosovo’s population at a time when crucial progress is being made towards possible talks on the province’s future independence.
A cross-section of mostly employed, educated and politically moderate Kosovo Albanians questioned over the last ten days explained why the UN mission in Kosovo is so unpopular.
The personal popularity of Mr Jessen-Petersen is on the up because he is seen as straight-talking and is pushing forward the agenda on the province’s independence. But the mission itself is seen as untrustworthy, aloof, corrupt, subject to a separate set of laws from Kosovars, and responsible for the political limbo in which Kosovo has remained since 1999.
UN security council resolution 1244, which has mandated the UN and NATO’s presence in and administration of Kosovo from June 1999 onwards, specifies that the former Yugoslav province will remain part of Serbia and Montenegro until its final status is agreed.
The lack of political resolution has meant that the main, and justified bugbear of Kosovars is the parlous state of the economy, which means few jobs, low international investment, high crime, and unemployment running at between 30 per cent and 55 per cent.
Suspicious of state apparatuses, Albanians see most international and local institutions as corrupt, regardless of evidence.
But in the western Balkans, where perception is king, each incident can be blown out of all proportion by suspicious and violence-prone extremists of any ethnicity.
WHEN three armour-piercing bullets struck communications equipment on the roof of the United Nations headquarters in Kosovo’s regional capital earlier this month, staff there took it as a warning.
Once seen as the province’s saviour from the hated regime of ex-president Slobodan Milosevic’s Serbs, the UN mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) - which since 1999 has been the area’s de facto government - seems to have lost the public’s goodwill.
In a recent poll carried out by the UN Development Programme, 75 per cent of Kosovars said they are dissatisfied with the UN mission.
Only days before the attack on the UN HQ, Ramush Haradinaj, Kosovo’s popular prime minister, resigned and surrendered to the war crimes tribunal in the Hague. Aside from a failed bomb attack on president Ibrahim Rugova’s motorcade, an expected violent backlash did not materialise.
But western staff and military officials in Kosovo and Europe warn that the security situation could "significantly deteriorate" between now and mid-summer, as frustration with the UN seethes just below the surface.
Colonel Yves Kermorvant, a spokesman for K-FOR, the 19,000-strong NATO peacekeeping force in the province, assured journalists last week that "the security situation in Kosovo is excellent".
Soren Jessen-Petersen, effectively the UN’s pro-consul in Kosovo, was less optimistic.
"A series of security incidents highlight the essential volatility of the situation in Kosovo, and the readiness to resort to violence by those still bent on blocking progress," the Dane said. "Such lawlessness could still, in certain circumstances, communicate itself to broader sections of the public."
International officials in the former Yugoslav province say discussions have been held between the UN HQ in New York and the mission in Pristina about the feasibility of re-locating UNMIK’s headquarters to outside the capital, where it will be easier to evacuate if the security situation breaks down.
After the bombing of the UN HQ in Baghdad in 2003, security officials in New York are taking no chances. But senior UNMIK officials say that this would give the worst possible message to Kosovo’s population at a time when crucial progress is being made towards possible talks on the province’s future independence.
A cross-section of mostly employed, educated and politically moderate Kosovo Albanians questioned over the last ten days explained why the UN mission in Kosovo is so unpopular.
The personal popularity of Mr Jessen-Petersen is on the up because he is seen as straight-talking and is pushing forward the agenda on the province’s independence. But the mission itself is seen as untrustworthy, aloof, corrupt, subject to a separate set of laws from Kosovars, and responsible for the political limbo in which Kosovo has remained since 1999.
UN security council resolution 1244, which has mandated the UN and NATO’s presence in and administration of Kosovo from June 1999 onwards, specifies that the former Yugoslav province will remain part of Serbia and Montenegro until its final status is agreed.
The lack of political resolution has meant that the main, and justified bugbear of Kosovars is the parlous state of the economy, which means few jobs, low international investment, high crime, and unemployment running at between 30 per cent and 55 per cent.
Suspicious of state apparatuses, Albanians see most international and local institutions as corrupt, regardless of evidence.
But in the western Balkans, where perception is king, each incident can be blown out of all proportion by suspicious and violence-prone extremists of any ethnicity.
Dance fever reaches Albania - BBC
By Kieran Cooke
BBC News, Tirana
Since the downfall of communism in the early 1990s, Albanians have been struggling to rebuild their country. But many of them have also been turning their skills to some interesting pursuits.
Ballroom dancing is a popular pursuit right across the world
There was a problem finding the dancing school among Tirana's maze of streets.
My Albanian is rudimentary to say the least.
I went to a brightly lit door.
"Dancing?" I asked, idiotically miming a waltz round the room with an imaginary partner.
My audience did not quite conform to images of the dance floor.
They bulged out of tracksuits. One man, with a "Who is this foreign fool?" type of look etched on his face, had a large head which flowed into a barrel-like frame.
Instead of the dance school, I had blundered into a gym for weightlifting, a sport in which Albania excels.
Only the day before, I had my hand crunched by a former prime minister, once a middleweight champion he proudly told me.
Then, I heard it.
Cha, cha, - cha, cha, cha. Cha, cha, - cha, cha, cha.
Monika Spahivogli is an Albanian entrepreneur, with that kind of "can do" spirit that does not see obstacles, only opportunities.
Ballroom dancing
A few years ago, at a time when Albania's economy was on its knees, she decided to open a shop selling local organic products.
Madness, people said, how can a population which has to struggle to find the bare minimum to eat be interested in such things?
Yet the project has succeeded. Now, Monika has moved on to another scheme, running Tirana's first post-communist ballroom dance school.
For nearly half a century, in the years after World War II, Albania's three million people were virtually isolated from the outside world.
Enver Hoxha, the communist dictator who based his ruthless rule on paranoia and stern self sufficiency, was not one to allow such bourgeois activities as Western style dancing.
Ledio, the young dance teacher, insists that I try.
Cha, cha, - cha, cha, cha. My timing is off, my rhythm clumsy.
"Just let yourself go," says Ledio.
I collide with my own reflection in one of the giant mirrors.
Monika, the dance school owner, says that in the days of Hoxha, Moscow influenced ballet and opera in Albania was of a high standard.
"But this sort of dancing, the foxtrot, the quick step, and certainly things like the tango, were strictly forbidden."
Restrictions
That was not all that was not allowed under the old regime.
Albania has been trying to rebuild itself since communist rule ended
One of the leaders of a group of students who helped overthrow the communists told the story of his love for jazz.
The former student, now the mayor of Tirana, said that he would cower beneath the bedclothes at night listening to foreign radio stations, an activity punishable by a long stretch in a labour camp.
He became fascinated by the saxophone. Yet, as such instruments were considered to be an evil influence and were banned, he had never seen one.
"Then we heard of a friend who had a saxophone. It was hidden at the bottom of an old trunk belonging to his grandmother," he said.
"It was like a top secret operation. One of us stood guard outside while the rest went up to the apartment. The trunk was opened and there was a smell of camphor and mothballs."
Albania does not exactly receive a good press internationally
"A crinkly wedding dress was taken out. We inched forward and peered down and there, shining and so elegant, was the most beautiful thing I had ever seen.
"We didn't touch the saxophone, we certainly didn't attempt to play it. But that moment will be etched on my mind forever."
Cha, cha, - cha, cha, cha. I am on the dance floor again. I manage one round, two.
"Yes, yes," says Ledio, the teacher. "It is much better. Be natural. Let your body go loose."
Albania does not exactly receive a good press internationally.
As well as the activities of an increasingly well organised and ruthless Albanian mafia in Europe and elsewhere, there is continuing corruption in the country, some of it at a very high level.
Education
Yet there is another side to all this. Albanians are very resourceful and many are highly skilled.
Some, after years overseas, are returning to try and rebuild their country. One thing not lacking under the old Hoxha regime was education, particularly in technical subjects.
My translator, she speaks four languages, is one of the hundreds of trained agronomists from the old times, once involved in a thriving market garden industry.
In the mid-1980s there were only about 3,000 cars in the whole country, and those who wanted to drive had to study for two years, full-time.
They had to learn how to take an engine apart and put it together again. Hence, Albanians have great mechanical skills, and to visitors they are extraordinarily hospitable.
Cha, cha, - cha, cha, cha. One more time round the dance floor.
In the old days, long before Enver Hoxha, in the time of King Zog, Albania's last monarch, Tirana was famous for its glamorous parties, a place where Europe's glitterati would gather to dance the night away.
Now the old dances are coming back.
"Slowly," says Monika, "Albania is recovering, and getting back its soul."
BBC News, Tirana
Since the downfall of communism in the early 1990s, Albanians have been struggling to rebuild their country. But many of them have also been turning their skills to some interesting pursuits.
Ballroom dancing is a popular pursuit right across the world
There was a problem finding the dancing school among Tirana's maze of streets.
My Albanian is rudimentary to say the least.
I went to a brightly lit door.
"Dancing?" I asked, idiotically miming a waltz round the room with an imaginary partner.
My audience did not quite conform to images of the dance floor.
They bulged out of tracksuits. One man, with a "Who is this foreign fool?" type of look etched on his face, had a large head which flowed into a barrel-like frame.
Instead of the dance school, I had blundered into a gym for weightlifting, a sport in which Albania excels.
Only the day before, I had my hand crunched by a former prime minister, once a middleweight champion he proudly told me.
Then, I heard it.
Cha, cha, - cha, cha, cha. Cha, cha, - cha, cha, cha.
Monika Spahivogli is an Albanian entrepreneur, with that kind of "can do" spirit that does not see obstacles, only opportunities.
Ballroom dancing
A few years ago, at a time when Albania's economy was on its knees, she decided to open a shop selling local organic products.
Madness, people said, how can a population which has to struggle to find the bare minimum to eat be interested in such things?
Yet the project has succeeded. Now, Monika has moved on to another scheme, running Tirana's first post-communist ballroom dance school.
For nearly half a century, in the years after World War II, Albania's three million people were virtually isolated from the outside world.
Enver Hoxha, the communist dictator who based his ruthless rule on paranoia and stern self sufficiency, was not one to allow such bourgeois activities as Western style dancing.
Ledio, the young dance teacher, insists that I try.
Cha, cha, - cha, cha, cha. My timing is off, my rhythm clumsy.
"Just let yourself go," says Ledio.
I collide with my own reflection in one of the giant mirrors.
Monika, the dance school owner, says that in the days of Hoxha, Moscow influenced ballet and opera in Albania was of a high standard.
"But this sort of dancing, the foxtrot, the quick step, and certainly things like the tango, were strictly forbidden."
Restrictions
That was not all that was not allowed under the old regime.
Albania has been trying to rebuild itself since communist rule ended
One of the leaders of a group of students who helped overthrow the communists told the story of his love for jazz.
The former student, now the mayor of Tirana, said that he would cower beneath the bedclothes at night listening to foreign radio stations, an activity punishable by a long stretch in a labour camp.
He became fascinated by the saxophone. Yet, as such instruments were considered to be an evil influence and were banned, he had never seen one.
"Then we heard of a friend who had a saxophone. It was hidden at the bottom of an old trunk belonging to his grandmother," he said.
"It was like a top secret operation. One of us stood guard outside while the rest went up to the apartment. The trunk was opened and there was a smell of camphor and mothballs."
Albania does not exactly receive a good press internationally
"A crinkly wedding dress was taken out. We inched forward and peered down and there, shining and so elegant, was the most beautiful thing I had ever seen.
"We didn't touch the saxophone, we certainly didn't attempt to play it. But that moment will be etched on my mind forever."
Cha, cha, - cha, cha, cha. I am on the dance floor again. I manage one round, two.
"Yes, yes," says Ledio, the teacher. "It is much better. Be natural. Let your body go loose."
Albania does not exactly receive a good press internationally.
As well as the activities of an increasingly well organised and ruthless Albanian mafia in Europe and elsewhere, there is continuing corruption in the country, some of it at a very high level.
Education
Yet there is another side to all this. Albanians are very resourceful and many are highly skilled.
Some, after years overseas, are returning to try and rebuild their country. One thing not lacking under the old Hoxha regime was education, particularly in technical subjects.
My translator, she speaks four languages, is one of the hundreds of trained agronomists from the old times, once involved in a thriving market garden industry.
In the mid-1980s there were only about 3,000 cars in the whole country, and those who wanted to drive had to study for two years, full-time.
They had to learn how to take an engine apart and put it together again. Hence, Albanians have great mechanical skills, and to visitors they are extraordinarily hospitable.
Cha, cha, - cha, cha, cha. One more time round the dance floor.
In the old days, long before Enver Hoxha, in the time of King Zog, Albania's last monarch, Tirana was famous for its glamorous parties, a place where Europe's glitterati would gather to dance the night away.
Now the old dances are coming back.
"Slowly," says Monika, "Albania is recovering, and getting back its soul."
Two elderly Serbs beaten up in Kosovo
An elderly Serb couple were assaulted and severely injured on Monday by unknown attackers in their village in the northwest of Kosovo, police and medical sources in Kosovo said.
The Serbian agency SRNA said the attackers were "a gang of Albanians", though there was no independent confirmation. Attacks on minority Serbs by ethnic Albanians - and vice versa - have triggered cycles of revenge in the past.
The victims were identified as Nedeljko and Nevenka Vucic, aged 71 and 73. They were taken to a Serb hospital on the northern side of the divided city of Kosovska Mitrovica.
"Nedeljko had concussion and injuries caused by sharp and blunt objects. His head was severely injured, his ribs were broken. Surgery was necessary for his lungs," doctor Aleksandar Bozovic told Reuters.
"His right ear was cut off and he was stabbed with a metal object in the spine," Bozovic said.
"Nevenka has several cuts on her head and severe injuries to the chest caused by stabs and blows. Her life is endangered. She will undergo further surgery at 2 p.m.," he added.
There was no independent account of the injuries sustained by the couple.
Monday's attack coincided with a visit to Belgrade by Kosovo U.N. governor Soren Jessen-Petersen to encourage dialogue between Serbs and Albanians on Kosovo's future. Serbia says the Albanian demand for independence is out of the question.
Serbia's independent Beta agency said the attack took place in the ethnically mixed village of Crkolez, in Istok municipality. The old couple had stayed on alone after all four of their children left to find refuge in central Serbia.
The U.N. has run Kosovo as a de facto protectorate since mid 1999, when Serbian security forces were expelled after 11 weeks of NATO bombing to compel an end to what the alliance said was a ruthless war against Kosovo Albanian guerrillas.
The Serbian agency SRNA said the attackers were "a gang of Albanians", though there was no independent confirmation. Attacks on minority Serbs by ethnic Albanians - and vice versa - have triggered cycles of revenge in the past.
The victims were identified as Nedeljko and Nevenka Vucic, aged 71 and 73. They were taken to a Serb hospital on the northern side of the divided city of Kosovska Mitrovica.
"Nedeljko had concussion and injuries caused by sharp and blunt objects. His head was severely injured, his ribs were broken. Surgery was necessary for his lungs," doctor Aleksandar Bozovic told Reuters.
"His right ear was cut off and he was stabbed with a metal object in the spine," Bozovic said.
"Nevenka has several cuts on her head and severe injuries to the chest caused by stabs and blows. Her life is endangered. She will undergo further surgery at 2 p.m.," he added.
There was no independent account of the injuries sustained by the couple.
Monday's attack coincided with a visit to Belgrade by Kosovo U.N. governor Soren Jessen-Petersen to encourage dialogue between Serbs and Albanians on Kosovo's future. Serbia says the Albanian demand for independence is out of the question.
Serbia's independent Beta agency said the attack took place in the ethnically mixed village of Crkolez, in Istok municipality. The old couple had stayed on alone after all four of their children left to find refuge in central Serbia.
The U.N. has run Kosovo as a de facto protectorate since mid 1999, when Serbian security forces were expelled after 11 weeks of NATO bombing to compel an end to what the alliance said was a ruthless war against Kosovo Albanian guerrillas.
Sheet with names of crime suspects placed in front of UNMIK HQ
Outraged by the fact that local and international authorities are not seriously addressing the issue of missing persons and arrest of suspects for the massacre of 122 Albanians in Krusha e Madhe in 1999, activists of March 26th Association with the support of the Kosovo Action Network have placed in front of UNMIK headquarters in Prishtina a white sheet with the names of crime suspects for the massacre. The list includes 56 names of those allegedly responsible for carrying out and participating in the massacre in 1999.
Agron Limani, leader of March 26th Association, told Koha Ditore that villagers of Krusha e Vogel even know the names of those that carried out the massacre. ‘However, nothing has been done to punish or prosecute any of them,’ he added.
Limani also said that Krusha e Vogel provided sufficient evidence to UNMIK Pillar I to file an indictment against the perpetrators of the massacre, but added this hasn’t happened so far. In his opinion, justice in Kosovo has failed and for this UNMIK and Pillar I bear the greatest share of responsibility.
Agron Limani, leader of March 26th Association, told Koha Ditore that villagers of Krusha e Vogel even know the names of those that carried out the massacre. ‘However, nothing has been done to punish or prosecute any of them,’ he added.
Limani also said that Krusha e Vogel provided sufficient evidence to UNMIK Pillar I to file an indictment against the perpetrators of the massacre, but added this hasn’t happened so far. In his opinion, justice in Kosovo has failed and for this UNMIK and Pillar I bear the greatest share of responsibility.
Jessen-Petersen remains in Kosovo at least until autumn this year
Zëri reports on the front page that now it has been made public that SRSG Søren Jessen-Petersen is one of the most serious candidates for the post of UNHCR chief. However, sources close to the UNMIK chief told the paper that the procedure of appointing the head of UNHCR takes months. The new head of this organization will most probably not start work before October or November this year. According to this fact, even if he gets this post, Jessen-Petersen will remain in Kosovo at least until October.
Sunday, March 27, 2005
ALBANIA STANDS WITH U.S. IN IRAQ - The Washington Times
By Fatos Tarifa
-----------------------------------------------------------
The announcement several days ago Albania -- a small country with limited resources -- was sending an additional 50 well-trained troops to Iraq came as a surprise to some observers. But it really should not have surprised anyone.
Albania was one of only four countries to send combat troops during the operation "Iraqi Freedom." Albania is probably the most pro-American country on Earth. It showed its support of the United States early, when it initially sent 70 commandos to join the Coalition of the Willing's effort to bring peace, stability and free elections to Iraq. These new troops bring to a total of 120 Albanian soldiers serving in Iraq.
From a country with only 3.5 million people, the troops -- the flower of Albania's youth -- represent the best Albania has to offer. Why does Albania do this when it could have avoided President Bush's call for support, or when it could have dropped out as others have done when the going got tough? The answer is not difficult to find. If you believe in freedom, you believe in fighting for it. If you believe in fighting for freedom, you believe in America.
Unlike people in other countries in Europe and elsewhere, the Albanian people have not forgotten what it is like to live under tyranny and repression. The Albanians for more than 40 years were held in thrall by the repressive forces of the communists, living like prisoners without rights in their own country. It was to the United States that freedom-loving Albanians looked for inspiration during those dark years, and the Americans have not let us down.
"We Albanians are a nation of freedom fighters who know something about living under oppression," Albanian Prime Minister Fatos Nano wrote in a letter to President Bush. "That is why we wholeheartedly support the American-led effort to free the people of Iraq. And though we are a small country with a small military, we are proud to stand side by side with our allies in the fight to end the reign of terror in Baghdad."
Europe is a small place and it is hard not to run into history there. It is also hard to avoid the historic contributions of the United States in the defense of freedom and liberty on the Continent. There are cemeteries throughout Europe -- in France, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg -- containing the remains of American soldiers who died in battle to free Europe in two world wars.
Although it is not fashionable to talk about it, the face of Europe would indeed be much different today were it not for the Americans who died storming the Normandy beaches.
Were it not for the Americans, there is a good chance there would be no France, nor a United Kingdom nor a Belgium, as we know them today. Were it not for the United States it also is very possible no Balkan countries would be free.
Upon committing Albania to the Coalition of the Willing, Prime Minister Nano urged his fellow European leaders to visit Normandy "to see for themselves what the United States has been willing to undertake in the name of freedom. We should all visit Normandy. We should pay homage to those brave Americans who stormed ashore at Omaha Beach and gave their lives for the freedom of others. The wonder of it is that the Americans are willing to do it again," Mr. Nano said.
And of course, it was the U.S.-led effort of NATO to rein in Serbian dictator Slobodan Milosevic and his ethnic cleansing campaign in Kosovo that proved to the world that, in the name of freedom, the United States was willing to fight for the freedom of the oppressed, regardless of religious belief.
So it is with Iraq. The importance of the American-led effort to liberate Iraq and establish a democratic government for the first time in this country's history cannot be underestimated. It is not the first time the United States has faced suicide bombers trapped in a cult of death. The Japanese kamikazes sought to do to the Americans toward the end of World War II what the terrorists are attempting in Iraq today. The kamikazes failed then, the terrorists will fail now. Japan became a democracy and so will Iraq.
The difference between the United States and the Islamic terrorists is this: The terrorists export death. The Americans export freedom.
The surprise is not in Albania's decision to send more troops to fight for freedom in Iraq. The surprise would have been if Albania did not.
Fatos Tarifa is the ambassador of Albania to the United States.
-----------------------------------------------------------
The announcement several days ago Albania -- a small country with limited resources -- was sending an additional 50 well-trained troops to Iraq came as a surprise to some observers. But it really should not have surprised anyone.
Albania was one of only four countries to send combat troops during the operation "Iraqi Freedom." Albania is probably the most pro-American country on Earth. It showed its support of the United States early, when it initially sent 70 commandos to join the Coalition of the Willing's effort to bring peace, stability and free elections to Iraq. These new troops bring to a total of 120 Albanian soldiers serving in Iraq.
From a country with only 3.5 million people, the troops -- the flower of Albania's youth -- represent the best Albania has to offer. Why does Albania do this when it could have avoided President Bush's call for support, or when it could have dropped out as others have done when the going got tough? The answer is not difficult to find. If you believe in freedom, you believe in fighting for it. If you believe in fighting for freedom, you believe in America.
Unlike people in other countries in Europe and elsewhere, the Albanian people have not forgotten what it is like to live under tyranny and repression. The Albanians for more than 40 years were held in thrall by the repressive forces of the communists, living like prisoners without rights in their own country. It was to the United States that freedom-loving Albanians looked for inspiration during those dark years, and the Americans have not let us down.
"We Albanians are a nation of freedom fighters who know something about living under oppression," Albanian Prime Minister Fatos Nano wrote in a letter to President Bush. "That is why we wholeheartedly support the American-led effort to free the people of Iraq. And though we are a small country with a small military, we are proud to stand side by side with our allies in the fight to end the reign of terror in Baghdad."
Europe is a small place and it is hard not to run into history there. It is also hard to avoid the historic contributions of the United States in the defense of freedom and liberty on the Continent. There are cemeteries throughout Europe -- in France, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg -- containing the remains of American soldiers who died in battle to free Europe in two world wars.
Although it is not fashionable to talk about it, the face of Europe would indeed be much different today were it not for the Americans who died storming the Normandy beaches.
Were it not for the Americans, there is a good chance there would be no France, nor a United Kingdom nor a Belgium, as we know them today. Were it not for the United States it also is very possible no Balkan countries would be free.
Upon committing Albania to the Coalition of the Willing, Prime Minister Nano urged his fellow European leaders to visit Normandy "to see for themselves what the United States has been willing to undertake in the name of freedom. We should all visit Normandy. We should pay homage to those brave Americans who stormed ashore at Omaha Beach and gave their lives for the freedom of others. The wonder of it is that the Americans are willing to do it again," Mr. Nano said.
And of course, it was the U.S.-led effort of NATO to rein in Serbian dictator Slobodan Milosevic and his ethnic cleansing campaign in Kosovo that proved to the world that, in the name of freedom, the United States was willing to fight for the freedom of the oppressed, regardless of religious belief.
So it is with Iraq. The importance of the American-led effort to liberate Iraq and establish a democratic government for the first time in this country's history cannot be underestimated. It is not the first time the United States has faced suicide bombers trapped in a cult of death. The Japanese kamikazes sought to do to the Americans toward the end of World War II what the terrorists are attempting in Iraq today. The kamikazes failed then, the terrorists will fail now. Japan became a democracy and so will Iraq.
The difference between the United States and the Islamic terrorists is this: The terrorists export death. The Americans export freedom.
The surprise is not in Albania's decision to send more troops to fight for freedom in Iraq. The surprise would have been if Albania did not.
Fatos Tarifa is the ambassador of Albania to the United States.
Intimidation fears over alleged crimes
CHRISTIAN JENNINGS
IN PRISTINA
FOUR Albanian families whose relatives were alleged victims of war crimes with which Kosovo’s former prime minister has been charged, have denied that he was involved in their killings.
International officials in the former Yugoslav province fear they may have been subjected to intimidation and that it may hinder the possibility of convicting former premier Ramush Haradinaj.
Haradinaj, 36, has been charged by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, or ICTY, with 37 charges of crimes against humanity and violations of the rules and customs of war.
Each charge potentially carries a life sentence, and Haradinaj is in detention in the Hague, having given himself up voluntarily on 8 March.
Four key counts of murder and unlawful detention in his indictment are among those which refer to alleged killings of Kosovo Albanians in 1998, when Haradinaj was a senior commander in the rebel Kosovo Liberation Army fighting against Serb forces.
In four of the counts in the ICTY indictment - a public document - Haradinaj is charged, along with two co-defendants, of killing ethnic Albanians Safet Kuqi, Isuf Hoxha and Hajrrlluah Gashi, and kidnapping Fadil Fazliu.
Reports have surfaced this month in the Pristina media, including the pro-KLA Epoka e Re newspaper, in which relatives of the victims give wildly differing accounts of what happened to the dead men.
The ICTY indictment says that Haradinaj killed Isuf Hoxha and Hajrlluah Gashi after kidnapping them. Their families claim Serbian forces killed the men and that they are now ready to testify at the ICTY in defence of Kosovo’s former prime minister.
The family of Safet Kuqi now denies their father was killed by anybody connected to the KLA.
IN PRISTINA
FOUR Albanian families whose relatives were alleged victims of war crimes with which Kosovo’s former prime minister has been charged, have denied that he was involved in their killings.
International officials in the former Yugoslav province fear they may have been subjected to intimidation and that it may hinder the possibility of convicting former premier Ramush Haradinaj.
Haradinaj, 36, has been charged by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, or ICTY, with 37 charges of crimes against humanity and violations of the rules and customs of war.
Each charge potentially carries a life sentence, and Haradinaj is in detention in the Hague, having given himself up voluntarily on 8 March.
Four key counts of murder and unlawful detention in his indictment are among those which refer to alleged killings of Kosovo Albanians in 1998, when Haradinaj was a senior commander in the rebel Kosovo Liberation Army fighting against Serb forces.
In four of the counts in the ICTY indictment - a public document - Haradinaj is charged, along with two co-defendants, of killing ethnic Albanians Safet Kuqi, Isuf Hoxha and Hajrrlluah Gashi, and kidnapping Fadil Fazliu.
Reports have surfaced this month in the Pristina media, including the pro-KLA Epoka e Re newspaper, in which relatives of the victims give wildly differing accounts of what happened to the dead men.
The ICTY indictment says that Haradinaj killed Isuf Hoxha and Hajrlluah Gashi after kidnapping them. Their families claim Serbian forces killed the men and that they are now ready to testify at the ICTY in defence of Kosovo’s former prime minister.
The family of Safet Kuqi now denies their father was killed by anybody connected to the KLA.
Serbian PM's aide sees conditional independence as most Kosovars can hope for
The Serbian prime minister's adviser Vladeta Jankovic has said that Kosovo, in the best case scenario for the Albanians, could get conditional independence in the form of some kind of a protectorate.
Jankovic told today's issue of Vecernje novosti that it was not realistic to expect international recognition of full independence for Kosovo under the present circumstances, as this would be a dangerous precedent.
"It is in our interest that everyone be aware of the consequences of such a move for the stability of the region," Jankovic said in response to a question about whether he had the impression that the international community's stand on the Kosovo issue had changed somewhat.
He added that the Albanians "will soon have to hear that there will be no full independence in the near future", adding that "that moment will be fraught with danger".
"It seems to me that the most they can hope for is conditional independence in the form of some kind of protectorate," Jankovic said. [Passage omitted]
Source: Beta news agency, Belgrade, in Serbian 0059 gmt 27 Mar 05
Jankovic told today's issue of Vecernje novosti that it was not realistic to expect international recognition of full independence for Kosovo under the present circumstances, as this would be a dangerous precedent.
"It is in our interest that everyone be aware of the consequences of such a move for the stability of the region," Jankovic said in response to a question about whether he had the impression that the international community's stand on the Kosovo issue had changed somewhat.
He added that the Albanians "will soon have to hear that there will be no full independence in the near future", adding that "that moment will be fraught with danger".
"It seems to me that the most they can hope for is conditional independence in the form of some kind of protectorate," Jankovic said. [Passage omitted]
Source: Beta news agency, Belgrade, in Serbian 0059 gmt 27 Mar 05
Serbia-Montenegro minister, UNMIK head discuss Kosovo status, Serb protection
Serbia-Montenegro Foreign Minister Vuk Draskovic said after a discussion with UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo [UNMIK] chief Soeren Jessen-Petersen that the implementation of democratic standards in Kosovo had to imply a European degree of protection for the rights of Serbs and other non-Albanians, repair of demolished churches and monasteries, and decentralization of power.
"The essence of solutions for Kosovo lies in the formula: `more than autonomy, less than independence'. In dialogue with the Albanians and the international community, we will find a name adequate for this essence [of the formula], but we insist on the unalterability of the names of Serbia-Montenegro state borders with Macedonia and Albania," Draskovic said, according to a statement from the Foreign Ministry.
The statement added that Draskovic and Jessen-Petersen had agreed that "it was in the interest of Kosovo Serbs to participate in working groups and Kosovo institutions".
"The essence of solutions for Kosovo lies in the formula: `more than autonomy, less than independence'. In dialogue with the Albanians and the international community, we will find a name adequate for this essence [of the formula], but we insist on the unalterability of the names of Serbia-Montenegro state borders with Macedonia and Albania," Draskovic said, according to a statement from the Foreign Ministry.
The statement added that Draskovic and Jessen-Petersen had agreed that "it was in the interest of Kosovo Serbs to participate in working groups and Kosovo institutions".
Aide to Serbian PM says Belgrade "yet to take" position on new Kosovo premier
An aide to the prime minister of Serbia [Vojislav Kostunica], Misa Djurkovic, has said that [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo, or UNMIK chief Soeren] Jessen-Petersen came to Belgrade to revive the Pristina-Belgrade dialogue. Djurkovic said that the main topic of the talks would be to set in motion the so-called Vienna process, that is, technical dialogues dealing with four groups of issues: energy, return [of displaced people], missing persons and transport.
[Djurkovic] The issue of decentralization will also be discussed. We will see where we are now, and whether there has been any progress on either side. Finally, what the prime minister will also insist on is the return of displaced and exiled persons as definitely the most important issue so far as the Serbian side is concerned, because any other issue makes no sense unless a serious and significant return of the Serb and other non-Albanian population to Kosmet [Kosovo-Metohija] finally starts to take place.
[Announcer] Misa Djurkovic said that the Serbian government had not yet taken a position on Kosovo's new prime minister, Bajram Kosumi.
[Djurkovic] The relationship towards Kosumi and the new government is something which Belgrade is yet to take a position on. The other important thing to emphasize here is that, definitely, by removing [former Kosovo prime minister Ramush] Haradinaj as the chief obstacle, this will be the year [2005] when direct contacts between Belgrade and Kosovo Albanian representatives will begin one way or another, in one form or another.
[Djurkovic] The issue of decentralization will also be discussed. We will see where we are now, and whether there has been any progress on either side. Finally, what the prime minister will also insist on is the return of displaced and exiled persons as definitely the most important issue so far as the Serbian side is concerned, because any other issue makes no sense unless a serious and significant return of the Serb and other non-Albanian population to Kosmet [Kosovo-Metohija] finally starts to take place.
[Announcer] Misa Djurkovic said that the Serbian government had not yet taken a position on Kosovo's new prime minister, Bajram Kosumi.
[Djurkovic] The relationship towards Kosumi and the new government is something which Belgrade is yet to take a position on. The other important thing to emphasize here is that, definitely, by removing [former Kosovo prime minister Ramush] Haradinaj as the chief obstacle, this will be the year [2005] when direct contacts between Belgrade and Kosovo Albanian representatives will begin one way or another, in one form or another.
Saturday, March 26, 2005
Kosovo pushes for independence six years after ethnic slaughter
CHRISTIAN JENNINGS
IN PRISTINA
SIX years after Nato’s tanks rolled into Pristina to halt the ethnic killings in the last Balkans conflict, Kosovo is finally preparing for the Holy Grail of full independence.
Kosovo has been in political limbo under UN protection since June 1999, but its government estimates that it could be on track for initial talks on autonomy this summer.
In a best-case scenario, say international officials, this could lead to some form of self-determination for the war-torn former Yugoslav province by the end of next year.
But the road to full sovereignty will not be smooth. Before the so-called "final status" of Kosovo can be discussed, the UN-administered province must fulfil a series of internationally decreed standards in such areas as democratic government, the economy and rule of law.
The most pressing issue to be resolved will be guarantees that the province will not slide back into violence between ethnic Albanians and Serbs.
Once Kosovo’s international overseers from the UN deem these standards to have been attained, talks on final status could begin this summer.
Avni Arifi is one of the key officials in Kosovo’s new government working towards the goal. Sitting in a smoky coffee bar in the centre of Kosovo’s regional capital Avni, the sharp-suited ethnic Albanian leans forward conspiratorially: "By June this year we’re convinced that we’ll have 90% of the priority standards completed," he says.
"By fulfilling standards we’re convincing the international community that we’re a functioning multi-ethnic government. We’re doing as much as possible to remove Kosovo from Western TV screens as a place of suffering."
The "priority standards" that Avni and his government colleagues are working on include such contentious areas as the economy, rule of law and functioning democratic institutions.
One of the more tricky ones is that of freedom of movement for the province’s benighted and embittered ethnic minorities, such as the roughly 100,000 Serbs who stayed after 1999.
Kosovo has been administered as a UN protectorate since June 1999, when a 78-day Nato bombing campaign brought an end to the ethnocidal rampages of former Serb president Slobodan Milosevic’s soldiers and policemen.
Up to 11,000 people, mainly ethnic Albanians, were killed and some 3,000 are still registered as missing.
Since 1999, hundreds of Serbs and other ethnic minorities have been killed or attacked in a campaign of reverse ethnic cleansing carried out by extremist Albanians.
A succession of UN proconsuls and tens of thousands of Nato troops have administered and controlled the tiny chaotic aspirant statelet, a third of the size of Wales, stuck in between Albania, Serbia and Macedonia.
UN Security Council Resolution 1244, which mandated the entry of Nato and the UN after the Serbs were forced out in June 1999, decrees that the province still remains part of Serbia and Montenegro.
Kosovo has thus been in political limbo since 1999, and the standards issue is the one which will break the deadlock and should lead to its hoped-for independence.
It has motivated Albanians like Avni Arifi who are at the vanguard of Kosovo’s striving for self-determination.
Last week a new prime minister, Bajram Kosumi, was appointed. He replaced Ramush Haradinaj, a colourful and charismatic ethnic Albanian politician who had been a rebel commander in the guerrilla Kosovo Liberation Army in the fight against the Serbs in 1998-1999.
Haradinaj was considered a war hero by many Albanians, but his alleged behaviour during the war against a variety of Serbs, Albanians and gypsies led to him being indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, based in The Hague.
Haradinaj gave himself up to the Tribunal earlier this month, and much to the relief of Nato and the UN, an expected violent reaction to his departure did not materialise.
"There are grounds for optimism as we move forward," said Soren Jessen-Petersen, Kosovo’s no-nonsense and popular UN proconsul, last week.
Addressing the North Atlantic Council, Nato’s governing body, in Brussels, Jessen-Petersen stressed the fragility of the situation in Kosovo as it teeters its way towards self-determination.
"A series of security incidents highlights the essential volatility of the situation in Kosovo, and the readiness to resort to violence by those still blocking progress."
This resorting to violence was illustrated in typically direct form on the streets of Pristina early on the morning of March 15, when a roadside bomb exploded next to a motorcade carrying Kosovo’s president, Ibrahim Rugova.
The president was not hurt, but the incident illustrated the ease with which those intent on destabilising Kosovo could do so.
However optimistic officials like Avni Arifi are, other obstacles stand in the way of Kosovo’s bid for statehood.
The UN’s Jessen-Petersen says that "standards implementation is proceeding by and large without delay", but many problems remain to be dealt with. He cites "economic stagnation and rampant unemployment" as threats to political stability.
Although Jessen-Petersen is popular with the Kosovo Albanian population, the UN Mission in Kosovo, also known as UNMIK, is not. It is blamed for the province’s unresolved political situation and is seen as corrupt. In reality, however, UNMIK is no more or less effective, slothful or overly bureaucratic than any other UN mission over the last 10 years.
KOSUMI'S PLEDGE
HOPES for the future of Kosovo now rest with a former student activist who was installed as prime minister last week.
Bajram Kosumi, pictured left, was sworn in as head of Kosovo’s interim government, hoping to realise a lifetime dream by leading the province to independence.
The mainly ethnic Albanian parliament of the United Nations-administered province approved Kosumi and his new cabinet by 71 votes to 36.
Kosumi succeeds Ramush Haradinaj, 36, the former Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) commander who resigned earlier this month to answer charges of war crimes at the Hague tribunal.
The government is the first since the war of 1998-99 to have no ex-guerrillas as members. Kosumi was once sentenced to 15 years in prison for organising ethnic Albanian protests over Serb rule in 1981.
Considered a moderate among Kosovo politicians, Kosumi has, in his own words, "invested my past 26 years in the creation of the state of Kosovo". He pledged recently: "We are going to achieve independence sooner than anyone else could."
IN PRISTINA
SIX years after Nato’s tanks rolled into Pristina to halt the ethnic killings in the last Balkans conflict, Kosovo is finally preparing for the Holy Grail of full independence.
Kosovo has been in political limbo under UN protection since June 1999, but its government estimates that it could be on track for initial talks on autonomy this summer.
In a best-case scenario, say international officials, this could lead to some form of self-determination for the war-torn former Yugoslav province by the end of next year.
But the road to full sovereignty will not be smooth. Before the so-called "final status" of Kosovo can be discussed, the UN-administered province must fulfil a series of internationally decreed standards in such areas as democratic government, the economy and rule of law.
The most pressing issue to be resolved will be guarantees that the province will not slide back into violence between ethnic Albanians and Serbs.
Once Kosovo’s international overseers from the UN deem these standards to have been attained, talks on final status could begin this summer.
Avni Arifi is one of the key officials in Kosovo’s new government working towards the goal. Sitting in a smoky coffee bar in the centre of Kosovo’s regional capital Avni, the sharp-suited ethnic Albanian leans forward conspiratorially: "By June this year we’re convinced that we’ll have 90% of the priority standards completed," he says.
"By fulfilling standards we’re convincing the international community that we’re a functioning multi-ethnic government. We’re doing as much as possible to remove Kosovo from Western TV screens as a place of suffering."
The "priority standards" that Avni and his government colleagues are working on include such contentious areas as the economy, rule of law and functioning democratic institutions.
One of the more tricky ones is that of freedom of movement for the province’s benighted and embittered ethnic minorities, such as the roughly 100,000 Serbs who stayed after 1999.
Kosovo has been administered as a UN protectorate since June 1999, when a 78-day Nato bombing campaign brought an end to the ethnocidal rampages of former Serb president Slobodan Milosevic’s soldiers and policemen.
Up to 11,000 people, mainly ethnic Albanians, were killed and some 3,000 are still registered as missing.
Since 1999, hundreds of Serbs and other ethnic minorities have been killed or attacked in a campaign of reverse ethnic cleansing carried out by extremist Albanians.
A succession of UN proconsuls and tens of thousands of Nato troops have administered and controlled the tiny chaotic aspirant statelet, a third of the size of Wales, stuck in between Albania, Serbia and Macedonia.
UN Security Council Resolution 1244, which mandated the entry of Nato and the UN after the Serbs were forced out in June 1999, decrees that the province still remains part of Serbia and Montenegro.
Kosovo has thus been in political limbo since 1999, and the standards issue is the one which will break the deadlock and should lead to its hoped-for independence.
It has motivated Albanians like Avni Arifi who are at the vanguard of Kosovo’s striving for self-determination.
Last week a new prime minister, Bajram Kosumi, was appointed. He replaced Ramush Haradinaj, a colourful and charismatic ethnic Albanian politician who had been a rebel commander in the guerrilla Kosovo Liberation Army in the fight against the Serbs in 1998-1999.
Haradinaj was considered a war hero by many Albanians, but his alleged behaviour during the war against a variety of Serbs, Albanians and gypsies led to him being indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, based in The Hague.
Haradinaj gave himself up to the Tribunal earlier this month, and much to the relief of Nato and the UN, an expected violent reaction to his departure did not materialise.
"There are grounds for optimism as we move forward," said Soren Jessen-Petersen, Kosovo’s no-nonsense and popular UN proconsul, last week.
Addressing the North Atlantic Council, Nato’s governing body, in Brussels, Jessen-Petersen stressed the fragility of the situation in Kosovo as it teeters its way towards self-determination.
"A series of security incidents highlights the essential volatility of the situation in Kosovo, and the readiness to resort to violence by those still blocking progress."
This resorting to violence was illustrated in typically direct form on the streets of Pristina early on the morning of March 15, when a roadside bomb exploded next to a motorcade carrying Kosovo’s president, Ibrahim Rugova.
The president was not hurt, but the incident illustrated the ease with which those intent on destabilising Kosovo could do so.
However optimistic officials like Avni Arifi are, other obstacles stand in the way of Kosovo’s bid for statehood.
The UN’s Jessen-Petersen says that "standards implementation is proceeding by and large without delay", but many problems remain to be dealt with. He cites "economic stagnation and rampant unemployment" as threats to political stability.
Although Jessen-Petersen is popular with the Kosovo Albanian population, the UN Mission in Kosovo, also known as UNMIK, is not. It is blamed for the province’s unresolved political situation and is seen as corrupt. In reality, however, UNMIK is no more or less effective, slothful or overly bureaucratic than any other UN mission over the last 10 years.
KOSUMI'S PLEDGE
HOPES for the future of Kosovo now rest with a former student activist who was installed as prime minister last week.
Bajram Kosumi, pictured left, was sworn in as head of Kosovo’s interim government, hoping to realise a lifetime dream by leading the province to independence.
The mainly ethnic Albanian parliament of the United Nations-administered province approved Kosumi and his new cabinet by 71 votes to 36.
Kosumi succeeds Ramush Haradinaj, 36, the former Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) commander who resigned earlier this month to answer charges of war crimes at the Hague tribunal.
The government is the first since the war of 1998-99 to have no ex-guerrillas as members. Kosumi was once sentenced to 15 years in prison for organising ethnic Albanian protests over Serb rule in 1981.
Considered a moderate among Kosovo politicians, Kosumi has, in his own words, "invested my past 26 years in the creation of the state of Kosovo". He pledged recently: "We are going to achieve independence sooner than anyone else could."
Message of President Rugova for Easter holiday
President of Kosovo Ibrahim Rugova has addressed a message to the people of Kosovo wishing them Happy Easter. He extended his wishes also to KFOR troops, UNMIK, OSCE and diplomatic offices in Pristina. ‘God willing, we will celebrate next Easter along with formal recognition of Kosovo’s independence’, said Rugova in his message. He also sent congratulations to Bishop of Kosovo Mark Sopi and to the Holy Father Pope John Paul II.
Condoleezza Rice: Status before Standards is possible in Kosovo (Zëri)
Zëri reports that following a meeting between the US State Secretary Condoleezza Rice and Greek Foreign Minister Petros Moliviatis, Rice announced consultations regarding Kosovo where Greece is also to take part and briefed the Greek FM on the ‘diplomacy led by USA in the region for convincing all sides that status before standards is attainable’, the paper says.
Jessen-Petersen promises Kosumi competencies in justice and police (dailies)
In the meeting between SRSG Søren Jessen-Petersen and newly appointed Kosovo Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi, Jessen-Petersen announced that more competencies in the field of justice and police are to be handed over to Kosovo authorities.
‘We, at UNMIK, are working on a draft for transfer of competencies in justice and police and we expect to present this plan to the Government by April’, said Jessen-Petersen. ‘This is the last part of the most important fields where competencies should be transferred’, added UNMIK chief.
In the first meeting with SRSG since assuming the post, PM Bajram Kosumi welcomed the news and said that he hopes Kosovo will very soon have two new ministries, that of justice and internal affairs.
‘We, at UNMIK, are working on a draft for transfer of competencies in justice and police and we expect to present this plan to the Government by April’, said Jessen-Petersen. ‘This is the last part of the most important fields where competencies should be transferred’, added UNMIK chief.
In the first meeting with SRSG since assuming the post, PM Bajram Kosumi welcomed the news and said that he hopes Kosovo will very soon have two new ministries, that of justice and internal affairs.
Kosovo president to support premier's policy implementation
President Ibrahim Rugova has promised that new Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi is going to enjoy the full support of the president's office until full implementation of the government programme that has been approved by the Kosova Assembly.
Rugova made this promise today after his first meeting with new Prime Minister Kosumi. The president expressed his confidence that the government led by Prime Minister Kosumi was able to realize the government's programme.
Rugova praised, very highly, the work of the government during the past two weeks since former Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj's resignation. "This shows that the Kosova institutions are capable of functioning and know how to work for the benefit of its people," Rugova said.
According to him, the government will enjoy full cooperation in all areas ahead of the assessment of the progress that has been made, which is expected to take place this year. "We will cooperate with the opposition in order to achieve unity on vital national issues," Rugova said.
Kosova Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi said that he was very confident that, with coordinated work between the president's office, the Kosova Assembly, and the government, it was going to be easier to make progress in the next two years which are crucial for the establishment of the sovereign and independent state.
Rugova made this promise today after his first meeting with new Prime Minister Kosumi. The president expressed his confidence that the government led by Prime Minister Kosumi was able to realize the government's programme.
Rugova praised, very highly, the work of the government during the past two weeks since former Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj's resignation. "This shows that the Kosova institutions are capable of functioning and know how to work for the benefit of its people," Rugova said.
According to him, the government will enjoy full cooperation in all areas ahead of the assessment of the progress that has been made, which is expected to take place this year. "We will cooperate with the opposition in order to achieve unity on vital national issues," Rugova said.
Kosova Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi said that he was very confident that, with coordinated work between the president's office, the Kosova Assembly, and the government, it was going to be easier to make progress in the next two years which are crucial for the establishment of the sovereign and independent state.
Kosovo minister proposes economic independence plan based on Bavaria
After Belgrade's proposal that the solution for Kosovo's status is less [talk] about independence and more about autonomy, another proposal has arrived. This time from Kosovo Minister of Return and Communities Slavisa Petkovic who assessed that the solution which would satisfy both Serbs and [ethnic] Albanians is economic independence from Serbia and Montenegro, similar to Bavaria's position in Germany.
Petkovic said this at a Centre for Strategic Studies forum platform in Skopje addressing Kosovo and its perspectives. Petkovic also criticized the Serbian government for not having a clear strategy for the start of negotiations on Kosovo's final status.
Petkovic said this at a Centre for Strategic Studies forum platform in Skopje addressing Kosovo and its perspectives. Petkovic also criticized the Serbian government for not having a clear strategy for the start of negotiations on Kosovo's final status.
Friday, March 25, 2005
A new report from Amnesty International charges that Serbia-Montenegro has failed to fulfil human rights commitments it made when it joined the CoE
By Robert Herschbach for Southeast European Times – 25/03/05
Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica and other top officials say efforts to co-operate with The Hague tribunal are producing results. [UNDP]
Serbia-Montenegro has not lived up to the commitments it made when it entered the Council of Europe (CoE) two years ago, Amnesty International said in a report released Tuesday (22 March). Characterising 2004 as a "wasted year" in terms of Belgrade's international obligations, the report cites poor co-operation with the UN war crimes tribunal, problems with domestic war crimes trials, failure to establish the truth about missing persons and bring perpetrators to justice, and other areas of concern.
"Many of those responsible for the gravest human rights violations during the armed conflicts after the breakup of Yugoslavia continue to enjoy impunity," the human rights watchdog group said. "Despite international and national obligations, authorities … refuse to arrest and transfer people indicted by the tribunal, relying instead on voluntary surrenders, and rarely prosecute such crimes domestically."
Top officials, including Serbian President Boris Tadic, Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica and federal President Svetozar Marovic, have insisted that the voluntary approach is producing results. Eight indictees have surrendered to the tribunal during the last two months. Among them are former Yugoslav Army chief Momcilo Perisic and Bosnian Serb General Vinko Pandurevic, who flew to The Hague Wednesday.
While progress has been made, the report says, the government's approach is in violation of its obligations as a UN member state. Moreover, 12 fugitives remain at large, including ex-generals Nebojsa Pavkovic and Sreten Lukic, who live openly in Serbia. UN chief prosecutor Carla del Ponte has charged that Ratko Mladic, one of the court's three most-wanted indictees, is receiving assistance from a support network within official structures, including the Serbian military.
Meanwhile, the process of trying war criminals in domestic courts has been sluggish and incomplete, the organisation says. Only three cases are currently under way, and two of them have been drawn out because of higher-court reversals. In January, the Supreme Court annulled the conviction of Sasa Cvetjan, a member of the "Scorpions" special police unit implicated in the 1999 murder of 19 ethnic Albanians in Podjevo. In September 2004, the Court annulled the convictions of four men charged with the abduction and killing of 17 Muslims. Eighteen people are on trial in connection with the Ovcara massacre near Vukovar, Croatia in 1992, but the indictment failed to include former Yugoslav National Army (JNA) officers implicated in the atrocity.
Prosecuting only low-level perpetrators "encourages the culture of impunity for the military and political leadership," the report says.
No one has been charged in connection with the burial of hundreds of Kosovo Albanians in mass graves located on government property, Amnesty International notes. The assassinations of journalists Slavko Curuvija and Milan Panic and numerous other cases -- including the death of two soldiers outside an army barracks rumoured to have provided shelter for Mladic -- remain unsolved.
The document also expresses concern about the treatment of Roma, especially those displaced as a result of the Kosovo conflict, and warns that Serbia's legislation on conscientious military service continues to be in breach of Council of Europe standards. While holding Serbia responsible for the bulk of human rights issues affecting the state union, the report also cites allegations of high-level complicity in a human trafficking case in Montenegro.
Belgrade, meanwhile, has launched a diplomatic initiative aimed at showing that progress has been made in co-operation with the UN tribunal. Meeting with EU officials in Brussels, Tadic and Kostunica both pledged that remaining obligations would be met. Earlier this week, the federal council for co-operation with the UN tribunal endorsed a move to freeze the assets of fugitive indictees, and Deputy Prime Minister Miroljub Labus has indicated that authorities are prepared to go beyond the voluntary surrender approach.
Serbia-Montenegro is hoping to receive a positive EU feasibility study on its prospects for accession, but officials in Brussels have made it clear that such an outcome depends largely on co-operation with The Hague.
Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica and other top officials say efforts to co-operate with The Hague tribunal are producing results. [UNDP]
Serbia-Montenegro has not lived up to the commitments it made when it entered the Council of Europe (CoE) two years ago, Amnesty International said in a report released Tuesday (22 March). Characterising 2004 as a "wasted year" in terms of Belgrade's international obligations, the report cites poor co-operation with the UN war crimes tribunal, problems with domestic war crimes trials, failure to establish the truth about missing persons and bring perpetrators to justice, and other areas of concern.
"Many of those responsible for the gravest human rights violations during the armed conflicts after the breakup of Yugoslavia continue to enjoy impunity," the human rights watchdog group said. "Despite international and national obligations, authorities … refuse to arrest and transfer people indicted by the tribunal, relying instead on voluntary surrenders, and rarely prosecute such crimes domestically."
Top officials, including Serbian President Boris Tadic, Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica and federal President Svetozar Marovic, have insisted that the voluntary approach is producing results. Eight indictees have surrendered to the tribunal during the last two months. Among them are former Yugoslav Army chief Momcilo Perisic and Bosnian Serb General Vinko Pandurevic, who flew to The Hague Wednesday.
While progress has been made, the report says, the government's approach is in violation of its obligations as a UN member state. Moreover, 12 fugitives remain at large, including ex-generals Nebojsa Pavkovic and Sreten Lukic, who live openly in Serbia. UN chief prosecutor Carla del Ponte has charged that Ratko Mladic, one of the court's three most-wanted indictees, is receiving assistance from a support network within official structures, including the Serbian military.
Meanwhile, the process of trying war criminals in domestic courts has been sluggish and incomplete, the organisation says. Only three cases are currently under way, and two of them have been drawn out because of higher-court reversals. In January, the Supreme Court annulled the conviction of Sasa Cvetjan, a member of the "Scorpions" special police unit implicated in the 1999 murder of 19 ethnic Albanians in Podjevo. In September 2004, the Court annulled the convictions of four men charged with the abduction and killing of 17 Muslims. Eighteen people are on trial in connection with the Ovcara massacre near Vukovar, Croatia in 1992, but the indictment failed to include former Yugoslav National Army (JNA) officers implicated in the atrocity.
Prosecuting only low-level perpetrators "encourages the culture of impunity for the military and political leadership," the report says.
No one has been charged in connection with the burial of hundreds of Kosovo Albanians in mass graves located on government property, Amnesty International notes. The assassinations of journalists Slavko Curuvija and Milan Panic and numerous other cases -- including the death of two soldiers outside an army barracks rumoured to have provided shelter for Mladic -- remain unsolved.
The document also expresses concern about the treatment of Roma, especially those displaced as a result of the Kosovo conflict, and warns that Serbia's legislation on conscientious military service continues to be in breach of Council of Europe standards. While holding Serbia responsible for the bulk of human rights issues affecting the state union, the report also cites allegations of high-level complicity in a human trafficking case in Montenegro.
Belgrade, meanwhile, has launched a diplomatic initiative aimed at showing that progress has been made in co-operation with the UN tribunal. Meeting with EU officials in Brussels, Tadic and Kostunica both pledged that remaining obligations would be met. Earlier this week, the federal council for co-operation with the UN tribunal endorsed a move to freeze the assets of fugitive indictees, and Deputy Prime Minister Miroljub Labus has indicated that authorities are prepared to go beyond the voluntary surrender approach.
Serbia-Montenegro is hoping to receive a positive EU feasibility study on its prospects for accession, but officials in Brussels have made it clear that such an outcome depends largely on co-operation with The Hague.
Serbian police general expected to surrender to UN war crimes court
A Serbian police general long wanted by the UN war crimes court in connection with war crimes during the Kosovo war is expected to surrender to the tribunal in The Hague next week, an official said here Friday.
Sreten Lukic, the number two of Serbian police whose indictment in 2003 infuriated the then Serbian government and triggered protests by thousands of Serbian police, must first undergo an operation, said the official in comments quoted by the Beta news agency.
"General Sreten Lukic could leave Thursday for The Hague following surgery on a blood vessel that will be performed in Belgrade Monday," said Zoran Loncar, a member of the state council for cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY).
He said the information came from one of Lukic's doctors, Miodrag Ostojic, who advised his patient to have the operation in Rotterdam though he refused.
Lukic is wanted, along with three other generals, for crimes against humanity and war crimes during the 1998-99 Kosovo war.
The Serbian state prosecutor's office, meanwhile, said it had dropped its demand that Lukic's assets be frozen, in a statement Friday.
"Sreten Lukic was removed from the list of 13 people indicted by the ICTY whose assets the prosecutor asked be frozen," it said, because "he is not a fugitive and is in regular contact with judicial authorities."
Lukic had earlier refused to hand himself into the UN tribunal, but presented himself to a Serbia district court last year to receive formal notification of the UN indictment.
The three other generals indicted with Lukic are: Nebojsa Pavkovic, former chief of staff of the old Yugoslav army who has refused to surrender to The Hague tribunal; Vladimir Lazarevic, who commanded Yugoslav and Serbian forces in Kosovo and surrendered to the court on February 3; and former Serbian police general Vladimir DjorDjevic, who remains on the run.
Lazarevic is specifically charged over the January 1999 Racak massacre of some 45 ethnic Albanian civilians, an incident that helped trigger NATO's armed intervention to drive Serbian forces out of the province.
An estimated 800,000 Kosovo Albanians were driven from their homes during the war, when rebels from the province's ethnic Albanian majority fought for independence from Serbia.
Sreten Lukic, the number two of Serbian police whose indictment in 2003 infuriated the then Serbian government and triggered protests by thousands of Serbian police, must first undergo an operation, said the official in comments quoted by the Beta news agency.
"General Sreten Lukic could leave Thursday for The Hague following surgery on a blood vessel that will be performed in Belgrade Monday," said Zoran Loncar, a member of the state council for cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY).
He said the information came from one of Lukic's doctors, Miodrag Ostojic, who advised his patient to have the operation in Rotterdam though he refused.
Lukic is wanted, along with three other generals, for crimes against humanity and war crimes during the 1998-99 Kosovo war.
The Serbian state prosecutor's office, meanwhile, said it had dropped its demand that Lukic's assets be frozen, in a statement Friday.
"Sreten Lukic was removed from the list of 13 people indicted by the ICTY whose assets the prosecutor asked be frozen," it said, because "he is not a fugitive and is in regular contact with judicial authorities."
Lukic had earlier refused to hand himself into the UN tribunal, but presented himself to a Serbia district court last year to receive formal notification of the UN indictment.
The three other generals indicted with Lukic are: Nebojsa Pavkovic, former chief of staff of the old Yugoslav army who has refused to surrender to The Hague tribunal; Vladimir Lazarevic, who commanded Yugoslav and Serbian forces in Kosovo and surrendered to the court on February 3; and former Serbian police general Vladimir DjorDjevic, who remains on the run.
Lazarevic is specifically charged over the January 1999 Racak massacre of some 45 ethnic Albanian civilians, an incident that helped trigger NATO's armed intervention to drive Serbian forces out of the province.
An estimated 800,000 Kosovo Albanians were driven from their homes during the war, when rebels from the province's ethnic Albanian majority fought for independence from Serbia.
Rupel Stresses Need to Build on Kosovo Progress
Foreign Minister Dimitrij Rupel, the OSCE
chairman-in-office, has welcomed the formation of a new government in
Kosovo and called on all parties in the province to continue to work
together and build on the already achieved progress.
Speaking to the press after his meetings with top Kosovo officials, Rupel
called on the new government of Prime Minster Bajram Kosumi to assume full
responsibility for stability in the province.
Moreover, he urged the government to keep efforts to construct a
multi-ethnic Kosovo on track, the OSCE said in a press release.
Rupel also said now was not the time to burn bridges, but to work together
to ensure a European future for the Balkans.
"It is important for the Provisional Institutions of Self-Government to
make progress on Standards based on a commitment to building a
multi-ethnic Kosovo," Rupel is cited as saying by the OSCE.
Rupel met Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova, newly-appointed Prime Minister
Bajram Kosumi, Speaker of the Kosovo Parliament Nexhat Daci and the UN
Administrator in Kosovo Soeren Jessen-Petersen.
This is Rupel's second visit to the province since he assumed his one-year
stint as OSCE chairman at the beginning of January.
The visit is a continuation of Slovenian attempts to achieve progress on
the Kosovo issue, which comes as part of heightened efforts for stability
in the Western Balkans.
Slovenia has promised to pay special attention to SE Europe and its needs
during its stint as OSCE president.
chairman-in-office, has welcomed the formation of a new government in
Kosovo and called on all parties in the province to continue to work
together and build on the already achieved progress.
Speaking to the press after his meetings with top Kosovo officials, Rupel
called on the new government of Prime Minster Bajram Kosumi to assume full
responsibility for stability in the province.
Moreover, he urged the government to keep efforts to construct a
multi-ethnic Kosovo on track, the OSCE said in a press release.
Rupel also said now was not the time to burn bridges, but to work together
to ensure a European future for the Balkans.
"It is important for the Provisional Institutions of Self-Government to
make progress on Standards based on a commitment to building a
multi-ethnic Kosovo," Rupel is cited as saying by the OSCE.
Rupel met Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova, newly-appointed Prime Minister
Bajram Kosumi, Speaker of the Kosovo Parliament Nexhat Daci and the UN
Administrator in Kosovo Soeren Jessen-Petersen.
This is Rupel's second visit to the province since he assumed his one-year
stint as OSCE chairman at the beginning of January.
The visit is a continuation of Slovenian attempts to achieve progress on
the Kosovo issue, which comes as part of heightened efforts for stability
in the Western Balkans.
Slovenia has promised to pay special attention to SE Europe and its needs
during its stint as OSCE president.
Serbs and Kosovo Electric strike a deal
Sinisa Simonovic, representative of the municipal council of Batuse, said that Serb officials have reached an agreement with the Kosovo Electric Corporation to have the village receive electricity.
“We said that we would have electricity within the next month’s time, but that we must sign an agreement with the Kosovo Electric Corporation in that time. If we do not, they will turn off the electricity once again.” Simonovic told FoNet.
Serbs in Batuse have not had electricity since December 17.
“We said that we would have electricity within the next month’s time, but that we must sign an agreement with the Kosovo Electric Corporation in that time. If we do not, they will turn off the electricity once again.” Simonovic told FoNet.
Serbs in Batuse have not had electricity since December 17.
In 2004 Economic Growth in Kosovo was 3.2 %
The Ministry of Economy and Finances (MEF) officials said during yesterday's Seminar entitled Kosovo Economy in 2004 and the Perspective for 2005 that they are aware of the situation in Kosovo, but there is a lack of ability and professionalism to change it.
Naim Blakcorri, the Director of the MEF's Macroeconomic Office said that the economy of Kosovo in year 2004 marked a 3.2% growth.
Employment in year 2004 has also marked an increase in the public as well as in the private sector. In 2004, there were created 5 000 jobs in the public sector, while the overall number of employees in both sectors is about 311,000.
Naim Blakcorri, the Director of the MEF's Macroeconomic Office said that the economy of Kosovo in year 2004 marked a 3.2% growth.
Employment in year 2004 has also marked an increase in the public as well as in the private sector. In 2004, there were created 5 000 jobs in the public sector, while the overall number of employees in both sectors is about 311,000.
Secretary Rice remarks on Kosovo after meeting with the Foreign Minister of Greece
QUESTION: Hello, I have a question for Madame Secretary. I heard both of you telling us about the working together on strategic areas. Could you be more specific where Greece and the United States could work together?
SECRETARY RICE: Of course. First of all, we did talk about our joint responsibilities as members of NATO and the responsibilities that we hold in trying to promote stable and progressive developments in the Balkans. That is a place where we've had very, very good cooperation and where it's extremely important that that process move forward. We have some reports that will be coming forward, for instance, on Kosovo. We believe that this is an area that is ripe for cooperation between Greece and the United States, as well as the other members of NATO.
I can remember quite well, for instance, at our recent NATO ministerial that we talked about the need for there to be constant dialogue and discussion as we move forward through the spring on the situation in Kosovo. We also talked about the Mediterranean, where we share interest and where there are now very active movements toward democracy, and perhaps we could find a strategic common purpose there. The Foreign Minister also talked about what they might be able -- what Greece might be able to do as we continue to try to stabilize Afghanistan and as we try to provide for the Iraqi people support for their newly elected transitional government.
SECRETARY RICE: Of course. First of all, we did talk about our joint responsibilities as members of NATO and the responsibilities that we hold in trying to promote stable and progressive developments in the Balkans. That is a place where we've had very, very good cooperation and where it's extremely important that that process move forward. We have some reports that will be coming forward, for instance, on Kosovo. We believe that this is an area that is ripe for cooperation between Greece and the United States, as well as the other members of NATO.
I can remember quite well, for instance, at our recent NATO ministerial that we talked about the need for there to be constant dialogue and discussion as we move forward through the spring on the situation in Kosovo. We also talked about the Mediterranean, where we share interest and where there are now very active movements toward democracy, and perhaps we could find a strategic common purpose there. The Foreign Minister also talked about what they might be able -- what Greece might be able to do as we continue to try to stabilize Afghanistan and as we try to provide for the Iraqi people support for their newly elected transitional government.
Back to Kosovo: Athens' view - The Washington Times
T he year 2005 will see the Balkans return as one of the top issues on the international agenda by reason, once again, of the uncertain situation in Kosovo.
Six years after the dramatic events of 1999, the real power in Kosovo -- officially part of Serbian and Montenegran territory -- is wielded by the international community via the U.N. presence (UNMIK) and the provisional institutions for self-government run by the Kosovar Albanians, who comprise the majority of the province's population. The Serb minority continues to feel insecure and remains suspicious, withdrawn and, unfortunately, uninvolved.
Fostering democracy, respect for human rights and -- especially -- minority rights, as well as good governance, have been the great challenge from the outset. Progress in these areas will decide if Kosovo develops security, or remains fragile and problematic (as indicated by the March 2004 incidents and the recent bombing attempt on President Ibrahim Rugova).
These will be the concerns of the Security Council during its discussions this summer of the progress report it will receive from a special representative appointed by the U.N. secretary-general. The international community's initial goal of a stable, democratic and multiethnic Kosovo has not yet been achieved.
The economy, despite some improvement, remains exceedingly frail. Kosovo's 600,000 unemployed outnumber the inhabitants of the country's capital, Pristina. A thriving black market, illegal trafficking in persons and goods, and extensive corruption continue plaguing the region. Moreover, security for the return of Serb refugees and the internally displaced, as well as adequate protection of religious sites, remain major concerns.
It is in everyone's interest to continue pushing for extensive and essential implementation of the "standards." Our message must be clear: To the Kosovar Albanians and Pristina, we must stress the vital importance of strengthening democratization and good governance; to the Kosovar Serbs and Belgrade, we must bring home how counterproductive their noninvolvement might be to their own interests. After all, "the absent are always in the wrong."
Beyond our insistence on the need for substantial progress on the "standards," it is reasonable to be concerned about the future of Kosovo and its final "status." We should not prematurely promote specific solutions before this summer's evaluation. But we should seek a positive convergence of views based on certain fundamental principles and guidelines. I believe the following elements can provide a common basis.
The final status plan must be viable and realistic, to encourage the region's stabilization and discourage destabilization.
Any solution must result from dialogue, in accordance with the U.N. Charter and resolutions, the Helsinki Final Act and the 1990 Paris Charter for a New Europe. The active participation of Belgrade is in everyone's interest.
A return to the pre-1999 status quo is no longer a realistic option. Kosovo must remain multiethnic. Partitioning Kosovo, annexing or unifying it with any country in the region will be a source of dangerous instability. There must be a clear European perspective, providing a powerful incentive for carrying out Western and European principles and values.
A viable and stable solution to the Kosovo problem will be difficult without the coincident strengthening of what is so far the almost nonexistent European perspective of Serbia and Montenegro, which cannot remain the "black hole" of Europe.
Finally, it is necessary we proceed to a strictly monitored process for collecting small arms and ammunition in the region.
With these parameters in mind, Greece has the potential to promote and make a constructive contribution to regional stability, peace and prosperity.
We will do this as a member of the EU and NATO, as a member of the U.N. Security Council for 2005-2006, as a friend and ally of the United States, and as the chairman in office of the South East European Cooperation Process. And, of course, as a country with strong bonds of friendship and cooperation with all Contact Group members (i.e., the European Union, the United States, Russia, Great Britain, France, Italy and Germany).
Finally, and most importantly, Greece can play a constructive role because it is viewed by all of the immediately interested parties as a reliable, consistent and effective interlocutor, as was confirmed during Prime Minister Costas Karamanlis' recent visits to Belgrade and Pristina.
Petros Molyviatis is foreign minister of the Hellenic Republic.
Six years after the dramatic events of 1999, the real power in Kosovo -- officially part of Serbian and Montenegran territory -- is wielded by the international community via the U.N. presence (UNMIK) and the provisional institutions for self-government run by the Kosovar Albanians, who comprise the majority of the province's population. The Serb minority continues to feel insecure and remains suspicious, withdrawn and, unfortunately, uninvolved.
Fostering democracy, respect for human rights and -- especially -- minority rights, as well as good governance, have been the great challenge from the outset. Progress in these areas will decide if Kosovo develops security, or remains fragile and problematic (as indicated by the March 2004 incidents and the recent bombing attempt on President Ibrahim Rugova).
These will be the concerns of the Security Council during its discussions this summer of the progress report it will receive from a special representative appointed by the U.N. secretary-general. The international community's initial goal of a stable, democratic and multiethnic Kosovo has not yet been achieved.
The economy, despite some improvement, remains exceedingly frail. Kosovo's 600,000 unemployed outnumber the inhabitants of the country's capital, Pristina. A thriving black market, illegal trafficking in persons and goods, and extensive corruption continue plaguing the region. Moreover, security for the return of Serb refugees and the internally displaced, as well as adequate protection of religious sites, remain major concerns.
It is in everyone's interest to continue pushing for extensive and essential implementation of the "standards." Our message must be clear: To the Kosovar Albanians and Pristina, we must stress the vital importance of strengthening democratization and good governance; to the Kosovar Serbs and Belgrade, we must bring home how counterproductive their noninvolvement might be to their own interests. After all, "the absent are always in the wrong."
Beyond our insistence on the need for substantial progress on the "standards," it is reasonable to be concerned about the future of Kosovo and its final "status." We should not prematurely promote specific solutions before this summer's evaluation. But we should seek a positive convergence of views based on certain fundamental principles and guidelines. I believe the following elements can provide a common basis.
The final status plan must be viable and realistic, to encourage the region's stabilization and discourage destabilization.
Any solution must result from dialogue, in accordance with the U.N. Charter and resolutions, the Helsinki Final Act and the 1990 Paris Charter for a New Europe. The active participation of Belgrade is in everyone's interest.
A return to the pre-1999 status quo is no longer a realistic option. Kosovo must remain multiethnic. Partitioning Kosovo, annexing or unifying it with any country in the region will be a source of dangerous instability. There must be a clear European perspective, providing a powerful incentive for carrying out Western and European principles and values.
A viable and stable solution to the Kosovo problem will be difficult without the coincident strengthening of what is so far the almost nonexistent European perspective of Serbia and Montenegro, which cannot remain the "black hole" of Europe.
Finally, it is necessary we proceed to a strictly monitored process for collecting small arms and ammunition in the region.
With these parameters in mind, Greece has the potential to promote and make a constructive contribution to regional stability, peace and prosperity.
We will do this as a member of the EU and NATO, as a member of the U.N. Security Council for 2005-2006, as a friend and ally of the United States, and as the chairman in office of the South East European Cooperation Process. And, of course, as a country with strong bonds of friendship and cooperation with all Contact Group members (i.e., the European Union, the United States, Russia, Great Britain, France, Italy and Germany).
Finally, and most importantly, Greece can play a constructive role because it is viewed by all of the immediately interested parties as a reliable, consistent and effective interlocutor, as was confirmed during Prime Minister Costas Karamanlis' recent visits to Belgrade and Pristina.
Petros Molyviatis is foreign minister of the Hellenic Republic.
Thursday, March 24, 2005
Belgrade and Pristina mark sixth anniversary of start of NATO bombing
Six years after NATO launched its air war against Serbia over Kosovo, Serbs remembered the day as a "tragic date in our history" while Kosovo's ethnic Albanians hailed the bombing as the dawn of freedom.
NATO launched its air campaign March 24, 1999, to stop a crackdown by Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic on the predominantly Muslim Albanian majority in Serbia's separatist Kosovo province.
After 78 days of airstrikes, Milosevic was forced to withdraw his troops, leaving Kosovo administered by the United Nations and NATO.
Up to 1 million ethnic Albanians were temporarily driven from Kosovo during the crackdown in 1998-1999, and an estimated 10,000 were killed. In the rest of Serbia, NATO strikes killed about 2,000 soldiers, policemen and civilians.
Serbia's President Boris Tadic urged the Serbs "never to forget this tragic date in our recent history, so something like that would never happen again."
Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica, a fierce critic of Western policies in Serbia, attended a ceremony at St. Marko's Church in Belgrade held for the those killed in the bombing. Other officials laid wreaths at spots in the capital hit by bombs.
Dozens of key structures hit from the air by NATO remain in ruins, including the Yugoslav army and police headquarters in the center of the city.
In Kosovo, in an illustration of the Kosovo-Serbia divide, ethnic Albanians marked the start of the bombing as a key step in their quest to win independence from Serbia.
Kosovo's President Ibrahim Rugova said in a statement that the sixth anniversary of the NATO bombing marked the "dawn of freedom," which should lead to eventual independence. Newspapers carried messages of gratitude to the United States and its allies on front pages.
Dukagjin Gorani, editor-in-chief of Kosovo daily Express called the bombing "a miracle that managed to get rid of the only problem I had and fulfilled my biggest wish."
But Kosovo remains an ethnically tense area with occasional violence directed mostly against the province's dwindling Serb minority. More than 200,000 Serbs have fled Kosovo since 1999 and those who stayed behind live in isolated enclaves guarded by NATO.
Kosovo's final status is yet to be decided. Talks on its status are expected to start later this year. Belgrade and Pristina have fiercely conflicting stands on the issue, with Kosovo ethnic Albanians insisting on independence from Serbia and Belgrade hoping to retain at least some authority over the province which it considers the cradle of Serb history and culture.
7
NATO launched its air campaign March 24, 1999, to stop a crackdown by Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic on the predominantly Muslim Albanian majority in Serbia's separatist Kosovo province.
After 78 days of airstrikes, Milosevic was forced to withdraw his troops, leaving Kosovo administered by the United Nations and NATO.
Up to 1 million ethnic Albanians were temporarily driven from Kosovo during the crackdown in 1998-1999, and an estimated 10,000 were killed. In the rest of Serbia, NATO strikes killed about 2,000 soldiers, policemen and civilians.
Serbia's President Boris Tadic urged the Serbs "never to forget this tragic date in our recent history, so something like that would never happen again."
Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica, a fierce critic of Western policies in Serbia, attended a ceremony at St. Marko's Church in Belgrade held for the those killed in the bombing. Other officials laid wreaths at spots in the capital hit by bombs.
Dozens of key structures hit from the air by NATO remain in ruins, including the Yugoslav army and police headquarters in the center of the city.
In Kosovo, in an illustration of the Kosovo-Serbia divide, ethnic Albanians marked the start of the bombing as a key step in their quest to win independence from Serbia.
Kosovo's President Ibrahim Rugova said in a statement that the sixth anniversary of the NATO bombing marked the "dawn of freedom," which should lead to eventual independence. Newspapers carried messages of gratitude to the United States and its allies on front pages.
Dukagjin Gorani, editor-in-chief of Kosovo daily Express called the bombing "a miracle that managed to get rid of the only problem I had and fulfilled my biggest wish."
But Kosovo remains an ethnically tense area with occasional violence directed mostly against the province's dwindling Serb minority. More than 200,000 Serbs have fled Kosovo since 1999 and those who stayed behind live in isolated enclaves guarded by NATO.
Kosovo's final status is yet to be decided. Talks on its status are expected to start later this year. Belgrade and Pristina have fiercely conflicting stands on the issue, with Kosovo ethnic Albanians insisting on independence from Serbia and Belgrade hoping to retain at least some authority over the province which it considers the cradle of Serb history and culture.
7
Former Serbian army chief refuses to surrender to U.N. war crimes tribunal
Serbia's former army chief, indicted for war crimes in Kosovo in 1999, refuses to voluntarily surrender to a U.N. tribunal and will resist arrest if authorities move against him, his allies said Thursday.
Gen. Nebojsa Pavkovic, who is president of the Peoples' Bloc party, "is not considering his surrender because he is ill and is protecting his military honor and dignity," the party said in a statement.
It added that the group's members and other nationalist allies will form a "human shield" in front of his home if police try to arrest him.
Serbia's government, which is under international pressure to hand over Serb war crimes suspects to The Hague tribunal, has announced it plans to arrest Pavkovic if he does not surrender voluntarily by the end of March when the European Union is to issue a report on whether the Balkan country can eventually start membership talks.
Also Thursday, the office of Serbia's prosecutor for war crimes announced that it has ordered that all bank accounts of suspects indicted by The Hague tribunal be frozen. The office did not provide names or details about the banks or amounts affected by the move.
Pavkovic was in charge of the Yugoslav Army in Kosovo in 1999 during NATO airstrikes that stopped a crackdown against independence-seeking ethnic Albanians. Tens of thousands Kosovo Albanians fled their homes during the army offensive and up to 10,000 people were killed.
Pavkovic was promoted to the army chief of staff after the war in Kosovo by former President Slobodan Milosevic. In 2003, the Hague court indicted Pavkovic along with three other top Serb generals for crimes against humanity and violations of the customs of war.
"Pavkovic was and remained a Serb hero who has fought for dignity and national freedom," Rodoljub Stanimirovic, the vice president of Pavkovic's party, told the Gradjanski List newspaper.
Ten Serb and Bosnian Serb suspects, indicted by The Hague tribunal for war crimes during the Balkan wars in the 1990s, have voluntarily surrendered to the court since October. But more than a dozen Serb indictees remain at large. The two top fugitives are Gen. Ratko Mladic and former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic.
Serbia's conservative-led government, fearing political backlash by nationalists, has been reluctant to arrest and extradite the suspects, preferring to persuade the to surrender. But, deputy Prime Minister Miroljub Labus said that Pavkovic will be arrested if he does not give himself up.
"This is no longer a question of cooperation with The Hague Tribunal. It is a question of whether a single individual, regardless of whom he might be, can defy the government. And I think the answer to that question is clear," Labus said.
Pavkovic's allies claim he is "seriously ill" and that he is recuperating at an undisclosed location in Serbia. Until the recent wave of voluntary surrenders, Pavkovic had been living openly in Belgrade.
Gen. Nebojsa Pavkovic, who is president of the Peoples' Bloc party, "is not considering his surrender because he is ill and is protecting his military honor and dignity," the party said in a statement.
It added that the group's members and other nationalist allies will form a "human shield" in front of his home if police try to arrest him.
Serbia's government, which is under international pressure to hand over Serb war crimes suspects to The Hague tribunal, has announced it plans to arrest Pavkovic if he does not surrender voluntarily by the end of March when the European Union is to issue a report on whether the Balkan country can eventually start membership talks.
Also Thursday, the office of Serbia's prosecutor for war crimes announced that it has ordered that all bank accounts of suspects indicted by The Hague tribunal be frozen. The office did not provide names or details about the banks or amounts affected by the move.
Pavkovic was in charge of the Yugoslav Army in Kosovo in 1999 during NATO airstrikes that stopped a crackdown against independence-seeking ethnic Albanians. Tens of thousands Kosovo Albanians fled their homes during the army offensive and up to 10,000 people were killed.
Pavkovic was promoted to the army chief of staff after the war in Kosovo by former President Slobodan Milosevic. In 2003, the Hague court indicted Pavkovic along with three other top Serb generals for crimes against humanity and violations of the customs of war.
"Pavkovic was and remained a Serb hero who has fought for dignity and national freedom," Rodoljub Stanimirovic, the vice president of Pavkovic's party, told the Gradjanski List newspaper.
Ten Serb and Bosnian Serb suspects, indicted by The Hague tribunal for war crimes during the Balkan wars in the 1990s, have voluntarily surrendered to the court since October. But more than a dozen Serb indictees remain at large. The two top fugitives are Gen. Ratko Mladic and former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic.
Serbia's conservative-led government, fearing political backlash by nationalists, has been reluctant to arrest and extradite the suspects, preferring to persuade the to surrender. But, deputy Prime Minister Miroljub Labus said that Pavkovic will be arrested if he does not give himself up.
"This is no longer a question of cooperation with The Hague Tribunal. It is a question of whether a single individual, regardless of whom he might be, can defy the government. And I think the answer to that question is clear," Labus said.
Pavkovic's allies claim he is "seriously ill" and that he is recuperating at an undisclosed location in Serbia. Until the recent wave of voluntary surrenders, Pavkovic had been living openly in Belgrade.
Three arrested for anti-Semitism in Serbia - Jerusalem Post
Belgrade police have arrested three men for plastering anti-Semitic posters in the Serbian capital, the authorities said Wednesday.
Interior Minister Dragan Jocic declined to identify the suspects but said they were "young people ... found in possession of copies of the posters" identical to those that appeared Tuesday at the entrance to Belgrade's Jewish cemetery and along Jewish Street in Belgrade's historic city center.
"Serbia is not an anti-Semitic place, these are extremely rare cases ... we want to know what incited the young men" to put up the messages that also blasted Serbia's liberal B92 Radio and Television station and two pro-Western human rights groups.
The posters were signed by a hitherto unknown group calling itself National Order, saying B92 was anti-Serb, had a negative influence on Serb youth and spread "Western diseases" in Serbia.
Jocic said he met with the head of Serbia's tiny Jewish community, Aca Singer, to offer assurances that police would "thoroughly investigate the incident," as promised on Tuesday by Serbia's pro-Western president, Boris Tadic, who called the messages "absolutely unacceptable."
Later Wednesday, the Jewish community released a statement expressing hope that "state bodies will find and punish perpetrators and prevent any recurrence or a lapse into physical violence."
The incident was "well organized, it was coordinated and financed from one place" the statement also said, without elaborating.
Serbia's deputy prime minister, Miroljub Labus, agreed that "what happened was not spontaneous at all," adding that "it was a deliberate, organized attempt to try discredit our country." He also didn't elaborate.
Last month, Singer said he had received anonymous hate mail telling him "Jews should leave Serbia."
Of the once-affluent, 30,000-strong Jewish community in Serbia before World War II, less than half survived the Nazi occupation. Many more later moved to Israel or to the West.
Interior Minister Dragan Jocic declined to identify the suspects but said they were "young people ... found in possession of copies of the posters" identical to those that appeared Tuesday at the entrance to Belgrade's Jewish cemetery and along Jewish Street in Belgrade's historic city center.
"Serbia is not an anti-Semitic place, these are extremely rare cases ... we want to know what incited the young men" to put up the messages that also blasted Serbia's liberal B92 Radio and Television station and two pro-Western human rights groups.
The posters were signed by a hitherto unknown group calling itself National Order, saying B92 was anti-Serb, had a negative influence on Serb youth and spread "Western diseases" in Serbia.
Jocic said he met with the head of Serbia's tiny Jewish community, Aca Singer, to offer assurances that police would "thoroughly investigate the incident," as promised on Tuesday by Serbia's pro-Western president, Boris Tadic, who called the messages "absolutely unacceptable."
Later Wednesday, the Jewish community released a statement expressing hope that "state bodies will find and punish perpetrators and prevent any recurrence or a lapse into physical violence."
The incident was "well organized, it was coordinated and financed from one place" the statement also said, without elaborating.
Serbia's deputy prime minister, Miroljub Labus, agreed that "what happened was not spontaneous at all," adding that "it was a deliberate, organized attempt to try discredit our country." He also didn't elaborate.
Last month, Singer said he had received anonymous hate mail telling him "Jews should leave Serbia."
Of the once-affluent, 30,000-strong Jewish community in Serbia before World War II, less than half survived the Nazi occupation. Many more later moved to Israel or to the West.
Anti-Semitic paroles in Serbia
Call to boycot B92 Radio and Television
Placards with a call to boycott B92 Radio and Television and the graffiti on the Jewish cemetery dawned this morning in Belgrade. Over the night, hate graffiti were painted at the entrance of teh offices of Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia and the Humanitarian Law Centre.
The Helsinki Committee reminds that the night before (Monday, March 21), petition signing was organized for the “Stop the Conspiracy of Silence” campaign against the rising anti-Semitism, started by eight NGOs. The graffiti “Sonja Biserko – Pawn of the Jews – Humble servant of the Jewish new world order”, “Serbia to the Serbs”, as well as a sign that integrates the David’s Star and the logo of B92 Radio appeared at the entrance of the Helsinki Committee offices.
At the entrance of the Jewish cemetery in Belgrade, signs we left with the messages “Resist the Zionist occupation of October 5” (n.b. the day of the anti-Milosevic revolution); “B92 – Jewish Television”; “Jewish parasites, get out of Serbia”; “We want freedom, not Jewish yoke”, “Serbia to the Serbs”...
In its reaction to this anti-Semitic graffiti, the Youth Initiative for Human Rights appealed to the authorities to immediately eliminate the racist slogans. Also, a request was issued to the Ministry of Human and Minority Rights to ban the work of the “Nacionalni Stroj” (National Formation) organisation and delete it from the Registry of citizens’ associations, as well as the other organizations that promote and spread racial, religious and national hatred.
"B92 is the only media in Serbia that supports and promotes the presentation of facts about our recent past and creates the conditions for social changes. The authorities in Serbia, through their inaction, open the space for racist, anti-Semitic and nationalist movements to spread hatred and intolerance unempeded. The authorities justify the existence of such movements invoking “pluralism and democracy”. If this latest incident remains unsanctioned like the previous similar incidents, it would mean that the authorities don’t mind homophobia, racism and violations of media freedoms”, states the press release of this NGO.
Placards with a call to boycott B92 Radio and Television and the graffiti on the Jewish cemetery dawned this morning in Belgrade. Over the night, hate graffiti were painted at the entrance of teh offices of Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia and the Humanitarian Law Centre.
The Helsinki Committee reminds that the night before (Monday, March 21), petition signing was organized for the “Stop the Conspiracy of Silence” campaign against the rising anti-Semitism, started by eight NGOs. The graffiti “Sonja Biserko – Pawn of the Jews – Humble servant of the Jewish new world order”, “Serbia to the Serbs”, as well as a sign that integrates the David’s Star and the logo of B92 Radio appeared at the entrance of the Helsinki Committee offices.
At the entrance of the Jewish cemetery in Belgrade, signs we left with the messages “Resist the Zionist occupation of October 5” (n.b. the day of the anti-Milosevic revolution); “B92 – Jewish Television”; “Jewish parasites, get out of Serbia”; “We want freedom, not Jewish yoke”, “Serbia to the Serbs”...
In its reaction to this anti-Semitic graffiti, the Youth Initiative for Human Rights appealed to the authorities to immediately eliminate the racist slogans. Also, a request was issued to the Ministry of Human and Minority Rights to ban the work of the “Nacionalni Stroj” (National Formation) organisation and delete it from the Registry of citizens’ associations, as well as the other organizations that promote and spread racial, religious and national hatred.
"B92 is the only media in Serbia that supports and promotes the presentation of facts about our recent past and creates the conditions for social changes. The authorities in Serbia, through their inaction, open the space for racist, anti-Semitic and nationalist movements to spread hatred and intolerance unempeded. The authorities justify the existence of such movements invoking “pluralism and democracy”. If this latest incident remains unsanctioned like the previous similar incidents, it would mean that the authorities don’t mind homophobia, racism and violations of media freedoms”, states the press release of this NGO.
Back to the Balkans - The Washington Post Editorial
Back to the Balkans
Thursday, March 24, 2005; Page A18
IT'S BEEN A long time since policymakers in Washington were preoccupied with the problems of the Balkans. Yet, while the wars that devastated southeastern Europe in the 1990s and that twice prompted U.S. military intervention receded long ago, the region has never regained stability. International trusteeships for two former battlefields, Bosnia and the Serbian province of Kosovo, have failed to provide prosperity or lasting political solutions. Neighboring Serbia, though now a democracy, still struggles to shed the malignant nationalism that fueled much of the bloodshed. The Bush administration and other Western governments have found it convenient to relegate this troublesome area to a back burner for most of the past several years, even while U.S. and European troops keep the peace. That hiatus will soon end -- whether or not the region and outside governments are ready.
One trigger of a Balkan reengagement is the scheduled review of Kosovo's government by the U.N. Security Council this summer. That internationally supervised administration has performed poorly; its latest prime minister recently was obliged to surrender to the Balkan war crimes tribunal at The Hague. But Kosovo's continued poverty and ethnic tension are also the products of its unresolved status. Western governments seem to agree that the territory, whose population is mostly ethnic Albanian, can never be returned to Serbian rule, which means it must become independent in some form. But there's no consensus on how, when or under what conditions Kosovo might be granted sovereignty. Some Western experts, such as former defense secretary Frank Carlucci, have proposed that the process be completed by the end of next year, while others say it should be linked to an integration of the Balkan states into the European Union, a process that could take many more years.
Serb leaders, meanwhile, reject independence or dream of annexing the Serb-populated enclaves in the province. They find sympathy in Russia, which has been harboring some of the Serb war criminals still at large.
Untangling this and formulating a workable plan and timetable for Kosovo's independence will require concerted and skillful consensus-building by the Bush administration with the European Union. Officials say that process has begun, but President Bush should consider whether a special U.S. envoy is needed to catalyze it; proposals for a U.N. special representative seem to have stalled. Such an official could also work on a concrete plan to lift Bosnia from its continued status as an international protectorate and on the means to encourage Serbia to pursue a future of integration with Europe and NATO, rather than a nationalist agenda. But neither Serbia nor Russia -- nor the reluctance of a busy administration to take on another problem -- should be allowed to stand in the way of resolving Kosovo's future and developing a broader plan for the Balkans this year. Delay will only invite a resumption of the terrible conflict that plagued the West a decade ago.
Thursday, March 24, 2005; Page A18
IT'S BEEN A long time since policymakers in Washington were preoccupied with the problems of the Balkans. Yet, while the wars that devastated southeastern Europe in the 1990s and that twice prompted U.S. military intervention receded long ago, the region has never regained stability. International trusteeships for two former battlefields, Bosnia and the Serbian province of Kosovo, have failed to provide prosperity or lasting political solutions. Neighboring Serbia, though now a democracy, still struggles to shed the malignant nationalism that fueled much of the bloodshed. The Bush administration and other Western governments have found it convenient to relegate this troublesome area to a back burner for most of the past several years, even while U.S. and European troops keep the peace. That hiatus will soon end -- whether or not the region and outside governments are ready.
One trigger of a Balkan reengagement is the scheduled review of Kosovo's government by the U.N. Security Council this summer. That internationally supervised administration has performed poorly; its latest prime minister recently was obliged to surrender to the Balkan war crimes tribunal at The Hague. But Kosovo's continued poverty and ethnic tension are also the products of its unresolved status. Western governments seem to agree that the territory, whose population is mostly ethnic Albanian, can never be returned to Serbian rule, which means it must become independent in some form. But there's no consensus on how, when or under what conditions Kosovo might be granted sovereignty. Some Western experts, such as former defense secretary Frank Carlucci, have proposed that the process be completed by the end of next year, while others say it should be linked to an integration of the Balkan states into the European Union, a process that could take many more years.
Serb leaders, meanwhile, reject independence or dream of annexing the Serb-populated enclaves in the province. They find sympathy in Russia, which has been harboring some of the Serb war criminals still at large.
Untangling this and formulating a workable plan and timetable for Kosovo's independence will require concerted and skillful consensus-building by the Bush administration with the European Union. Officials say that process has begun, but President Bush should consider whether a special U.S. envoy is needed to catalyze it; proposals for a U.N. special representative seem to have stalled. Such an official could also work on a concrete plan to lift Bosnia from its continued status as an international protectorate and on the means to encourage Serbia to pursue a future of integration with Europe and NATO, rather than a nationalist agenda. But neither Serbia nor Russia -- nor the reluctance of a busy administration to take on another problem -- should be allowed to stand in the way of resolving Kosovo's future and developing a broader plan for the Balkans this year. Delay will only invite a resumption of the terrible conflict that plagued the West a decade ago.
COMMENT: KOSOVO LEADERS RISK DAMAGING EU HOPES - IWPR
COMMENT: KOSOVO LEADERS RISK DAMAGING EU HOPES
By ignoring international advice to involve all major parties in a new
post-Haradinaj government, the current coalition is taking a big gamble.
By Bekim Zollaku in Prishtina
This week, Kosovo's assembly formally voted to elect a new prime minister,
after Ramush Haradinaj resigned from his post due to the Hague tribunal
indictment.
On the day he resigned, Haradinaj publicly nominated Bajram Kosumi to take
over and lead a “new” government.
It has become obvious since then that Haradinaj's decision will be carried
out, as his party colleagues lack the courage to analyse whether Kosumi is,
in fact, the right man for the job.
Kosovo's assembly, therefore, will have done nothing except rubber stamp a
decision taken weeks ago by a former prime minister.
By doing so, the assembly is blessing a new captain for an old ship. How far
he will be able to sail with this old ship remains to be seen.
But what is clear is that for the second time in a few months, Kosovo's
leaders have failed to take seriously into consideration the recommendations
of the international community on the formation of a government.
Three months ago, the international community and the European Union made it
clear they favoured a grand coalition, having in mind that this year will be
crucial owing to the likely start of talks on final status.
The idea was that only an inclusive, strong, stable and efficient government
would be in a position to tackle the difficult challenges ahead.
Instead, the Democratic League of Kosovo, LDK, and the Alliance for the
Future of Kosovo, AAK, went ahead and created a narrow coalition, leaving
out two major parties, the Democratic Party of Kosovo, PDK, and Veton
Surroi's ORA.
The resulting LDK and AKK coalition then went further, by putting forward as
candidate for prime minister a man already under investigation by the Hague
tribunal – a fact that was known to the public when Haradinaj was chosen.
Once more, the international community and the EU warned Kosovo's
institutional and party leaders that they should consider other candidates
but their voices were not heard.
Everyone knows what happened three months later. March saw the indictment
against Haradinaj, followed by his resignation and surrender to the
tribunal.
Thanks to his own calm actions and people's maturity, the situation remained
stable, undermining claims that violence might ensue if the premier was
indicted.
The emerging situation offered Kosovo's political leaders a fresh chance to
reflect more seriously on the composition of a new government.
The position of the international community and EU was consistent with the
views they had expressed three months earlier. Again, they sought a broad
coalition government.
To make sure the leaders in Kosovo heard their voice, the EU sent Javier
Solana, the High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy, to deliver
the message in person.
At the same time, Kosovo's opposition parties once more argued for the
formation of a broader coalition government. Again, their will was ignored.
The decision-makers did not heed any of these recommendations, arguing that
it was in Kosovo's interest to carry on with the old, narrow LDK-AAK
coalition.
A blind desire to retain all the power in their hands prevailed against the
argument that this was the time for national unity.
Some officials have defended the LDK-AAK coalition by saying it was created
"purely out of the will of the political parties involved" (in other words,
it was not created by external pressures). This is fair enough, but those
officials fail to mention what lay behind this "will of the parties".
Analysts have identified several factors. One was a desire to avoid charges
being made against Haradinaj through the simple expedient of making him
prime minister. Supporters of this idea failed to realise the tribunal would
not be affected by such factors.
The second was the desire of the two coalition parties to grab most of the
national "cake" for themselves.
As things stand now, the first reason for keeping the coalition going has
vanished. The second, however, still stands and underpins the coalition's
continuing survival.
Another set of arguments in favour of the current coalition is that
government ministers feel able to carry on even without the personal
presence of Haradinaj.
They fail to understand that the cornerstone of the coalition was Haradinaj
himself. Without his wisdom and sense of leadership, their will power alone
will not suffice.
The most comic argument that government officials have put forward in favour
of the current coalition involves a comparison they like to draw between the
achievements of the LDK-AAK coalition and those of its predecessor, led by
Bajram Rexhepi.
One wonders what they mean when they claim that the LDK-AAK government did
more in three months than Rexhepi's government did in three years.
In fact, the progress recorded under Rexhepi's broad coalition government
was fundamental to all the positive events that followed.
Rexhepi's government was inclusive, comprising a number of Serb
representatives, and it opened a dialogue on practical matters with Serbia
and an internal dialogue with the Serbs in Kosovo.
It had established all the working groups needed to implement the standards
plan and had set a time frame for the start of talks on final status. It
had, in fact, paved the way towards EU integration.
If the immediate goal of Kosovo is independence from Serbia and the ultimate
goal is EU integration, it should be of concern to Kosovars that their
leaders have started turning their backs on advice coming from the
international community.
In spite of that, the high-risk show that opened three months ago is about
to enter its second act. While Kosovo's citizens seem confused, both the
opposition and the international community remain pessimistic members of the
audience.
Only those who are running this performance seem enthusiastic about it
carrying on. "Do not disturb," they say – just sit back and enjoy the show!
Bekim Zollaku is Assistant Lecturer at the Political Department of the
University of Pristina and was formerly political advisor to prime minister
Bajram Rexhepi.
By ignoring international advice to involve all major parties in a new
post-Haradinaj government, the current coalition is taking a big gamble.
By Bekim Zollaku in Prishtina
This week, Kosovo's assembly formally voted to elect a new prime minister,
after Ramush Haradinaj resigned from his post due to the Hague tribunal
indictment.
On the day he resigned, Haradinaj publicly nominated Bajram Kosumi to take
over and lead a “new” government.
It has become obvious since then that Haradinaj's decision will be carried
out, as his party colleagues lack the courage to analyse whether Kosumi is,
in fact, the right man for the job.
Kosovo's assembly, therefore, will have done nothing except rubber stamp a
decision taken weeks ago by a former prime minister.
By doing so, the assembly is blessing a new captain for an old ship. How far
he will be able to sail with this old ship remains to be seen.
But what is clear is that for the second time in a few months, Kosovo's
leaders have failed to take seriously into consideration the recommendations
of the international community on the formation of a government.
Three months ago, the international community and the European Union made it
clear they favoured a grand coalition, having in mind that this year will be
crucial owing to the likely start of talks on final status.
The idea was that only an inclusive, strong, stable and efficient government
would be in a position to tackle the difficult challenges ahead.
Instead, the Democratic League of Kosovo, LDK, and the Alliance for the
Future of Kosovo, AAK, went ahead and created a narrow coalition, leaving
out two major parties, the Democratic Party of Kosovo, PDK, and Veton
Surroi's ORA.
The resulting LDK and AKK coalition then went further, by putting forward as
candidate for prime minister a man already under investigation by the Hague
tribunal – a fact that was known to the public when Haradinaj was chosen.
Once more, the international community and the EU warned Kosovo's
institutional and party leaders that they should consider other candidates
but their voices were not heard.
Everyone knows what happened three months later. March saw the indictment
against Haradinaj, followed by his resignation and surrender to the
tribunal.
Thanks to his own calm actions and people's maturity, the situation remained
stable, undermining claims that violence might ensue if the premier was
indicted.
The emerging situation offered Kosovo's political leaders a fresh chance to
reflect more seriously on the composition of a new government.
The position of the international community and EU was consistent with the
views they had expressed three months earlier. Again, they sought a broad
coalition government.
To make sure the leaders in Kosovo heard their voice, the EU sent Javier
Solana, the High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy, to deliver
the message in person.
At the same time, Kosovo's opposition parties once more argued for the
formation of a broader coalition government. Again, their will was ignored.
The decision-makers did not heed any of these recommendations, arguing that
it was in Kosovo's interest to carry on with the old, narrow LDK-AAK
coalition.
A blind desire to retain all the power in their hands prevailed against the
argument that this was the time for national unity.
Some officials have defended the LDK-AAK coalition by saying it was created
"purely out of the will of the political parties involved" (in other words,
it was not created by external pressures). This is fair enough, but those
officials fail to mention what lay behind this "will of the parties".
Analysts have identified several factors. One was a desire to avoid charges
being made against Haradinaj through the simple expedient of making him
prime minister. Supporters of this idea failed to realise the tribunal would
not be affected by such factors.
The second was the desire of the two coalition parties to grab most of the
national "cake" for themselves.
As things stand now, the first reason for keeping the coalition going has
vanished. The second, however, still stands and underpins the coalition's
continuing survival.
Another set of arguments in favour of the current coalition is that
government ministers feel able to carry on even without the personal
presence of Haradinaj.
They fail to understand that the cornerstone of the coalition was Haradinaj
himself. Without his wisdom and sense of leadership, their will power alone
will not suffice.
The most comic argument that government officials have put forward in favour
of the current coalition involves a comparison they like to draw between the
achievements of the LDK-AAK coalition and those of its predecessor, led by
Bajram Rexhepi.
One wonders what they mean when they claim that the LDK-AAK government did
more in three months than Rexhepi's government did in three years.
In fact, the progress recorded under Rexhepi's broad coalition government
was fundamental to all the positive events that followed.
Rexhepi's government was inclusive, comprising a number of Serb
representatives, and it opened a dialogue on practical matters with Serbia
and an internal dialogue with the Serbs in Kosovo.
It had established all the working groups needed to implement the standards
plan and had set a time frame for the start of talks on final status. It
had, in fact, paved the way towards EU integration.
If the immediate goal of Kosovo is independence from Serbia and the ultimate
goal is EU integration, it should be of concern to Kosovars that their
leaders have started turning their backs on advice coming from the
international community.
In spite of that, the high-risk show that opened three months ago is about
to enter its second act. While Kosovo's citizens seem confused, both the
opposition and the international community remain pessimistic members of the
audience.
Only those who are running this performance seem enthusiastic about it
carrying on. "Do not disturb," they say – just sit back and enjoy the show!
Bekim Zollaku is Assistant Lecturer at the Political Department of the
University of Pristina and was formerly political advisor to prime minister
Bajram Rexhepi.
Macedonian ex-minister surrenders
The former Macedonian Interior Minister, Ljube Boskovski, has been detained at The Hague, where he has been indicted for war crimes.
The international tribunal indicted him and former bodyguard Johan Tarculovski on charges relating to the killing of seven ethnic Albanians in 2001.
Mr Boskovski left a jail in Croatia, where he had been held on separate charges since last August.
Mr Tarculovski appeared before the tribunal on Monday.
He was given another 30 days to enter a plea.
The killings took place in the village of Ljuboten near Skopje, during an ethnic Albanian rebellion in Macedonia in 2001.
When Mr Boskovski arrived at The Hague, he was transferred to the detention unit of the international tribunal, a statement said.
Macedonian prosecutors have also accused Mr Boskovski of luring seven Asian migrant workers into Macedonia in 2002 and stage-managing their murder to make it look as if they had been al-Qaeda members fighting for the ethnic Albanian cause.
Mr Boskovski, who has Macedonian and Croatian citizenship, was the last person to be indicted by the Hague tribunal.
The tribunal has until 2008 to finish trials, with a further deadline of 2010 to cover any outstanding appeals.
The international tribunal indicted him and former bodyguard Johan Tarculovski on charges relating to the killing of seven ethnic Albanians in 2001.
Mr Boskovski left a jail in Croatia, where he had been held on separate charges since last August.
Mr Tarculovski appeared before the tribunal on Monday.
He was given another 30 days to enter a plea.
The killings took place in the village of Ljuboten near Skopje, during an ethnic Albanian rebellion in Macedonia in 2001.
When Mr Boskovski arrived at The Hague, he was transferred to the detention unit of the international tribunal, a statement said.
Macedonian prosecutors have also accused Mr Boskovski of luring seven Asian migrant workers into Macedonia in 2002 and stage-managing their murder to make it look as if they had been al-Qaeda members fighting for the ethnic Albanian cause.
Mr Boskovski, who has Macedonian and Croatian citizenship, was the last person to be indicted by the Hague tribunal.
The tribunal has until 2008 to finish trials, with a further deadline of 2010 to cover any outstanding appeals.
Experts Say Kosovo Making Progress, Bosnia Still Lagging
Mar 24, 2005 Washington
The U.S. Institute of Peace, funded by the U.S. government to promote conflict resolution, has delivered a mixed report on progress in Kosovo and Bosnia-Hertzegovina.
Larry Rossin, the retired U.S. diplomat who is the number two U.N. official in Kosovo, says the territory is making considerable progress. Assuming there are no fresh outbreaks of violence between Kosovo's ethnic-Albanian majority and its Serb minority, Mr. Rossin says, the U.N. within three months will assess the progress Kosovo has made in satisfying international standards of self-government. Should that assessment be positive, Mr. Rossin says the territory, which is part of Serbia, could move toward final status negotiations in September.
"We do have real progress in Kosovo. And it is all the more reason for us not to be complacent. And for Kosovars not to be complacent. Kosovo is still very fragile," said Mr. Rossin. "And the very high expectations of the majority community concerning standards assessment carries further risks."
Mr. Rossin says Kosovo is a case study of effective U.S.- European Union cooperation.
But the outgoing deputy international administrator, former U.S. diplomat Donald Hays, has delivered a much gloomier assessment of Bosnia-Hertzegovina's progress on its march toward statehood. He said 10 years after the Dayton peace accord ended the Bosnian war there is only the façade of a Bosnian state. There is no constitution and the population remains divided among three quarreling groups, Croats, Muslims and Serbs. The educational system in particular, he says, is a failure.
"Education is the fundamental problem in Bosnia. The schools are separated. They are teaching separation in the schools. They are teaching cultural separation and linguistic separation. And therefore they are not building a state concept," said Mr. Hays. "The three religions are doing the same. The three ethnic parties are doing the same. So basically you have three groups of people all through the culture that are pushing people apart not bringing them together."
Mr. Hays has been in his post in Sarajevo for four years.
On the economy, Mr. Hays says Bosnia is ten years behind the rest of Europe in economic reform. One of the reasons for this, he says, is that most Bosnians remain as apathetic as they were during communism and do not demand accountability from their politicians.
This article uses material from VOA.
The U.S. Institute of Peace, funded by the U.S. government to promote conflict resolution, has delivered a mixed report on progress in Kosovo and Bosnia-Hertzegovina.
Larry Rossin, the retired U.S. diplomat who is the number two U.N. official in Kosovo, says the territory is making considerable progress. Assuming there are no fresh outbreaks of violence between Kosovo's ethnic-Albanian majority and its Serb minority, Mr. Rossin says, the U.N. within three months will assess the progress Kosovo has made in satisfying international standards of self-government. Should that assessment be positive, Mr. Rossin says the territory, which is part of Serbia, could move toward final status negotiations in September.
"We do have real progress in Kosovo. And it is all the more reason for us not to be complacent. And for Kosovars not to be complacent. Kosovo is still very fragile," said Mr. Rossin. "And the very high expectations of the majority community concerning standards assessment carries further risks."
Mr. Rossin says Kosovo is a case study of effective U.S.- European Union cooperation.
But the outgoing deputy international administrator, former U.S. diplomat Donald Hays, has delivered a much gloomier assessment of Bosnia-Hertzegovina's progress on its march toward statehood. He said 10 years after the Dayton peace accord ended the Bosnian war there is only the façade of a Bosnian state. There is no constitution and the population remains divided among three quarreling groups, Croats, Muslims and Serbs. The educational system in particular, he says, is a failure.
"Education is the fundamental problem in Bosnia. The schools are separated. They are teaching separation in the schools. They are teaching cultural separation and linguistic separation. And therefore they are not building a state concept," said Mr. Hays. "The three religions are doing the same. The three ethnic parties are doing the same. So basically you have three groups of people all through the culture that are pushing people apart not bringing them together."
Mr. Hays has been in his post in Sarajevo for four years.
On the economy, Mr. Hays says Bosnia is ten years behind the rest of Europe in economic reform. One of the reasons for this, he says, is that most Bosnians remain as apathetic as they were during communism and do not demand accountability from their politicians.
This article uses material from VOA.
Kosovo struggles on rocky path to peace
CHRISTIAN JENNINGS
IN PRISTINA
KOSOVO’S parliament yesterday elected a new prime minister on the eve of the anniversary of the start of NATO’s bombing campaign of the former Yugoslav province.
Bajram Kosumi will be charged with leading the province into talks on independence. Considered a moderate, Mr Kosumi said: "We are going to achieve independence sooner than anyone else could."
Named Day of Hope, or Dita e Shpreses in Albanian, 24 March is the sixth anniversary of the night when missiles slammed into the heart of Kosovo’s capital, Pristina.
The raids forced the Serb forces of Slobodan Milosevic, the former president, out of the province and Kosovo remains under UN supervision, although with a semi-autonomous government.
The new prime minister, an ethnic Albanian, and former environment minister, replaces the former premier Ramush Haradinaj, who two weeks ago voluntarily surrendered to the UN Tribunal in the Hague to answer war crimes charges.
A year on from a massive outbreak of ethnic violence which left 19 people dead and thousands displaced, a fragile calm reigns in the province.
In spring sunshine, outdoor cafes in Pristina are full. In two different pizzerias, international policemen and UN staff from Germany, Poland, Hungary and China jostle for space with French gendarmes, American, Cameroonian and Nigerian policemen, and soldiers from Denmark, Sweden and New Zealand.
"The security level in Kosovo is excellent," said Colonel Yves Kermorvant, an optimistic spokesman for NATO’s 19,000-strong peacekeeping force in Kosovo, known as K-FOR.
Privately, NATO and other international officials say the security remains as fragile as ever.
A series of human rights reports into last year’s violence showed that despite several years’ experience in Kosovo, many K-FOR troops, particularly the Italians, Germans and French, proved both incapable of and unwilling to control disorder.
NATO insists that the situation has improved 12 months on. An additional 1,200 British and German troops flew into Kosovo to head off any expected violence surrounding the resignation of Haradinaj, a former guerrilla fighter considered by many as a war hero.
Kosovo’s president, Ibrahim Rugova, narrowly escaped death from a roadside bomb in an attack in central Pristina last week. No-one has been arrested.
A string of recent shootings and grenade attacks have targeted UN vehicles and houses.
This muddy, litter-strewn, aspirant statelet is at a crucial crossroads.
Under the direction of Soren Jessen Petersen, the UN mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), is pushing the province towards initial talks on independence.
There are firm conditions: before Kosovo can begin long-awaited discussions this summer on its "Final Status", its population and government must reach a series of so-called "standards" in such things as good governance and respect for ethnic minorities.
These sound admirable in theory, but a survey carried out by the UN showed that 80 per cent of Kosovo’s 100,000 Serbs thought it was incumbent on the UN, not them, to fulfil standards. Furthermore, 70 per cent of Kosovo’s 1.9 million Albanians think that regardless of whether standards are achieved, talks on independence will still start. "It seems the process is still not understood by a large part of society," said a UNMIK report.
IN PRISTINA
KOSOVO’S parliament yesterday elected a new prime minister on the eve of the anniversary of the start of NATO’s bombing campaign of the former Yugoslav province.
Bajram Kosumi will be charged with leading the province into talks on independence. Considered a moderate, Mr Kosumi said: "We are going to achieve independence sooner than anyone else could."
Named Day of Hope, or Dita e Shpreses in Albanian, 24 March is the sixth anniversary of the night when missiles slammed into the heart of Kosovo’s capital, Pristina.
The raids forced the Serb forces of Slobodan Milosevic, the former president, out of the province and Kosovo remains under UN supervision, although with a semi-autonomous government.
The new prime minister, an ethnic Albanian, and former environment minister, replaces the former premier Ramush Haradinaj, who two weeks ago voluntarily surrendered to the UN Tribunal in the Hague to answer war crimes charges.
A year on from a massive outbreak of ethnic violence which left 19 people dead and thousands displaced, a fragile calm reigns in the province.
In spring sunshine, outdoor cafes in Pristina are full. In two different pizzerias, international policemen and UN staff from Germany, Poland, Hungary and China jostle for space with French gendarmes, American, Cameroonian and Nigerian policemen, and soldiers from Denmark, Sweden and New Zealand.
"The security level in Kosovo is excellent," said Colonel Yves Kermorvant, an optimistic spokesman for NATO’s 19,000-strong peacekeeping force in Kosovo, known as K-FOR.
Privately, NATO and other international officials say the security remains as fragile as ever.
A series of human rights reports into last year’s violence showed that despite several years’ experience in Kosovo, many K-FOR troops, particularly the Italians, Germans and French, proved both incapable of and unwilling to control disorder.
NATO insists that the situation has improved 12 months on. An additional 1,200 British and German troops flew into Kosovo to head off any expected violence surrounding the resignation of Haradinaj, a former guerrilla fighter considered by many as a war hero.
Kosovo’s president, Ibrahim Rugova, narrowly escaped death from a roadside bomb in an attack in central Pristina last week. No-one has been arrested.
A string of recent shootings and grenade attacks have targeted UN vehicles and houses.
This muddy, litter-strewn, aspirant statelet is at a crucial crossroads.
Under the direction of Soren Jessen Petersen, the UN mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), is pushing the province towards initial talks on independence.
There are firm conditions: before Kosovo can begin long-awaited discussions this summer on its "Final Status", its population and government must reach a series of so-called "standards" in such things as good governance and respect for ethnic minorities.
These sound admirable in theory, but a survey carried out by the UN showed that 80 per cent of Kosovo’s 100,000 Serbs thought it was incumbent on the UN, not them, to fulfil standards. Furthermore, 70 per cent of Kosovo’s 1.9 million Albanians think that regardless of whether standards are achieved, talks on independence will still start. "It seems the process is still not understood by a large part of society," said a UNMIK report.
Wednesday, March 23, 2005
Before the March riots anniversary, persons wanting to destabilise Kosovo entered it
Head of KPS Criminal Police Directorate Col. Rrahman Sulejmani, in an interview for Zëri, notes that there are many circles that want to destabilize Kosovo ahead of final status definition.
‘Different circles who are not interested to see stability in Kosovo have launched a special war precisely on the anniversary of March riots with the aim of obstructing ongoing processes in the year that could be decisive for Kosovo in may ways’, states Sulejmani.
KPS official also says that many things have changed since the March of last year and with the arrival of the new UNMIK police commissioner, even the strategy of managing similar events has changed. He stresses that the police will no longer stay passive but will respond and undertake necessary measures to calm any given situation.
Asked who are the people who came to Kosovo in the recent days to ‘cause troubles’, Sulejmani says that their names are known to the police. ‘They fled after the March riots’, says KPS Colonel adding that international arrest warrants have been issued against some of these individuals.
‘Different circles who are not interested to see stability in Kosovo have launched a special war precisely on the anniversary of March riots with the aim of obstructing ongoing processes in the year that could be decisive for Kosovo in may ways’, states Sulejmani.
KPS official also says that many things have changed since the March of last year and with the arrival of the new UNMIK police commissioner, even the strategy of managing similar events has changed. He stresses that the police will no longer stay passive but will respond and undertake necessary measures to calm any given situation.
Asked who are the people who came to Kosovo in the recent days to ‘cause troubles’, Sulejmani says that their names are known to the police. ‘They fled after the March riots’, says KPS Colonel adding that international arrest warrants have been issued against some of these individuals.
Jessen-Petersen: Kosovo cannot be partitioned (Bota Sot)
Bota Sot carries an interview on page four with SRSG Søren Jessen-Petersen during his stay in Geneva where he attended the meeting of the UN Committee for Human Rights. The SRSG ruled out the possibility of Kosovo’s partition.
Asked about his opinion for the future of Kosovo, Jessen-Petersen was quoted as saying, ‘I have made it clear today before the participants of the UN Committee that Kosovo cannot be partitioned. UNMIK together with the Kosovo Government will continue the path of standards implementation as our top priority. At the same time, I also said that Serbs should join the society and institutions as their future is in Kosovo. My speech focused on human rights, progress in standards implementation and our commitment for a more advanced economy, to shed light on the fate of missing persons, security in the region, a safe future for Kosovo, now that we have several months before the start of the process for resolving Kosovo’s final status.’
Commenting on a question by the newspaper that Serbian and Montenegrin representatives were critical of the role of the international community in Kosovo, the UNMIK chief said: ‘Regardless of their critical statements for the role of internationals in Kosovo, I find their reaction today in Geneva to be constructive, therefore, I have the impression that they are also acknowledging the progress achieved in Kosovo and also the difficulties in the region. At the same time, the Serbian side has voiced its readiness to resume dialogue on missing persons.’
On Wednesday’s vote by the Kosovo Assembly on the appointment of Bajram Kosumi in the post of Prime minister, SRSG Jessen-Petersen said yesterday: ‘I am optimistic that this will go well. Together with the new prime minister, we have many obligations and tasks in advancing democratic processes, and also decentralization, economy and privatization. With the new head of the Kosovo Government we will focus on standards implementation especially in this phase when Kosovo is close to the resolution of its status,’ he added.
Asked to comment on Haradinaj’s eventual defence in freedom, Jessen-Petersen said, ‘We are willing to guarantee everything that is asked of us. We are only waiting for a formal request from ICTY and we will act in favour of Mr. Haradinaj.’
Asked about his opinion for the future of Kosovo, Jessen-Petersen was quoted as saying, ‘I have made it clear today before the participants of the UN Committee that Kosovo cannot be partitioned. UNMIK together with the Kosovo Government will continue the path of standards implementation as our top priority. At the same time, I also said that Serbs should join the society and institutions as their future is in Kosovo. My speech focused on human rights, progress in standards implementation and our commitment for a more advanced economy, to shed light on the fate of missing persons, security in the region, a safe future for Kosovo, now that we have several months before the start of the process for resolving Kosovo’s final status.’
Commenting on a question by the newspaper that Serbian and Montenegrin representatives were critical of the role of the international community in Kosovo, the UNMIK chief said: ‘Regardless of their critical statements for the role of internationals in Kosovo, I find their reaction today in Geneva to be constructive, therefore, I have the impression that they are also acknowledging the progress achieved in Kosovo and also the difficulties in the region. At the same time, the Serbian side has voiced its readiness to resume dialogue on missing persons.’
On Wednesday’s vote by the Kosovo Assembly on the appointment of Bajram Kosumi in the post of Prime minister, SRSG Jessen-Petersen said yesterday: ‘I am optimistic that this will go well. Together with the new prime minister, we have many obligations and tasks in advancing democratic processes, and also decentralization, economy and privatization. With the new head of the Kosovo Government we will focus on standards implementation especially in this phase when Kosovo is close to the resolution of its status,’ he added.
Asked to comment on Haradinaj’s eventual defence in freedom, Jessen-Petersen said, ‘We are willing to guarantee everything that is asked of us. We are only waiting for a formal request from ICTY and we will act in favour of Mr. Haradinaj.’
Lantos: Kosovo will be independent in very near future
Washington, March 23, 2005 - A member of U.S. Congress, Tom Lantos, said that Kosovo will become an independent state in the very near future, and that it would be "unrealistic to expect" it to stay a part of Serbia .
In talks with reporters in Washington on March 22, Lantos said Kosovo will become a member of the EU "in several years" and rejected as unrealistic the idea of "joining an entity with more than 90 percent of Albanians to Serbia."
"I believe that the European allies and the U.S. will have a joint stand and that they would go in this direction together," said Lantos, who has proposed several times to the Congress to pass a resolution in support of Kosovo's independence, which was never accepted.
In talks with reporters in Washington on March 22, Lantos said Kosovo will become a member of the EU "in several years" and rejected as unrealistic the idea of "joining an entity with more than 90 percent of Albanians to Serbia."
"I believe that the European allies and the U.S. will have a joint stand and that they would go in this direction together," said Lantos, who has proposed several times to the Congress to pass a resolution in support of Kosovo's independence, which was never accepted.
Serbian authorities deplore anti-Semitic graffiti, anti-B92 posters
In downtown Belgrade, posters appeared this morning calling for a boycott of Radio Television B92 and anti-Semitic graffiti was written in front of the Jewish cemetery and several non-government organization headquarters. The posters show the B92 logo inside the Star of David with the message below: "Boycott because of anti-Serbian influence, dangerous influence on the Serbian youth, support for the independence of Kosovo, support for the spread of drug use, homosexuality and other Western sicknesses and support for the multiracial new world order." The message "Serbia to Serbs" also appears on the poster, which is signed by the National Formation.
Last night, graffiti was also drawn on the buildings housing the Helsinki Human Rights Council in Serbia and the Humanitarian Rights Fund. The Helsinki Council helped a petition-signing event in Republic Square the night before entitled "Stop the Silent Conspiracy", a campaign against rising anti-Semitic sentiments in Serbia, which was organized by eight non-government organizations.
A message appeared on the organization's headquarters last night, saying "Sonja Biserko [who is chairing the organization] - a Jewish pawn - an obedient servant of the World Jewish Movement".
Serbian President Boris Tadic has condemned the propaganda posters and anti-Semitic graffiti and asked for an immediate investigation into who is behind both. This type of labelling and indirect calls for a lynch represent a part of our political folklore believed to have disappeared from the public arena, Tadic said. Stating that everyone had the right to state an argumentative criticism of all public voices, Tadic said that, however, calls for violence and the spread of ethnic intolerance is absolutely unacceptable.
The Serbia-Montenegro Ministry of Foreign Affairs demands that the Serbian government "urgently find and punish the organizers and perpetrators of these acts of vandalism." The G17 Plus party condemns any form of pressure being put on the media. "Free media is a necessary condition for healthy democracy. Serbia is on the road to the European Union and such occurrences cannot be tolerated," the party states. "We must show that we are an open European society that is ready to unite with others to make a difference, we cannot allow threats, violence and extremism to dominate our public living."
The Serbian Renewal Movement has stated that the posters are a part of an anti-Hague lobby that encourages a lack of freedom of the press, anti-Semitism and xenophobia.
The Power of Serbia Movement and its leader Bogoljub Karic have said that they support a democratic and European Serbia, free, professional and responsible journalism, and condemn all pressure put on the media which endangers its freedom.
The Independent Association of Journalists of Serbia [NUNS] demands that the government identify who is behind this propaganda aimed at B92, which promotes racial, religious and gender discrimination. "NUNS, as an organization, respects differences in convictions and choice, but condemns such labelling and calls for violence, and believes that these posters are a sign of the times that we believed were behind us. Those attacking the media, especially those that became a symbol of free and independent journalism in the past decade, cannot be allowed to get by without public condemnation and reactions from the authorities, and a punishment of this type of criminal activity," said a statement by the association.
Source: Radio B92 text web site, Belgrade, in English 1722 gmt 22 Mar 05
Last night, graffiti was also drawn on the buildings housing the Helsinki Human Rights Council in Serbia and the Humanitarian Rights Fund. The Helsinki Council helped a petition-signing event in Republic Square the night before entitled "Stop the Silent Conspiracy", a campaign against rising anti-Semitic sentiments in Serbia, which was organized by eight non-government organizations.
A message appeared on the organization's headquarters last night, saying "Sonja Biserko [who is chairing the organization] - a Jewish pawn - an obedient servant of the World Jewish Movement".
Serbian President Boris Tadic has condemned the propaganda posters and anti-Semitic graffiti and asked for an immediate investigation into who is behind both. This type of labelling and indirect calls for a lynch represent a part of our political folklore believed to have disappeared from the public arena, Tadic said. Stating that everyone had the right to state an argumentative criticism of all public voices, Tadic said that, however, calls for violence and the spread of ethnic intolerance is absolutely unacceptable.
The Serbia-Montenegro Ministry of Foreign Affairs demands that the Serbian government "urgently find and punish the organizers and perpetrators of these acts of vandalism." The G17 Plus party condemns any form of pressure being put on the media. "Free media is a necessary condition for healthy democracy. Serbia is on the road to the European Union and such occurrences cannot be tolerated," the party states. "We must show that we are an open European society that is ready to unite with others to make a difference, we cannot allow threats, violence and extremism to dominate our public living."
The Serbian Renewal Movement has stated that the posters are a part of an anti-Hague lobby that encourages a lack of freedom of the press, anti-Semitism and xenophobia.
The Power of Serbia Movement and its leader Bogoljub Karic have said that they support a democratic and European Serbia, free, professional and responsible journalism, and condemn all pressure put on the media which endangers its freedom.
The Independent Association of Journalists of Serbia [NUNS] demands that the government identify who is behind this propaganda aimed at B92, which promotes racial, religious and gender discrimination. "NUNS, as an organization, respects differences in convictions and choice, but condemns such labelling and calls for violence, and believes that these posters are a sign of the times that we believed were behind us. Those attacking the media, especially those that became a symbol of free and independent journalism in the past decade, cannot be allowed to get by without public condemnation and reactions from the authorities, and a punishment of this type of criminal activity," said a statement by the association.
Source: Radio B92 text web site, Belgrade, in English 1722 gmt 22 Mar 05
KOSOVO: COUNTRY ON TRACK, UN.
The UN special representative for Kosovo, Soren Jessen-Petersen, said on Wednesday he was optimistic about the country's progress towards a democratic government transition, provided the new government doubled its efforts by May, thus allowing the start of talks on the 'final status' of the Serbian province.
"We were concerned when the indictment happened," he said referring to the indictment and the arrest of former Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj by the Hague-based International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia (ICTY).
Adding that he had been impressed by the calm reaction of the population of Kosovo, the diplomat also said:
"I can now say with a degree of relief ... that Kosovo is on track. We are moving forward, but he have to work even harder to stabilise the country and with it the entire Balkan region,".
The formation of the government that has taken place in full respect of democratic principles constitutes another sign of a growing maturity in Kosovo," he said.
Asked whether the two months' time until May were enough to make progress, which would allow the start of talks, Jessen-Petersen said there was enough time if the government works 24 hours a day,".(ANSA) krc
"We were concerned when the indictment happened," he said referring to the indictment and the arrest of former Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj by the Hague-based International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia (ICTY).
Adding that he had been impressed by the calm reaction of the population of Kosovo, the diplomat also said:
"I can now say with a degree of relief ... that Kosovo is on track. We are moving forward, but he have to work even harder to stabilise the country and with it the entire Balkan region,".
The formation of the government that has taken place in full respect of democratic principles constitutes another sign of a growing maturity in Kosovo," he said.
Asked whether the two months' time until May were enough to make progress, which would allow the start of talks, Jessen-Petersen said there was enough time if the government works 24 hours a day,".(ANSA) krc
Moscow checking war crimes suspect's whereabouts: ambassador
Moscow is checking reports that a former Serbian police general indicted by the UN tribunal over crimes committed during the 1998-99 war in Kosovo, has been hiding out in Russia, an ambassador said Wednesday.
"We are checking information" that Vlastimir Djordjevic has been in hiding in Russia for several years, Russian ambassador in Belgrade Aleksandar Alekseyev told reporters here.
He added that Russia, as a member of the United Nations, had an "obligation to cooperate with the tribunal, founded by the UN Security Council."
Several Western newspapers reported during the past week that Bosnian Serb wartime officer Gojko Jankovic, who surrendered to the UN war crimes court in The Hague last week and faces rape and torture charges, had been living in Russia under protection of that country's intelligence services.
But Russia's FSB security agency denied the reports, saying that "such information has no basis and absolutely does not correspond to reality."
Earlier Wednesday, Serbian special prosecutor's office for war crimes said in a statement that graphological analysis of a letter allegedly sent from Moscow by Djordjevic confirmed the authenticity of his signature.
It also said that Djordjevic's wife "has been sending his pension to Russia" since May 2002.
The prosecutor's office said it had suggested freezing the assets of all 13 fugitive war crimes suspects, including Djordjevic, in accordance with a draft proposal by the country's National Council for cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY).
The Council has put such proposals in a draft bill to be debated by the parliament of Serbia-Montenegro at a date not yet specified.
"We are checking information" that Vlastimir Djordjevic has been in hiding in Russia for several years, Russian ambassador in Belgrade Aleksandar Alekseyev told reporters here.
He added that Russia, as a member of the United Nations, had an "obligation to cooperate with the tribunal, founded by the UN Security Council."
Several Western newspapers reported during the past week that Bosnian Serb wartime officer Gojko Jankovic, who surrendered to the UN war crimes court in The Hague last week and faces rape and torture charges, had been living in Russia under protection of that country's intelligence services.
But Russia's FSB security agency denied the reports, saying that "such information has no basis and absolutely does not correspond to reality."
Earlier Wednesday, Serbian special prosecutor's office for war crimes said in a statement that graphological analysis of a letter allegedly sent from Moscow by Djordjevic confirmed the authenticity of his signature.
It also said that Djordjevic's wife "has been sending his pension to Russia" since May 2002.
The prosecutor's office said it had suggested freezing the assets of all 13 fugitive war crimes suspects, including Djordjevic, in accordance with a draft proposal by the country's National Council for cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY).
The Council has put such proposals in a draft bill to be debated by the parliament of Serbia-Montenegro at a date not yet specified.
EBRD To Start Lending to Kosovo
The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) is ready to start lending to the U.N.-run southern Serbian province of Kosovo with focus on private sector development, the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) said on Wednesday.
"EBRD will provide loans to or invest in small and medium sized enterprises, as well as publicly and socially owned enterprises," UNMIK said in a statement after signing a memorandum of understanding with the EBRD.
The memorandum establishes the EBRD's status of an international financial institution under the applicable law in Kosovo, the statement said.
"Projects must be low risk, highly profitable, and with strong cash flow in order to be eligible for funding," UNMIK said.
The Bank will also offer technical assistance for the reconstruction and development of Kosovo's infrastructure, including environmental programmes, and for the transition of the province to market oriented economy.
Kosovo, a Serbian province of two million people, is legally part of the loose union of Serbia and Montenegro, which succeeded rump Yugoslavia in 2003. The province was put under United Nations administration after NATO bombed Serbia in 1999 to halt the Serb repression of the ethnic Albanian majority in Kosovo.
"EBRD will provide loans to or invest in small and medium sized enterprises, as well as publicly and socially owned enterprises," UNMIK said in a statement after signing a memorandum of understanding with the EBRD.
The memorandum establishes the EBRD's status of an international financial institution under the applicable law in Kosovo, the statement said.
"Projects must be low risk, highly profitable, and with strong cash flow in order to be eligible for funding," UNMIK said.
The Bank will also offer technical assistance for the reconstruction and development of Kosovo's infrastructure, including environmental programmes, and for the transition of the province to market oriented economy.
Kosovo, a Serbian province of two million people, is legally part of the loose union of Serbia and Montenegro, which succeeded rump Yugoslavia in 2003. The province was put under United Nations administration after NATO bombed Serbia in 1999 to halt the Serb repression of the ethnic Albanian majority in Kosovo.
UN's Kosovo representative welcomes democratic government transition
The UN's special representative to Kosovo Wednesday welcomed the democratic government transition there as a sign of "growing majority" in the majority ethnic Albanian Serbian province.
"The formation of the government that has taken place in full respect of democratic principles constitutes another sign of a growing maturity in Kosovo," Soren Jessen-Petersen of Denmark said in Brussels.
The Kosovo parliament Wednesday elected Bajram Kosumi as the country's new prime minister, to replace Ramush Haradinaj who resigned earlier this month following his war crimes indictment.
Speaking after meeting ambassadors of NATO countries dispatching peacekeepers to the UN-administered province, Jessen-Petersen said "we were concerned when the indictment happened but I can now say with a degree of relief ... that Kosovo is on track.
"We are moving forward," he added.
Kosovo has been under UN administration since NATO airstrikes in 1999 ended a crackdown by the then Yugoslav government of Slobodan Milosevic against the ethnic Albanian population.
The peacekeeping force known as KFOR is made up of around 18,000 soldiers.
"The formation of the government that has taken place in full respect of democratic principles constitutes another sign of a growing maturity in Kosovo," Soren Jessen-Petersen of Denmark said in Brussels.
The Kosovo parliament Wednesday elected Bajram Kosumi as the country's new prime minister, to replace Ramush Haradinaj who resigned earlier this month following his war crimes indictment.
Speaking after meeting ambassadors of NATO countries dispatching peacekeepers to the UN-administered province, Jessen-Petersen said "we were concerned when the indictment happened but I can now say with a degree of relief ... that Kosovo is on track.
"We are moving forward," he added.
Kosovo has been under UN administration since NATO airstrikes in 1999 ended a crackdown by the then Yugoslav government of Slobodan Milosevic against the ethnic Albanian population.
The peacekeeping force known as KFOR is made up of around 18,000 soldiers.
Kosovo government forms committee to assist Hague indictee Haradinaj
The government has passed today a decision to establish a committee, which shall provide professional, legal, financial, and political assistance to the former prime minister, Ramush Haradinaj, who is facing The Hague indictment.
"We have decided to establish a supportive committee for Ramush Haradinaj. It will be launched and supported by the government, but it will not operate within the government," said Salihaj adding that the government would provide support to Haradinaj as much as UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] laws allow it.
Today, the government was briefed about the meeting on missing persons in Belgrade. "It was a fair meeting and an important step in the process of returning missing persons. But this issue cannot be limited only to the protocol meetings, but the meetings and the whole process should bring results," said Salihaj.
Asked whether they will start talks on other issues with Belgrade, Salihaj said: "This depends on the international facilitators and on the readiness of Belgrade".
The government has also reviewed the first report on implementation of the plan of European partnership, in the verge of the Tracking Mechanism Stabilization-Association meeting scheduled for 3 May.
The government also discussed the draft law on foreign investments. The government endorsed the draft earlier, but some minor corrections remained to be made before it enters the parliamentary procedure.
Source: KosovaLive web site, Pristina, in English 22 Mar 05
"We have decided to establish a supportive committee for Ramush Haradinaj. It will be launched and supported by the government, but it will not operate within the government," said Salihaj adding that the government would provide support to Haradinaj as much as UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] laws allow it.
Today, the government was briefed about the meeting on missing persons in Belgrade. "It was a fair meeting and an important step in the process of returning missing persons. But this issue cannot be limited only to the protocol meetings, but the meetings and the whole process should bring results," said Salihaj.
Asked whether they will start talks on other issues with Belgrade, Salihaj said: "This depends on the international facilitators and on the readiness of Belgrade".
The government has also reviewed the first report on implementation of the plan of European partnership, in the verge of the Tracking Mechanism Stabilization-Association meeting scheduled for 3 May.
The government also discussed the draft law on foreign investments. The government endorsed the draft earlier, but some minor corrections remained to be made before it enters the parliamentary procedure.
Source: KosovaLive web site, Pristina, in English 22 Mar 05
Kosovo parliament approves new prime minister
Former student activist Bajram Kosumi was voted in on Wednesday as prime minister of Kosovo's ethnic Albanian interim government.
The parliament of the United Nations-administered province approved 45-year-old Kosumi by 71 votes to 36, making him leader in the year that the U.N. is to open talks on Kosovo's status and potential independence after almost six years in limbo.
Kosumi is the handpicked successor of ex-prime minister Ramush Haradinaj, 36, the former Kosovo Liberation Army commander who resigned earlier this month to answer charges of war crimes at the Hague tribunal.
The parliament of the United Nations-administered province approved 45-year-old Kosumi by 71 votes to 36, making him leader in the year that the U.N. is to open talks on Kosovo's status and potential independence after almost six years in limbo.
Kosumi is the handpicked successor of ex-prime minister Ramush Haradinaj, 36, the former Kosovo Liberation Army commander who resigned earlier this month to answer charges of war crimes at the Hague tribunal.
Sunday, March 20, 2005
UNMIK chief welcomes Kosovo government's readiness for more talks with Serbia
The Kosova [Kosovo] government is ready to continue talks on technical issues with Serbia whenever the international mediators assess that the conditions have been created. Acting Prime Minister Adem Salihaj made this comment on Friday [18 March] after his meeting with Kosova chief administrator Soeren Jessen-Petersen.
"We are ready to start talks on technical issues, such as return and energy, at any time. The Kosova government is ready for these talks whenever the international mediators assess that the conditions for these talks have been created," Salihaj said.
Salihaj further said that at this meeting, Jessen-Petersen and he discussed three main issues: the security situation, dialogue on missing persons and implementation of standards.
"We assessed that the security situation is stable. The citizens of Kosova have proved their maturity. We also assessed as very constructive the meeting of the working groups on missing persons in Belgrade. It is a good beginning, and it created preconditions for the continuation of this process," Salihaj asserted.
As for the standards, "we assessed that the work towards the standards implementation is going well. Most of the standards have been realized to a great extent. There is stagnation in some standards, but we are working to eliminate that stagnation," he said.
In the meantime, Jessen-Petersen said: "The institutions of Kosova, the ShPK [Kosovo Police Service], UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] Police and Kfor [Kosovo Force], have done an excellent job in maintaining the security situation.
"It is an honour for all the citizens of Kosova that the security situation has been maintained. It is also an honour for the institutions of Kosova, the ShPK, but also for UNMIK and Kfor - their cooperation and the excellent job they did in maintaining order over the past few days." [Passage omitted]
"I welcome acting Prime Minister Salihaj's statement that, in addition to the dialogue on missing persons, Prishtina is ready to talk to Belgrade about other technical issues, about the issue of return and energy, and I am also glad that Serbian Prime Minister [Vojislav] Kostunica is in favour of dialogue. This is good news. I think we have positive moves ahead and these moves are important for Prishtina as well as Belgrade," Jessen-Petersen said. [Passage omitted]
Source: Koha Ditore, Pristina, in Albanian 19 Mar 05 p 2
"We are ready to start talks on technical issues, such as return and energy, at any time. The Kosova government is ready for these talks whenever the international mediators assess that the conditions for these talks have been created," Salihaj said.
Salihaj further said that at this meeting, Jessen-Petersen and he discussed three main issues: the security situation, dialogue on missing persons and implementation of standards.
"We assessed that the security situation is stable. The citizens of Kosova have proved their maturity. We also assessed as very constructive the meeting of the working groups on missing persons in Belgrade. It is a good beginning, and it created preconditions for the continuation of this process," Salihaj asserted.
As for the standards, "we assessed that the work towards the standards implementation is going well. Most of the standards have been realized to a great extent. There is stagnation in some standards, but we are working to eliminate that stagnation," he said.
In the meantime, Jessen-Petersen said: "The institutions of Kosova, the ShPK [Kosovo Police Service], UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] Police and Kfor [Kosovo Force], have done an excellent job in maintaining the security situation.
"It is an honour for all the citizens of Kosova that the security situation has been maintained. It is also an honour for the institutions of Kosova, the ShPK, but also for UNMIK and Kfor - their cooperation and the excellent job they did in maintaining order over the past few days." [Passage omitted]
"I welcome acting Prime Minister Salihaj's statement that, in addition to the dialogue on missing persons, Prishtina is ready to talk to Belgrade about other technical issues, about the issue of return and energy, and I am also glad that Serbian Prime Minister [Vojislav] Kostunica is in favour of dialogue. This is good news. I think we have positive moves ahead and these moves are important for Prishtina as well as Belgrade," Jessen-Petersen said. [Passage omitted]
Source: Koha Ditore, Pristina, in Albanian 19 Mar 05 p 2
Saturday, March 19, 2005
Want to join EU? Turn in your war criminals by Tim Judah
Want to join EU? Turn in your war criminals
Wanted Serbs and Croats are going on trial to help their nations into the elite club, writes Tim Judah
Sunday March 20, 2005
The Observer
What do buses and indicted war criminals have in common? You wait for ages, then they all come along at once.
The United Nations war crimes tribunal on the former Yugoslavia seems to have been marooned for years. The trial of Slobodan Milosevic has been mired in controversy and theatricality as the Americans have been pushing for the whole experiment in international justice to be shut down.
Yet suddenly, there is some action as the tribunal issues final indictments against men alleged to have committed the most appalling atrocities.
Far from mocking the court or hiding, the indictees are on the next plane to the Netherlands and practically beating down the doors to get into its seaside detention centre at Scheveningen.
This is an extraordinary turn of events with implications far beyond The Hague and the former Yugoslavia, taking in Brussels, Washington and Khartoum.
Of course, the three highest-profile fugitives are still at large: Radovan Karadzic, the wartime Bosnian Serb leader; General Ratko Mladic, his military chief; and Ante Gotovina, the Croat general who led his country's troops to victory over the Serbs in 1995. Along with 13 others, the first two at least have been thumbing their noses at justice for almost a decade.
So what is going on? In the past few weeks nine Serbs have turned themselves in; Ramush Haradi naj, the Prime Minister of Kosovo, has resigned and moved to Scheveningen; and the former head of the Bosnian Muslim army has done the same. Two Macedonians are also expected in the next few weeks, as are a clutch more Serbs.
'You must be feeling pleased with yourselves,' I said to a friend at the European Union in Brussels, who works on the Balkans.
'Good, yes,' he replied modestly. But for all his coyness, the fact that the tribunal is reeling in indictees at such speed is a direct consequence of EU muscle-flexing. The message is: 'Want to join the club? Then hand over the killers.'
So far, Serbia and the Bosnian Serb authorities have been loath to risk the wrath of their electorates and security establishments by arresting those on the run, but they are not beyond bribing men to turn themselves in. Feted as heroes, those who have recently left received promises that their governments would stand bail for them and that their families would be looked after, if they sacrificed themselves for the national good.
Last weekend one Serbian minister presented the family of an indictee who had agreed to go with a thank you present: a new car. This might seem a novel way to get men accused of genocide and murder into court, but Serbia has a lot at stake.
In the next few weeks Brussels will decide whether to open EU accession talks with Serbia. These arrests may help but, in the long run, Brussels wants Karadzic and Mladic behind bars. Croatia found that out to its cost last week when talks on its accession were cancelled because Gotovina remains at large.
But what is happening in The Hague has far deeper ramifications: the realisation that the road to Darfur leads through Belgrade.
If the Yugoslav tribunal can now be seen to be completing its task then, runs an American argument, let's repeat it for Sudan, using the UN's Rwanda tribunal in Tanzania.
The US believes genocide is taking place in Sudan. By contrast, the Europeans and others agree with the UN Commission of Inquiry on Sudan that war crimes in Darfur should be dealt with at The Hague's new International Criminal Court.
They believe that by using the ICC, it will be possible to avoid much of the politicisation that has crept into the Yugoslav tribunal.
The US opposes the ICC, fearing its own soldiers and politicians might one day be indicted by it. So as Darfur burns, the big powers fiddle and a UN resolution on Sudan is stalled.
Whatever the eventual solution, one thing is sure. The train of international justice has left the station and there is no going back. Its first stop is Brussels, the next is Khartoum.
Wanted Serbs and Croats are going on trial to help their nations into the elite club, writes Tim Judah
Sunday March 20, 2005
The Observer
What do buses and indicted war criminals have in common? You wait for ages, then they all come along at once.
The United Nations war crimes tribunal on the former Yugoslavia seems to have been marooned for years. The trial of Slobodan Milosevic has been mired in controversy and theatricality as the Americans have been pushing for the whole experiment in international justice to be shut down.
Yet suddenly, there is some action as the tribunal issues final indictments against men alleged to have committed the most appalling atrocities.
Far from mocking the court or hiding, the indictees are on the next plane to the Netherlands and practically beating down the doors to get into its seaside detention centre at Scheveningen.
This is an extraordinary turn of events with implications far beyond The Hague and the former Yugoslavia, taking in Brussels, Washington and Khartoum.
Of course, the three highest-profile fugitives are still at large: Radovan Karadzic, the wartime Bosnian Serb leader; General Ratko Mladic, his military chief; and Ante Gotovina, the Croat general who led his country's troops to victory over the Serbs in 1995. Along with 13 others, the first two at least have been thumbing their noses at justice for almost a decade.
So what is going on? In the past few weeks nine Serbs have turned themselves in; Ramush Haradi naj, the Prime Minister of Kosovo, has resigned and moved to Scheveningen; and the former head of the Bosnian Muslim army has done the same. Two Macedonians are also expected in the next few weeks, as are a clutch more Serbs.
'You must be feeling pleased with yourselves,' I said to a friend at the European Union in Brussels, who works on the Balkans.
'Good, yes,' he replied modestly. But for all his coyness, the fact that the tribunal is reeling in indictees at such speed is a direct consequence of EU muscle-flexing. The message is: 'Want to join the club? Then hand over the killers.'
So far, Serbia and the Bosnian Serb authorities have been loath to risk the wrath of their electorates and security establishments by arresting those on the run, but they are not beyond bribing men to turn themselves in. Feted as heroes, those who have recently left received promises that their governments would stand bail for them and that their families would be looked after, if they sacrificed themselves for the national good.
Last weekend one Serbian minister presented the family of an indictee who had agreed to go with a thank you present: a new car. This might seem a novel way to get men accused of genocide and murder into court, but Serbia has a lot at stake.
In the next few weeks Brussels will decide whether to open EU accession talks with Serbia. These arrests may help but, in the long run, Brussels wants Karadzic and Mladic behind bars. Croatia found that out to its cost last week when talks on its accession were cancelled because Gotovina remains at large.
But what is happening in The Hague has far deeper ramifications: the realisation that the road to Darfur leads through Belgrade.
If the Yugoslav tribunal can now be seen to be completing its task then, runs an American argument, let's repeat it for Sudan, using the UN's Rwanda tribunal in Tanzania.
The US believes genocide is taking place in Sudan. By contrast, the Europeans and others agree with the UN Commission of Inquiry on Sudan that war crimes in Darfur should be dealt with at The Hague's new International Criminal Court.
They believe that by using the ICC, it will be possible to avoid much of the politicisation that has crept into the Yugoslav tribunal.
The US opposes the ICC, fearing its own soldiers and politicians might one day be indicted by it. So as Darfur burns, the big powers fiddle and a UN resolution on Sudan is stalled.
Whatever the eventual solution, one thing is sure. The train of international justice has left the station and there is no going back. Its first stop is Brussels, the next is Khartoum.
Albanian rebel group claims Kosovo president attempt - media
The Albanian National Army (ANA) has claimed responsibility for the assassination attempt on Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova, today's Pristina media in Albanian says.
In an official statement, passed on to the media, ANA members warned the international community "not to play with the fate of the people and map of Albanian regions".
UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] and Kfor [NATO-led Kosovo Force] confirmed that they received information which said that the unsuccessful assassination attempt on Rugova was organized by members of ANA which has been declared in Kosovo as a terrorist organization.
Source: FoNet news agency, Belgrade, in Serbian 1330 gmt 19 Mar 05
In an official statement, passed on to the media, ANA members warned the international community "not to play with the fate of the people and map of Albanian regions".
UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] and Kfor [NATO-led Kosovo Force] confirmed that they received information which said that the unsuccessful assassination attempt on Rugova was organized by members of ANA which has been declared in Kosovo as a terrorist organization.
Source: FoNet news agency, Belgrade, in Serbian 1330 gmt 19 Mar 05
UK official pledges support for Kosovo Protection Corps
The British under secretary of state for defence and minister for veterans in the Defence Ministry, Ivor Caplin, said today that his country would continue to further support the development of the Kosova [Kosovo] Protection Corps [TMK], because it has an important role for the people of Kosova and their future.
Caplin made this comment following a meting with the commander of the TMK, Agim Ceku, at the TMK headquarters, with whom [he] discussed on the developments at the TMK.
"We have a picture of the security sector, therefore we will draw conclusion in early summer or in autumn. One of the points we discussed with the general was also the issue of security. When we reach this point, we will also see the other matters, such as training that the TMK may need," said Caplin.
General Ceku thanked Caplin for the commitment of Britain for development of the TMK. "Caplin brought great optimism for the future of the TMK," said Ceku.
Caplin also met today with the chief of UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo], Soeren Jessen-Petersen, and Deputy Prime Minister Adem Salihaj.
Source: KosovaLive web site, Pristina, in English 18 Mar 05
Caplin made this comment following a meting with the commander of the TMK, Agim Ceku, at the TMK headquarters, with whom [he] discussed on the developments at the TMK.
"We have a picture of the security sector, therefore we will draw conclusion in early summer or in autumn. One of the points we discussed with the general was also the issue of security. When we reach this point, we will also see the other matters, such as training that the TMK may need," said Caplin.
General Ceku thanked Caplin for the commitment of Britain for development of the TMK. "Caplin brought great optimism for the future of the TMK," said Ceku.
Caplin also met today with the chief of UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo], Soeren Jessen-Petersen, and Deputy Prime Minister Adem Salihaj.
Source: KosovaLive web site, Pristina, in English 18 Mar 05
Friday, March 18, 2005
Stability of Kosovo, SCG of key importance to Slovenia - foreign minister
Serbian President Boris Tadic is on a one-day official visit to Slovenia. He was invited by the OSCE chair, Foreign Minister Dimitrij Rupel. Apart from his host, he was also received by Prime Minister Janez Jansa and President Janez Drnovsek. The main topic of their talks was the enhancement of bilateral economic and political relations. They are also discussing the Kosovo question and the future of the Serbia-Montenegro state union. Matjaz Trost reporting:
[Reporter] They stressed Euro-Atlantic framework while discussing Kosovo's future status and the future of the Serbia-Montenegro state union. Foreign Minister Dimitrij Rupel:
[Rupel] We have to listen carefully and take into account the stances expressed by our Serbian friends. We have to predict events and activities which will ensure that these relations and problems will be solved in a constructive way. This should contribute to stability and prosperity in this and broader area. Serbia-Montenegro's stability and Kosovo's stability are of key importance for Slovenia and for a broader region.
[Reporter] Rupel added that Slovenia supported Serbia's endeavours to join EU.
[Tadic, speaking in Serbian with superimposed Slovene translation] Serbia sees EU and Partnership for Peace membership as its main objectives. This is of key importance for security and also an opportunity for economic stability and development in the future.[Passage omitted]
[Reporter] According to him, full cooperation with The Hague is necessary. [Passage omitted]
Tadic admitted that Kosovo was the main problem and added that the status from before 1999 and the classic autonomy could not be reintroduced. More than autonomy needs to be achieved, but Kosovo's independence is not acceptable. In Tadic words, this would result in destabilization of the region and it would have negative consequences for Serbia's stability and security. Tadic added that he - Serbia's representative - is ready to hold talks with Pristina about Kosovo.
Source: Radio Slovenia, Ljubljana, in Slovene 1430 gmt 18 Mar 05
[Reporter] They stressed Euro-Atlantic framework while discussing Kosovo's future status and the future of the Serbia-Montenegro state union. Foreign Minister Dimitrij Rupel:
[Rupel] We have to listen carefully and take into account the stances expressed by our Serbian friends. We have to predict events and activities which will ensure that these relations and problems will be solved in a constructive way. This should contribute to stability and prosperity in this and broader area. Serbia-Montenegro's stability and Kosovo's stability are of key importance for Slovenia and for a broader region.
[Reporter] Rupel added that Slovenia supported Serbia's endeavours to join EU.
[Tadic, speaking in Serbian with superimposed Slovene translation] Serbia sees EU and Partnership for Peace membership as its main objectives. This is of key importance for security and also an opportunity for economic stability and development in the future.[Passage omitted]
[Reporter] According to him, full cooperation with The Hague is necessary. [Passage omitted]
Tadic admitted that Kosovo was the main problem and added that the status from before 1999 and the classic autonomy could not be reintroduced. More than autonomy needs to be achieved, but Kosovo's independence is not acceptable. In Tadic words, this would result in destabilization of the region and it would have negative consequences for Serbia's stability and security. Tadic added that he - Serbia's representative - is ready to hold talks with Pristina about Kosovo.
Source: Radio Slovenia, Ljubljana, in Slovene 1430 gmt 18 Mar 05
Kosovo premier nominee calls for mutual recognition of borders with Serbia
Bajram Kosumi, candidate for Kosovo prime minister, said today that Serbia has to accept the borders of Kosovo, just as the Kosovo institutions will recognize Serbia's present borders.
Asked to what extent the problems of Albanians in southern Serbia were linked to the problems of Serbs in northern Kosovska Mitrovica, Kosumi told Presevo Television that "there are no links there".
"If Serbia takes a different stand on the problem of northern Mitrovica, and a completely different stand on the problems of Albanians in southern Serbia, then I believe that the reactions in this part of the Balkans, among the different nations of the former Yugoslavia, will have a domino effect, and then there will be a nightmare in Bosnia, the problem of Sandzak will erupt, as will the problem of the Hungarians in Vojvodina," he said.
Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova has proposed Kosumi for new Kosovo prime minister. [Passage omitted]
Source: Beta news agency, Belgrade, in Serbian 1810 gmt 18 Mar 05
Asked to what extent the problems of Albanians in southern Serbia were linked to the problems of Serbs in northern Kosovska Mitrovica, Kosumi told Presevo Television that "there are no links there".
"If Serbia takes a different stand on the problem of northern Mitrovica, and a completely different stand on the problems of Albanians in southern Serbia, then I believe that the reactions in this part of the Balkans, among the different nations of the former Yugoslavia, will have a domino effect, and then there will be a nightmare in Bosnia, the problem of Sandzak will erupt, as will the problem of the Hungarians in Vojvodina," he said.
Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova has proposed Kosumi for new Kosovo prime minister. [Passage omitted]
Source: Beta news agency, Belgrade, in Serbian 1810 gmt 18 Mar 05
Rugova Nominates Kosumi as New Kosovo Prime Minister
Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova has nominated Bajram Kosumi as prime minister of the Serbian province.
Mr. Kosumi is a close associate of former Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj, who resigned last week and surrendered to the United Nations tribunal in The Hague after it indicted him for war crimes.
Kosovo lawmakers are expected to consider the nomination next week.
The appointment comes just months before Kosovo's ethnic Albanian-led government and Serbian leaders are due to open talks on the future of the province. Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority wants independence, while its Serb minority wants the province to remain part of Serbia.
The United Nations has been administering the area since 1999, when NATO air strikes against Yugoslavia forced Serbian and Yugoslav security forces to withdraw from the area.
Mr. Kosumi is a close associate of former Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj, who resigned last week and surrendered to the United Nations tribunal in The Hague after it indicted him for war crimes.
Kosovo lawmakers are expected to consider the nomination next week.
The appointment comes just months before Kosovo's ethnic Albanian-led government and Serbian leaders are due to open talks on the future of the province. Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority wants independence, while its Serb minority wants the province to remain part of Serbia.
The United Nations has been administering the area since 1999, when NATO air strikes against Yugoslavia forced Serbian and Yugoslav security forces to withdraw from the area.
SRSG's remarks after meeting President Rugova - Kosovo
(following President Rugova's announcement of the LDK-AAK coalition and his
nomination of Bajram Kosumi for the post of Prime Minister)
SRSG Søren Jessen-Petersen: "I want to thank the President for having
informed me about the outcome of his talks with all political parties,
including the opposition parties. When I met the political parties the day
the former Prime Minister resigned on the 8th of March, I urged the
President and all the political parties to engage in a round of
consultations to look at the right options, the right way forward, to make
sure that we do not lose any time in moving towards the comprehensive
review and the status talks later this year. I made it clear that, for me,
as long as there is no gap, as long as there is no crisis, this is the
responsibility primarily of the President of Kosovo to consult with the
political parties, and my responsibility is to be available, to listen, to
provide advice and ideas.
But for a Kosovo that is getting ready for status discussions and status,
it is extremely important that we see the democratic institutions
functioning as we expect in a democracy, in full accordance with the
Constitutional principles. I believe that is what we are seeing. Two
political parties have decided to form a government. They have a majority
and, if the Assembly agrees when the Assembly meets, then we will have a
government that knows exactly what they have to do within a very shot
timeframe. We need to produce the next technical assessment on progress of
standards by the 15th of April. Then we have another month to make further
progress on Standards implementation, so that when I go to New York and
report to the Security Council, there will be a lot of progress. The
government, when elected, will know exactly what the priorities are if this
government is elected by the Assembly there will be most of the Ministers
who are already actively engaged in implementing Standards and know that
they have to continue.
I also welcome very much the President's statement here that the President
will assume his responsibilities in making sure that all political parties
take an active part in moving on issues that are of high political
importance to Kosovo, that is, beginning the reflection on how Kosovo
prepares for status discussions. Decentralisation is another issue and I
think that, on one hand, we should all welcome [the fact] that we have a
vibrant democracy, a government, an opposition and, on the other hand, I
certainly count very much on the opposition parties, the leaders of the
parties, Hashim Thaci and Vetton Surroi, to play a very constructive role
because we need to make sure that this government is performing and the
opposition has a role in pushing. That is what an opposition does. But on
the other hand, we also need these important parties, if they are not part
of the government, to contribute to the solution of these very important
issues: Kosovo's preparation for status discussions and other issues like
decentralisation.
So, as the President is saying, Yes, it is a relative new experience for
Kosovo. It is a new experience to accept that in a democracy there are
winners and losers. But the goal for Kosovo is now so clear for everybody
that it is within reach, it is now within the hands of the citizens of
Kosovo, the political parties of Kosovo, to get Kosovo into the status
talks.
I have been very encouraged by the response over the last ten days. Since
the difficult 8th of March development we have seen a dignified ,
responsible attitude of all citizens: Kosovo Albanians, Kosovo Serbs. I
have been encouraged by [the] restraint and responsible statements from
Belgrade also urging calm and restraint. So I think we are moving through
what may have been one of the most difficult periods for Kosovo, which is
still a difficult [period] but the way it has been managed by everybody
gives me confidence that we are on track, we are moving ahead and, once
again, I count on the President and on all political parties to play
their respective roles. Thank you. "
nomination of Bajram Kosumi for the post of Prime Minister)
SRSG Søren Jessen-Petersen: "I want to thank the President for having
informed me about the outcome of his talks with all political parties,
including the opposition parties. When I met the political parties the day
the former Prime Minister resigned on the 8th of March, I urged the
President and all the political parties to engage in a round of
consultations to look at the right options, the right way forward, to make
sure that we do not lose any time in moving towards the comprehensive
review and the status talks later this year. I made it clear that, for me,
as long as there is no gap, as long as there is no crisis, this is the
responsibility primarily of the President of Kosovo to consult with the
political parties, and my responsibility is to be available, to listen, to
provide advice and ideas.
But for a Kosovo that is getting ready for status discussions and status,
it is extremely important that we see the democratic institutions
functioning as we expect in a democracy, in full accordance with the
Constitutional principles. I believe that is what we are seeing. Two
political parties have decided to form a government. They have a majority
and, if the Assembly agrees when the Assembly meets, then we will have a
government that knows exactly what they have to do within a very shot
timeframe. We need to produce the next technical assessment on progress of
standards by the 15th of April. Then we have another month to make further
progress on Standards implementation, so that when I go to New York and
report to the Security Council, there will be a lot of progress. The
government, when elected, will know exactly what the priorities are if this
government is elected by the Assembly there will be most of the Ministers
who are already actively engaged in implementing Standards and know that
they have to continue.
I also welcome very much the President's statement here that the President
will assume his responsibilities in making sure that all political parties
take an active part in moving on issues that are of high political
importance to Kosovo, that is, beginning the reflection on how Kosovo
prepares for status discussions. Decentralisation is another issue and I
think that, on one hand, we should all welcome [the fact] that we have a
vibrant democracy, a government, an opposition and, on the other hand, I
certainly count very much on the opposition parties, the leaders of the
parties, Hashim Thaci and Vetton Surroi, to play a very constructive role
because we need to make sure that this government is performing and the
opposition has a role in pushing. That is what an opposition does. But on
the other hand, we also need these important parties, if they are not part
of the government, to contribute to the solution of these very important
issues: Kosovo's preparation for status discussions and other issues like
decentralisation.
So, as the President is saying, Yes, it is a relative new experience for
Kosovo. It is a new experience to accept that in a democracy there are
winners and losers. But the goal for Kosovo is now so clear for everybody
that it is within reach, it is now within the hands of the citizens of
Kosovo, the political parties of Kosovo, to get Kosovo into the status
talks.
I have been very encouraged by the response over the last ten days. Since
the difficult 8th of March development we have seen a dignified ,
responsible attitude of all citizens: Kosovo Albanians, Kosovo Serbs. I
have been encouraged by [the] restraint and responsible statements from
Belgrade also urging calm and restraint. So I think we are moving through
what may have been one of the most difficult periods for Kosovo, which is
still a difficult [period] but the way it has been managed by everybody
gives me confidence that we are on track, we are moving ahead and, once
again, I count on the President and on all political parties to play
their respective roles. Thank you. "
MOBILE TELEPHONY - THE KOSOVAR CONNECTION
Belgrade, March 3 - One of them lives in Kosovo and is an owner of a printing house, tobacco factory, brewery, a radio station, TV station, chain of restaurants and hotels, a basketball team, and has a special gift on trading, with a special accent on cigarettes and weapons. He is close to the Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj, whose party, it is said that he helped a lot, as well as other activities outside the party.
The other one lives in Belgrade and together with his large family he owns a number of journals, a TV station, a part of mobile telephony and a lot of other things. He has always been close to personalities he should have been close to.
The first one is called Ekrem Lluka, while the name of the second one is Bogoljub Karic. Beside their deep wallets and political connections, not that long ago they were connected also by an agreement on official and technical cooperation.
In fact the Company "Mobtel" owned by Karic family and the public company PTT of Serbia and company "Mobikos", owned by Ekrem Lluka have signed an agreement on December 2003, according to which "Mobtel" gives to "Mobikos" the rights of use of the capacities and the infrastructure of the GSM network of "Mobtel" in the territory of Kosovo and the right of providing the services of GSM network mobile telecommunications owned by "Mobtel" in the same territory.
Words and Thesis
The agreement signed in Belgrade and known in "Mobtel" under code 12088/03 for a long period of time has been a subject of various discussions, rumors, and denials.
More than a year after this agreement was reached, it was proven that all these discussions essentially were not true: according to the fax message of the agreement received by "Vreme", it becomes clear that the issue here is not about selling in the full meaning of the word, nor the rights to use, nor any kind of small business maneuver, as it was suggested until this time.
But, the best answer to the question on what this document is really about stands exactly on the studies of statements, starting from the first one.
The first concrete voices on business cooperation between Karic and the man that even in Kosovo is considered to be "controversial" had been raised by the actors themselves.
At the middle of December 2003, Prishtina's daily newspaper "Koha Ditore" has written that after "few months' long discussions with 'Mobtel'", Lluka has bought the license of this operator for Kosovo.
The BK group (Karic Brothers) had denied this news on the same day, stating that Lluka enjoys only "the exclusivity on providing their services" and that "nobody has the right to buy the license of 'Mobtel'".
However, only one month after the signing of this contract, on eighth of January 2004, Lluka through an interview with the weekly journal "Java" from Prishtina informs with honor that he has bought a part of "Mobtel" company in Kosovo: since at the same time in stands allover Prishtina you could buy "Mobikos" credit for 063 numbers, printed in Albanian, there were lots of those who believed that the kosovar portion of "Mobtel" was really bought.
This commercial later resulted with harming mostly Ekrem Lluka himself, even though it is logical the statement that it is in the interest of the owner of "Mobikos" any kind of explanation of the presence of "his credits for 063" but he seemed to forget that in Prishtina any kind of connection with Karic's "Mobtel" is unwanted.
Six months after Lluka's statement, when the agreement with "Mobtel" was broken and the position of the strategic partner was taken by the Slovenian operator, "Mobitel", "the buying" of the kosovar portion of "Mobtel" strongly and dangerously came back to the buyer.
Only one day after Lluka and his Slovenian partner won the contract on the second mobile operator in Kosovo, the former prime minister Bajram Rexhepi stated that there were indications that the decision was brought "under political, industrial and other pressure" while the minister of Telecommunications, Zef Morina explained that "Mobikos" while bidding was in fact "working in favor of 'Mobtel'". However, the bid was canceled and at least temporarily everything was left behind. In contrast from Ekrem Lluka, the Karic brothers did not have that many reasons to repent for their former business connections with him: all the media articles on the existence of agreements passed away somehow unnoticed.
Otherwise there was a very small number of possibilities of raising a big issue out of this since Ekrem Lluka's story seemed to impossible to believe in, while on concrete elements of the agreement there were only speculations.
However, even at the time of their reaction, the Karic brothers used arguments that seemed to be undeniable. One of their main arguments in order to deny "the selling" of a portion of "Mobtel" was the calling on a fact that even in 1999, after the international troops entered in Kosovo, Karic brothers had the opportunity to get the license from the United Nations for operating the 063 for fifteen other years. The same argument was used for the continuous remarks from the kosovar institutions that in order to operate in Kosovo, "Mobtel" has to pay taxes.
It was foreseen that the empowerment of the Law on Telecommunications and the announcement of the bid for a second mobile operator would in the meantime change this situation. "As for 'Mobtel', I can say that temporary agreements were made in 1999, so that we could cover the telecommunications needs at that time since there was no other mobile operator in Kosovo. But, if we take in consideration the actual state of the country and the development of mobile telephony, "Mobtel" should rearrange its position", was explained on October of 2004 by the UNMIK spokesperson, Chris Thomson.
Besides the position of "Mobtel" in Kosovo, the Karic Group was arguing also through the agreement itself. While reacting on the text considering the cooperation of Ekrem Lluka and "Mobtel" published on October fourth 2004 in "Internacional", Karic group said that "Mobikos" is one of the distributors of 063 credits. This was an imposed solution because since 2000, the Kosovar government has been obstructing the functioning of "Mobtel" in Kosovo and did not allow that the sale of credits be done directly by "Mobtel". At the same time this was one of the first cases to show that it was not all about the credits: at that time "Mobtel" had reached and agreement with "Mobikos", which beside the distribution of credits had also taken the responsibilities of security over the people and equipment owned by "Mobtel". This was the only way of protecting the lives of engineers and technicians that were maintaining the network and the transmitters save the equipment and to ensure the functioning of the system in Kosovo", was said in a statement by the Karic group. Besides, it was let known that the cooperation with Lluka was in the meantime interrupted because his company "did not fully respect the points made in the mentioned contract". From sales, to distribution of credits, we have reached the point of security of people and equipment. The last study of the agreement shows that all these formulations were at the same time true as well as constructed: the agreement between Karic brothers and Lluka was, depending on interpretation, a bit of everything. Sales, distribution of credits and security of ownership.
National (Interest)
The survey over the agreements between "Mobtel" and "Mobikos" itself shows that it is about serious cooperation with a number of ownership and financial implications. (As the framework states!) If it wasn't like this, "Mobtel" would find it very difficult to oblige itself to practically hand over in use everything it owns in Kosovo, additionally training of experts and assistance in management, as well as "Mobikos" would find it difficult to promise that, for instance "would invest in the development of the GSM network, so that the infrastructure would transform under the ownership of 'Mobikos'". Thing like these would in normal conditions of business agreements would be issues of management and decisions to be made by the company itself and not of its partners.
Beside two initial articles that deal with the responsibilities of the signatories, article 7 is worth of attention, which tends to regulate the payments for provided services. According to this article, "Mobikos" is obliged to pay "Mobtel" the sum equivalent to 30 percent of the net value of all users of the post-paid system, that is thirty percent of each sold "Mobiklik" package and thirty percent of the value of each sold voucher of the pre-paid network of "Mobtel", that is the statistics of created telecommunication traffic. Are we talking about a fair agreement or not is not a subject of this story. But, according to an invoice that came to the hand of "Vreme" it seems that article 7 was not fully respected, or most probably was changed during the negotiations.
In fact, the invoice which was sent to Mobikos" from "Mobtel" on January 30 2004, it is obvious that Mobikos was accounted for 50 percent of the overall sales of credits and that Mobtel instead of 30 percent took half of generated income. "Vreme" did not receive any answer on the question of the equivalent of 50 percent, so it can only be speculated on the 20 percent difference lost from the agreement.
Comparison of the agreement, invoices and some statements and comments shows some other issues that do not make sense in this story. Less than a month ago, Bogoljub Karic in an interview for the magazine "Evropa" explained how "Mobtel" signed an agreement with Ekrem Lluka for "a credit sales provider" and how Lluka paid 700 thousand Euros instead of 1.1 million during the first three months. Leaving aside now the fact that Karic has repeated once again the forgotten story about credits provider, it becomes more important how Lluka's account for three months be only Euro 1.1 million. According to the invoice released at the end of January 2004, it is clearly said that Mobikos for this period is obliged (one month after the signing of the contract) is Euro 835.869. Having in mind that this is an invoice for only one month, it is logical that Lluka would be obliged for the period of three months three times as much. Shortly the only thing that remained unchanged from the thesis and explanations around the contract from the first day is the argument given by the Karic Group that this is a matter of defending national interest and ownership that would otherwise be destroyed.
(On tomorrow's newspaper: What is the content of detailed contracts, "Mobtel" and "Mobikos" bonds?)
Taken from the Weekly Belgrade Newspaper "Vreme"
MOBILE TELEPHONY - THE KOSOVAR CONNECTION (2)
What is the content of detailed contracts, "Mobtel" and "Mobikos" bonds?
Belgrade, March – The payment is not the strangest element included in the technical-official agreement between “Mobtel” and “Mobikos”. Most surprising is that the contract is signed without the knowledge of one of the owners of “Mobtel”, public company PTT of Serbia. Even though in a short conversation with “Vreme”, deputy director of “Mobtel”, Goran Bozic states that such an agreement could not be signed without prior knowledge of PTT management and managing council, reliable sources of journal “Vreme” state the opposite. According to those at the moment of contract signing, PTT was being managed by the acting director; the company was in “total chaos” while about the agreement with “Mobikos” “they understood only twenty days ago”. In favor to this goes also the article published in Belgrade based journal “Ekonomist”, on January 19, 2004.
Earlier when the right to use\selling\cooperation between “Mobtel and “Mobikos” were mentioned, no one, not even the PTT could not give any comment. Or, sticking to the above given quoting: “When this question was put to PTT, they looked a bit confused”. Even though more than one year have passed since the agreement was reached, it is still difficult to say who really knew about it, it seems too unbelievable that no one from PTT couldn’t reach the text of this contract.
During 2004, PTT and Karic group were criticized considering ownership relations in this company, while eventual public announcement of this document would ensure a lot of positive points for PTT in this duel. Even if we forget the (non)knowledge of PTT as a co owner of “Mobtel”, it still remains unclear how the responsible institutions for one year did not react about an agreement about which it was written by the media in Prishtina and Belgrade.
First of all it is unclear that the statement made by Lluka that he had bought "Mobtel" in January 2004 nobody even tried to deny, while it could be considered to be under the responsibility of Serbian Ministry of Transport and Telecommunications and the Ministry of Economy and Privatization and many others. If the argument for this is "we did not know" it raises the question of the possibility of not knowing, and how is it possible that those responsible still do not know.
According to "Vreme"-s sources the agreement between "Mobtel" and "Mobikos" not so long ago went to "analysis" in the Directorate Against Organized Crime. More specifically in MUP (Ministry of Internal Affairs) and in all important offices in the country. In response to this factual situation, until now only one member of republican parliament has given a statement: the actual president of Serbia (otherwise former minister of Telecommunications, while the prime minister and the others are still staying in silence).
Beside all the confusions related to the meaning and the interpretations of the contract, there is still present the confusion imposed to us at first sight considering the selection of the partner in Kosovo. In fact, even though it is clear that Ekrem Lluka is a very powerful man to protect "Mobtel" property, it is unbelievable that the Karic brothers choose exactly him: a man with a reputation for his different connections even those of terrorist nature, connections with Ramush Haradinaj and Agim Ceku, accusations on smuggling and trade with everything and everyone, none of these are wanted points in a resume of a business partner, which should be considered to be serious and trustworthy.
A number of sources from Prishtina say that that it is a matter of the "Peja connection", since LLuka and the Karic brothers are, how should we say, home brewn, while the others consider that the choice of partner was done because of Llukas political connections, which provided guarantees for respecting the contract. What is more important now is that finally the existence of the famous contract is confirmed and that it doesn't even mention the distribution of 063 credits. And this is enough for a beginning.
"Mobtel" bonds
Article 2 of the contract on technical and business cooperation states that during the timeframe of this contract, "Mobtel" is bond to: Hand over to "Mobikos" the rights to use the existing infrastructure of the GSM network in the territory of Kosovo, the right of providing services of the GSM network to all users in this territory, the right to temporarily use the company name, logos on goods and services and other business distinctive, the knowledge that refers to the subject of this contract including all the necessary documentation (technical and business information on marketing methods; knowledge on organizational issues such as distribution of goods, and ways to get to new consumers and clients, information on introduction of goods and services etc. as well as other services aiming to ease the management of works to be done under the contract (assistance on locating and establishing the residency, training of "Mobikos" staff, assistance on management of commercials and marketing campaigns, preparation and publishing of information on trade etc). Identification brand which would be used by "Mobikos" in business and the way of using the same would be arranged in a special protocol of this contract;
-provide sufficient capacity which would ensure enough connecting points in own centers covering the territory of Kosovo (central point in Nish);
-provide "Mobikos" with exclusive rights to distribute-sell SIM post-paid and pre-paid credits and vouchers, through sales of valuable credits, use of internet, EFT and POS terminals and other forms of electronic trading;
-to ensure as much as possible technical-technological conditions for the use of all services provided by GSM 063 in the mentioned territory under article 1 of the contract;
-to organize trainings on own expenses of technical and commercial staff from "Mobikos" which would be doing management jobs, providing services, trading and introducing the SIM post-paid and pre-paid credits and vouchers, while additional costs on training would be carried out by "Mobikos";
-inform "Mobikos" on time on companies activities that have to do with different kinds and forms of services that "Mobtel" provides in territories from article 1 of the contract and about the measures taken for technical-technological advancements of the GSM network;
-inform "Mobikos" on time on eventual or planned changes fare policies and together with "Mobikos" agree on the prices of services on the mentioned territories on article 1 of the contract;
-ensure continuous and quality functioning of the GSM network on the territory mentioned under article 1 of the contract;
-that in compliance with business policies and technical abilities in the foreseen period, and no later than six months after the agreement is reached enable "Mobikos" the use of the code of mobile telephony network, a number to be confirmed ( the so called number of the network);
-that "mobikos" be provided with assistance of experts on trade analysis, business prognosis, turnover of goods and services, solving of remarks and objections by the users of provided services.
Just in case
As careful businessmen, Ekrem LLuka and his serb partners under article 12 of the contract have stated as follows: "The contract may be lost under the conditions of a force majeur. As force majeur in this contract were included: war or armed conflict, uprisings, civil war, strike, natural catastrophes, acts taken by governments and all other possible events that could be announced in any court of law as force majeur". The only thing that remains unclear is how the contract can be "lost".
"Mobikos" bonds
Article 3 of the signed contract between "Mobtel" and "Mobikos" consists of 23 points within which "mobikos" bonds are explained, but the most important are the initial four of them. So, according to the contract "Mobikos" is obliged to- give annual projection of development plan of GSM network and providing (sales) of services on the territory under article 1 in time, so that the annual plan should be based and in compliance with the business and development plans of "Mobtel" for the same period;
- that all its activities get focused on maintenance of existing infrastructure and the development of the GSM network, which should fulfill technical criteria and standards required by "Mobtel" and which should comply with the existing "Mobtel" network on the territory mentioned under article 1 of the contract. At the same time, "Mobikos" binds that on its own expenses provide locations with all the necessary infrastructure and the necessary documentation for smooth functioning of all basic stations independently, together with this in the network GSM, as well as the permit for radio frequencies;
- that in cooperation with "Mobtel" to ensure the release of permit and the necessary approvals for fulfillment of objectives of this contract;
- to invest in the development of the GSM network in the territory of Kosovo during the validity of the contract, starting from the date when the agreement is reached with the condition that this infrastructure be owned by "Mobikos".
Business Language
Even though local politicians, even Bogoljub Karic insist on naming "with full name" - Kosovo and Metohija or Kosmet, in the agreement signed by the representatives of "Mobtel" and "Mobikos" the word Metohija does not exist. It is well known that Albanians are allergic to the name Metohija; it seems that the Karic brothers have accepted the language aproach of their Albanian counterpart.
The Karic Response
Since the agreement was reached on December 8 2003, between"Mobtel" and "Mobikos" "Vreme" on February 28 2005 contacted the information service of "Mobtel" and has sent few questions by fax about some points of the agreement. The questions focused in the obvious fall of Ekrem Lluka, main reasons of making this agreement, as well as the information about who else was informed about this agreement. The answer of the information service we are presenting as a whole without any intervention.
"After the 1999 bombings, the company "Mobtel" thanks to the outstanding efforts of its employs has managed to rebuild of the complete network, keep its capacities and continue to offer services in the region of Kosovo and Metohija. How important were these facts it was shown during the developments on the 17 and 18-th of March in Kosovo.
Wishing to save the name and resources of the Serb state in Kosovo and Metohija, above all, for the Serbs that still remain in the region, ensure connection with Serbia and the rest of the world, the company "Mobtel" has signed tens of agreements on technical cooperation's with Kosovar companies, Albanian as well as Serbian. All these agreements were sent to UNMIK, KFOR, Serb Government, Ministry of Internal Affairs ... One of those agreements was about technical cooperation with "Mobikos", owned by Ekrem Lluka. Still, this agreement signed for one year was not extended, while because of attempts of abuse, a lawsuit is being led against the second party.
None of the agreements which "Mobtel" has reached with Kosovar companies, were not attrective to the media, except the agreement with "Mobikos". According to the obvious scenario trying to cover up the participation in the biggest scandals in Serbia, specific centers have used this agreement for a medial campaign aiming to discredit Bogoljub Karic. "Blic" has also written about this issue, from June to September of last year. From September to December, the same issue was written about in "International", and at the start of New Year the weekly "Evropa" as well as RTV B92 with a special show on "Mobtel".
The goals of these centers are clear that with media haunting of Bogoljub Karic, hide the key actors of the largest scandals in Serbia. From the weapons trading, drugs, oil, cigarettes, alcohol, from 4,5 billon dollars, steeling of the Serbian citizens, taken from the state owned, and put to private property, which from the blessed exotic islands of Serbia look as if thy are looking at their war prey. Bought by us with our own money. While Bogoljub Karic and Karic Bank was accused of drawing money out state. Now the local public has the information and documentation on who has stolen and who enabled the biggest theft in the history of Serbia.
Against all the media as well as the weekly "Vreme", which were part of the campaign against Bogoljub Karic and the company "BK Group", a trial is initiated, which is not finished still.
With all the respect for the work and your press run, as well as the donors wish to write about this issue, we hope that you will publish at least a part of our answer.
The other one lives in Belgrade and together with his large family he owns a number of journals, a TV station, a part of mobile telephony and a lot of other things. He has always been close to personalities he should have been close to.
The first one is called Ekrem Lluka, while the name of the second one is Bogoljub Karic. Beside their deep wallets and political connections, not that long ago they were connected also by an agreement on official and technical cooperation.
In fact the Company "Mobtel" owned by Karic family and the public company PTT of Serbia and company "Mobikos", owned by Ekrem Lluka have signed an agreement on December 2003, according to which "Mobtel" gives to "Mobikos" the rights of use of the capacities and the infrastructure of the GSM network of "Mobtel" in the territory of Kosovo and the right of providing the services of GSM network mobile telecommunications owned by "Mobtel" in the same territory.
Words and Thesis
The agreement signed in Belgrade and known in "Mobtel" under code 12088/03 for a long period of time has been a subject of various discussions, rumors, and denials.
More than a year after this agreement was reached, it was proven that all these discussions essentially were not true: according to the fax message of the agreement received by "Vreme", it becomes clear that the issue here is not about selling in the full meaning of the word, nor the rights to use, nor any kind of small business maneuver, as it was suggested until this time.
But, the best answer to the question on what this document is really about stands exactly on the studies of statements, starting from the first one.
The first concrete voices on business cooperation between Karic and the man that even in Kosovo is considered to be "controversial" had been raised by the actors themselves.
At the middle of December 2003, Prishtina's daily newspaper "Koha Ditore" has written that after "few months' long discussions with 'Mobtel'", Lluka has bought the license of this operator for Kosovo.
The BK group (Karic Brothers) had denied this news on the same day, stating that Lluka enjoys only "the exclusivity on providing their services" and that "nobody has the right to buy the license of 'Mobtel'".
However, only one month after the signing of this contract, on eighth of January 2004, Lluka through an interview with the weekly journal "Java" from Prishtina informs with honor that he has bought a part of "Mobtel" company in Kosovo: since at the same time in stands allover Prishtina you could buy "Mobikos" credit for 063 numbers, printed in Albanian, there were lots of those who believed that the kosovar portion of "Mobtel" was really bought.
This commercial later resulted with harming mostly Ekrem Lluka himself, even though it is logical the statement that it is in the interest of the owner of "Mobikos" any kind of explanation of the presence of "his credits for 063" but he seemed to forget that in Prishtina any kind of connection with Karic's "Mobtel" is unwanted.
Six months after Lluka's statement, when the agreement with "Mobtel" was broken and the position of the strategic partner was taken by the Slovenian operator, "Mobitel", "the buying" of the kosovar portion of "Mobtel" strongly and dangerously came back to the buyer.
Only one day after Lluka and his Slovenian partner won the contract on the second mobile operator in Kosovo, the former prime minister Bajram Rexhepi stated that there were indications that the decision was brought "under political, industrial and other pressure" while the minister of Telecommunications, Zef Morina explained that "Mobikos" while bidding was in fact "working in favor of 'Mobtel'". However, the bid was canceled and at least temporarily everything was left behind. In contrast from Ekrem Lluka, the Karic brothers did not have that many reasons to repent for their former business connections with him: all the media articles on the existence of agreements passed away somehow unnoticed.
Otherwise there was a very small number of possibilities of raising a big issue out of this since Ekrem Lluka's story seemed to impossible to believe in, while on concrete elements of the agreement there were only speculations.
However, even at the time of their reaction, the Karic brothers used arguments that seemed to be undeniable. One of their main arguments in order to deny "the selling" of a portion of "Mobtel" was the calling on a fact that even in 1999, after the international troops entered in Kosovo, Karic brothers had the opportunity to get the license from the United Nations for operating the 063 for fifteen other years. The same argument was used for the continuous remarks from the kosovar institutions that in order to operate in Kosovo, "Mobtel" has to pay taxes.
It was foreseen that the empowerment of the Law on Telecommunications and the announcement of the bid for a second mobile operator would in the meantime change this situation. "As for 'Mobtel', I can say that temporary agreements were made in 1999, so that we could cover the telecommunications needs at that time since there was no other mobile operator in Kosovo. But, if we take in consideration the actual state of the country and the development of mobile telephony, "Mobtel" should rearrange its position", was explained on October of 2004 by the UNMIK spokesperson, Chris Thomson.
Besides the position of "Mobtel" in Kosovo, the Karic Group was arguing also through the agreement itself. While reacting on the text considering the cooperation of Ekrem Lluka and "Mobtel" published on October fourth 2004 in "Internacional", Karic group said that "Mobikos" is one of the distributors of 063 credits. This was an imposed solution because since 2000, the Kosovar government has been obstructing the functioning of "Mobtel" in Kosovo and did not allow that the sale of credits be done directly by "Mobtel". At the same time this was one of the first cases to show that it was not all about the credits: at that time "Mobtel" had reached and agreement with "Mobikos", which beside the distribution of credits had also taken the responsibilities of security over the people and equipment owned by "Mobtel". This was the only way of protecting the lives of engineers and technicians that were maintaining the network and the transmitters save the equipment and to ensure the functioning of the system in Kosovo", was said in a statement by the Karic group. Besides, it was let known that the cooperation with Lluka was in the meantime interrupted because his company "did not fully respect the points made in the mentioned contract". From sales, to distribution of credits, we have reached the point of security of people and equipment. The last study of the agreement shows that all these formulations were at the same time true as well as constructed: the agreement between Karic brothers and Lluka was, depending on interpretation, a bit of everything. Sales, distribution of credits and security of ownership.
National (Interest)
The survey over the agreements between "Mobtel" and "Mobikos" itself shows that it is about serious cooperation with a number of ownership and financial implications. (As the framework states!) If it wasn't like this, "Mobtel" would find it very difficult to oblige itself to practically hand over in use everything it owns in Kosovo, additionally training of experts and assistance in management, as well as "Mobikos" would find it difficult to promise that, for instance "would invest in the development of the GSM network, so that the infrastructure would transform under the ownership of 'Mobikos'". Thing like these would in normal conditions of business agreements would be issues of management and decisions to be made by the company itself and not of its partners.
Beside two initial articles that deal with the responsibilities of the signatories, article 7 is worth of attention, which tends to regulate the payments for provided services. According to this article, "Mobikos" is obliged to pay "Mobtel" the sum equivalent to 30 percent of the net value of all users of the post-paid system, that is thirty percent of each sold "Mobiklik" package and thirty percent of the value of each sold voucher of the pre-paid network of "Mobtel", that is the statistics of created telecommunication traffic. Are we talking about a fair agreement or not is not a subject of this story. But, according to an invoice that came to the hand of "Vreme" it seems that article 7 was not fully respected, or most probably was changed during the negotiations.
In fact, the invoice which was sent to Mobikos" from "Mobtel" on January 30 2004, it is obvious that Mobikos was accounted for 50 percent of the overall sales of credits and that Mobtel instead of 30 percent took half of generated income. "Vreme" did not receive any answer on the question of the equivalent of 50 percent, so it can only be speculated on the 20 percent difference lost from the agreement.
Comparison of the agreement, invoices and some statements and comments shows some other issues that do not make sense in this story. Less than a month ago, Bogoljub Karic in an interview for the magazine "Evropa" explained how "Mobtel" signed an agreement with Ekrem Lluka for "a credit sales provider" and how Lluka paid 700 thousand Euros instead of 1.1 million during the first three months. Leaving aside now the fact that Karic has repeated once again the forgotten story about credits provider, it becomes more important how Lluka's account for three months be only Euro 1.1 million. According to the invoice released at the end of January 2004, it is clearly said that Mobikos for this period is obliged (one month after the signing of the contract) is Euro 835.869. Having in mind that this is an invoice for only one month, it is logical that Lluka would be obliged for the period of three months three times as much. Shortly the only thing that remained unchanged from the thesis and explanations around the contract from the first day is the argument given by the Karic Group that this is a matter of defending national interest and ownership that would otherwise be destroyed.
(On tomorrow's newspaper: What is the content of detailed contracts, "Mobtel" and "Mobikos" bonds?)
Taken from the Weekly Belgrade Newspaper "Vreme"
MOBILE TELEPHONY - THE KOSOVAR CONNECTION (2)
What is the content of detailed contracts, "Mobtel" and "Mobikos" bonds?
Belgrade, March – The payment is not the strangest element included in the technical-official agreement between “Mobtel” and “Mobikos”. Most surprising is that the contract is signed without the knowledge of one of the owners of “Mobtel”, public company PTT of Serbia. Even though in a short conversation with “Vreme”, deputy director of “Mobtel”, Goran Bozic states that such an agreement could not be signed without prior knowledge of PTT management and managing council, reliable sources of journal “Vreme” state the opposite. According to those at the moment of contract signing, PTT was being managed by the acting director; the company was in “total chaos” while about the agreement with “Mobikos” “they understood only twenty days ago”. In favor to this goes also the article published in Belgrade based journal “Ekonomist”, on January 19, 2004.
Earlier when the right to use\selling\cooperation between “Mobtel and “Mobikos” were mentioned, no one, not even the PTT could not give any comment. Or, sticking to the above given quoting: “When this question was put to PTT, they looked a bit confused”. Even though more than one year have passed since the agreement was reached, it is still difficult to say who really knew about it, it seems too unbelievable that no one from PTT couldn’t reach the text of this contract.
During 2004, PTT and Karic group were criticized considering ownership relations in this company, while eventual public announcement of this document would ensure a lot of positive points for PTT in this duel. Even if we forget the (non)knowledge of PTT as a co owner of “Mobtel”, it still remains unclear how the responsible institutions for one year did not react about an agreement about which it was written by the media in Prishtina and Belgrade.
First of all it is unclear that the statement made by Lluka that he had bought "Mobtel" in January 2004 nobody even tried to deny, while it could be considered to be under the responsibility of Serbian Ministry of Transport and Telecommunications and the Ministry of Economy and Privatization and many others. If the argument for this is "we did not know" it raises the question of the possibility of not knowing, and how is it possible that those responsible still do not know.
According to "Vreme"-s sources the agreement between "Mobtel" and "Mobikos" not so long ago went to "analysis" in the Directorate Against Organized Crime. More specifically in MUP (Ministry of Internal Affairs) and in all important offices in the country. In response to this factual situation, until now only one member of republican parliament has given a statement: the actual president of Serbia (otherwise former minister of Telecommunications, while the prime minister and the others are still staying in silence).
Beside all the confusions related to the meaning and the interpretations of the contract, there is still present the confusion imposed to us at first sight considering the selection of the partner in Kosovo. In fact, even though it is clear that Ekrem Lluka is a very powerful man to protect "Mobtel" property, it is unbelievable that the Karic brothers choose exactly him: a man with a reputation for his different connections even those of terrorist nature, connections with Ramush Haradinaj and Agim Ceku, accusations on smuggling and trade with everything and everyone, none of these are wanted points in a resume of a business partner, which should be considered to be serious and trustworthy.
A number of sources from Prishtina say that that it is a matter of the "Peja connection", since LLuka and the Karic brothers are, how should we say, home brewn, while the others consider that the choice of partner was done because of Llukas political connections, which provided guarantees for respecting the contract. What is more important now is that finally the existence of the famous contract is confirmed and that it doesn't even mention the distribution of 063 credits. And this is enough for a beginning.
"Mobtel" bonds
Article 2 of the contract on technical and business cooperation states that during the timeframe of this contract, "Mobtel" is bond to: Hand over to "Mobikos" the rights to use the existing infrastructure of the GSM network in the territory of Kosovo, the right of providing services of the GSM network to all users in this territory, the right to temporarily use the company name, logos on goods and services and other business distinctive, the knowledge that refers to the subject of this contract including all the necessary documentation (technical and business information on marketing methods; knowledge on organizational issues such as distribution of goods, and ways to get to new consumers and clients, information on introduction of goods and services etc. as well as other services aiming to ease the management of works to be done under the contract (assistance on locating and establishing the residency, training of "Mobikos" staff, assistance on management of commercials and marketing campaigns, preparation and publishing of information on trade etc). Identification brand which would be used by "Mobikos" in business and the way of using the same would be arranged in a special protocol of this contract;
-provide sufficient capacity which would ensure enough connecting points in own centers covering the territory of Kosovo (central point in Nish);
-provide "Mobikos" with exclusive rights to distribute-sell SIM post-paid and pre-paid credits and vouchers, through sales of valuable credits, use of internet, EFT and POS terminals and other forms of electronic trading;
-to ensure as much as possible technical-technological conditions for the use of all services provided by GSM 063 in the mentioned territory under article 1 of the contract;
-to organize trainings on own expenses of technical and commercial staff from "Mobikos" which would be doing management jobs, providing services, trading and introducing the SIM post-paid and pre-paid credits and vouchers, while additional costs on training would be carried out by "Mobikos";
-inform "Mobikos" on time on companies activities that have to do with different kinds and forms of services that "Mobtel" provides in territories from article 1 of the contract and about the measures taken for technical-technological advancements of the GSM network;
-inform "Mobikos" on time on eventual or planned changes fare policies and together with "Mobikos" agree on the prices of services on the mentioned territories on article 1 of the contract;
-ensure continuous and quality functioning of the GSM network on the territory mentioned under article 1 of the contract;
-that in compliance with business policies and technical abilities in the foreseen period, and no later than six months after the agreement is reached enable "Mobikos" the use of the code of mobile telephony network, a number to be confirmed ( the so called number of the network);
-that "mobikos" be provided with assistance of experts on trade analysis, business prognosis, turnover of goods and services, solving of remarks and objections by the users of provided services.
Just in case
As careful businessmen, Ekrem LLuka and his serb partners under article 12 of the contract have stated as follows: "The contract may be lost under the conditions of a force majeur. As force majeur in this contract were included: war or armed conflict, uprisings, civil war, strike, natural catastrophes, acts taken by governments and all other possible events that could be announced in any court of law as force majeur". The only thing that remains unclear is how the contract can be "lost".
"Mobikos" bonds
Article 3 of the signed contract between "Mobtel" and "Mobikos" consists of 23 points within which "mobikos" bonds are explained, but the most important are the initial four of them. So, according to the contract "Mobikos" is obliged to- give annual projection of development plan of GSM network and providing (sales) of services on the territory under article 1 in time, so that the annual plan should be based and in compliance with the business and development plans of "Mobtel" for the same period;
- that all its activities get focused on maintenance of existing infrastructure and the development of the GSM network, which should fulfill technical criteria and standards required by "Mobtel" and which should comply with the existing "Mobtel" network on the territory mentioned under article 1 of the contract. At the same time, "Mobikos" binds that on its own expenses provide locations with all the necessary infrastructure and the necessary documentation for smooth functioning of all basic stations independently, together with this in the network GSM, as well as the permit for radio frequencies;
- that in cooperation with "Mobtel" to ensure the release of permit and the necessary approvals for fulfillment of objectives of this contract;
- to invest in the development of the GSM network in the territory of Kosovo during the validity of the contract, starting from the date when the agreement is reached with the condition that this infrastructure be owned by "Mobikos".
Business Language
Even though local politicians, even Bogoljub Karic insist on naming "with full name" - Kosovo and Metohija or Kosmet, in the agreement signed by the representatives of "Mobtel" and "Mobikos" the word Metohija does not exist. It is well known that Albanians are allergic to the name Metohija; it seems that the Karic brothers have accepted the language aproach of their Albanian counterpart.
The Karic Response
Since the agreement was reached on December 8 2003, between"Mobtel" and "Mobikos" "Vreme" on February 28 2005 contacted the information service of "Mobtel" and has sent few questions by fax about some points of the agreement. The questions focused in the obvious fall of Ekrem Lluka, main reasons of making this agreement, as well as the information about who else was informed about this agreement. The answer of the information service we are presenting as a whole without any intervention.
"After the 1999 bombings, the company "Mobtel" thanks to the outstanding efforts of its employs has managed to rebuild of the complete network, keep its capacities and continue to offer services in the region of Kosovo and Metohija. How important were these facts it was shown during the developments on the 17 and 18-th of March in Kosovo.
Wishing to save the name and resources of the Serb state in Kosovo and Metohija, above all, for the Serbs that still remain in the region, ensure connection with Serbia and the rest of the world, the company "Mobtel" has signed tens of agreements on technical cooperation's with Kosovar companies, Albanian as well as Serbian. All these agreements were sent to UNMIK, KFOR, Serb Government, Ministry of Internal Affairs ... One of those agreements was about technical cooperation with "Mobikos", owned by Ekrem Lluka. Still, this agreement signed for one year was not extended, while because of attempts of abuse, a lawsuit is being led against the second party.
None of the agreements which "Mobtel" has reached with Kosovar companies, were not attrective to the media, except the agreement with "Mobikos". According to the obvious scenario trying to cover up the participation in the biggest scandals in Serbia, specific centers have used this agreement for a medial campaign aiming to discredit Bogoljub Karic. "Blic" has also written about this issue, from June to September of last year. From September to December, the same issue was written about in "International", and at the start of New Year the weekly "Evropa" as well as RTV B92 with a special show on "Mobtel".
The goals of these centers are clear that with media haunting of Bogoljub Karic, hide the key actors of the largest scandals in Serbia. From the weapons trading, drugs, oil, cigarettes, alcohol, from 4,5 billon dollars, steeling of the Serbian citizens, taken from the state owned, and put to private property, which from the blessed exotic islands of Serbia look as if thy are looking at their war prey. Bought by us with our own money. While Bogoljub Karic and Karic Bank was accused of drawing money out state. Now the local public has the information and documentation on who has stolen and who enabled the biggest theft in the history of Serbia.
Against all the media as well as the weekly "Vreme", which were part of the campaign against Bogoljub Karic and the company "BK Group", a trial is initiated, which is not finished still.
With all the respect for the work and your press run, as well as the donors wish to write about this issue, we hope that you will publish at least a part of our answer.
Thursday, March 17, 2005
United States Calls for Capture of Kosovo President's Attackers
Ambassador Stephan Minikes addresses the OSCE Permanent Council
The United States wants to see the perpetrators of the assassination attempt against Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova apprehended as soon as possible, Ambassador Stephan Minikes told the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe in Vienna, Austria, March 17.
Minikes, the permanent U.S. representative to the OSCE, also appealed to everyone in Kosovo to maintain the calm that has generally prevailed since former Kosovo Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj's March 9 voluntary reporting to The Hague. Haradinaj resigned his position after being indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) for alleged war crimes committed during the 1998-1999 armed conflict in Kosovo when he served as a senior commander in the Kosovo Liberation Army.
Following is the text of Minikes’ statement as provided by the United States Mission to the OSCE:
(begin text)
United States Mission to the OSCE
Vienna, Austria
March 17, 2004
STATEMENT ON THE ATTACK ON KOSOVO PRESIDENT RUGOVA
AS DELIVERED BY AMBASSADOR STEPHAN M. MINIKES TO THE PERMANENT COUNCIL
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The United States wishes to strongly condemn the apparent assassination attempt on the life of President Ibrahim Rugova that occurred on March 15 in Pristina. We reiterate that violence in any form will not be tolerated and can only hurt Kosovo's future. The perpetrator or perpetrators of this attack have to be apprehended and should be brought to justice as soon as possible.
We encourage Kosovo's leaders not to let this incident derail their commitment to forming an effective new government that is focused on implementation of the standards and reforming local government. The United States will continue to support Kosovo as it prepares for the comprehensive review later this year.
We also appeal to everyone in Kosovo to maintain the calm that has generally prevailed in Kosovo since Mr. Haradinaj's March 9 voluntary reporting to the Hague.
Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
The United States wants to see the perpetrators of the assassination attempt against Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova apprehended as soon as possible, Ambassador Stephan Minikes told the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe in Vienna, Austria, March 17.
Minikes, the permanent U.S. representative to the OSCE, also appealed to everyone in Kosovo to maintain the calm that has generally prevailed since former Kosovo Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj's March 9 voluntary reporting to The Hague. Haradinaj resigned his position after being indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) for alleged war crimes committed during the 1998-1999 armed conflict in Kosovo when he served as a senior commander in the Kosovo Liberation Army.
Following is the text of Minikes’ statement as provided by the United States Mission to the OSCE:
(begin text)
United States Mission to the OSCE
Vienna, Austria
March 17, 2004
STATEMENT ON THE ATTACK ON KOSOVO PRESIDENT RUGOVA
AS DELIVERED BY AMBASSADOR STEPHAN M. MINIKES TO THE PERMANENT COUNCIL
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The United States wishes to strongly condemn the apparent assassination attempt on the life of President Ibrahim Rugova that occurred on March 15 in Pristina. We reiterate that violence in any form will not be tolerated and can only hurt Kosovo's future. The perpetrator or perpetrators of this attack have to be apprehended and should be brought to justice as soon as possible.
We encourage Kosovo's leaders not to let this incident derail their commitment to forming an effective new government that is focused on implementation of the standards and reforming local government. The United States will continue to support Kosovo as it prepares for the comprehensive review later this year.
We also appeal to everyone in Kosovo to maintain the calm that has generally prevailed in Kosovo since Mr. Haradinaj's March 9 voluntary reporting to the Hague.
Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Analysts: Kosovo's Transitional Economy Rapidly Improving - VOA
By Barry Wood
Pristina
17 March 2005
Wood report - 427k
Wood report
In Kosovo there are the signs of a service-based economy that is capable of producing overall growth without reliance on foreign assistance.
Kosovo economy is experiencing a painful transition. The old industrial, government-run Yugoslav model is dead. In its place a service, small business-based economy is being born.
International Monetary Fund representative in Pristina Marc Auboin is optimistic. He believes that despite the 50 percent decrease in foreign assistance during the past few years, a new Kosovo economy is producing growth of four- to five percent a year.
This, he says, is fast enough to absorb the 35,000 new entrants into the work force each year.
While some analysts say the unemployment rate is as high as 65 percent, Mr. Auboin says 30 percent is a more accurate figure. It is true that most Kosovars work outside the formal economy and most workers are underemployed-meaning they work less than full time. There are no government payments to the unemployed.
Kosovo experienced a kind of economic boom four-years ago as huge volumes of reconstruction money flowed into the territory following the civil war with Serbia's government. Growth rates reached 11 percent, a rate that could not be sustained as aid flows fell.
Mr. Auboin, an advisor to the government, says the small business sector is now growing at a rapid pace.
"It shows everywhere. It is a services-based economy. And it is growing. And its growth even offsets the withdrawal of donor support," he said.
Analysts say the absence of clarity on Kosovo's final status has been a deterrent to foreign investment.
Kosovo is Serbian territory. Following revocation of its autonomous status in the former Yugoslavia, Kosovo's ethnic-Albanian majority revolted. Fighting ended in 1999 after NATO intervention and Kosovo has been administered since then by the United Nations. Kosovar Albanians want independence, but Serbia insists the province should remain its territory and its final status has not been determined.
But despite that, Albanians living abroad are bringing money into Kosovo.
Michel Svetchine is the French civil servant who serves as managing director of Kosovo's de facto central bank, the Banking and Payments Authority. He says the territory's banking sector is beginning to function as loans to business rose by 60 percent last year.
"This is showing that, first, there is initiative from the private sector. And there is, secondly, a supply from the financial sector," said Mr. Svetchine.
Despite progress, immense problems remain.
The privatization of state industries is not complete. There are significant disputes over land and enterprise ownership. Traditional trade flows have not been re-established. The trains are not running. The electricity supply is erratic.
But analysts detect clear signs of progress as Kosovo moves towards a likely resolution of its status over the next 12 months.
Pristina
17 March 2005
Wood report - 427k
Wood report
In Kosovo there are the signs of a service-based economy that is capable of producing overall growth without reliance on foreign assistance.
Kosovo economy is experiencing a painful transition. The old industrial, government-run Yugoslav model is dead. In its place a service, small business-based economy is being born.
International Monetary Fund representative in Pristina Marc Auboin is optimistic. He believes that despite the 50 percent decrease in foreign assistance during the past few years, a new Kosovo economy is producing growth of four- to five percent a year.
This, he says, is fast enough to absorb the 35,000 new entrants into the work force each year.
While some analysts say the unemployment rate is as high as 65 percent, Mr. Auboin says 30 percent is a more accurate figure. It is true that most Kosovars work outside the formal economy and most workers are underemployed-meaning they work less than full time. There are no government payments to the unemployed.
Kosovo experienced a kind of economic boom four-years ago as huge volumes of reconstruction money flowed into the territory following the civil war with Serbia's government. Growth rates reached 11 percent, a rate that could not be sustained as aid flows fell.
Mr. Auboin, an advisor to the government, says the small business sector is now growing at a rapid pace.
"It shows everywhere. It is a services-based economy. And it is growing. And its growth even offsets the withdrawal of donor support," he said.
Analysts say the absence of clarity on Kosovo's final status has been a deterrent to foreign investment.
Kosovo is Serbian territory. Following revocation of its autonomous status in the former Yugoslavia, Kosovo's ethnic-Albanian majority revolted. Fighting ended in 1999 after NATO intervention and Kosovo has been administered since then by the United Nations. Kosovar Albanians want independence, but Serbia insists the province should remain its territory and its final status has not been determined.
But despite that, Albanians living abroad are bringing money into Kosovo.
Michel Svetchine is the French civil servant who serves as managing director of Kosovo's de facto central bank, the Banking and Payments Authority. He says the territory's banking sector is beginning to function as loans to business rose by 60 percent last year.
"This is showing that, first, there is initiative from the private sector. And there is, secondly, a supply from the financial sector," said Mr. Svetchine.
Despite progress, immense problems remain.
The privatization of state industries is not complete. There are significant disputes over land and enterprise ownership. Traditional trade flows have not been re-established. The trains are not running. The electricity supply is erratic.
But analysts detect clear signs of progress as Kosovo moves towards a likely resolution of its status over the next 12 months.
Kosovo's ethnic divide remains a year after anti-Serb violence
By FISNIK ABRASHI
Associated Press Writer
534 words
17 March 2005
02:10 pm
Associated Press Newswires
English
(c) 2005. The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved.
PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro (AP) - The top U.N. official in Kosovo urged the province's government Thursday to improve living conditions for minorities to prevent a repeat of last year's anti-Serb violence.
Soren Jessen-Petersen said the events last March "cast a shadow over Kosovo," and urged the province's predominantly ethnic Albanian government to "intensify its efforts to bring about real improvement in the living conditions of the minorities."
Jessen-Petersen spoke on the anniversary of the anti-Serb violence, when mobs of ethnic Albanians targeted Serbs and other minorities for three days throughout this U.N.-administered province.
Nineteen people were killed and more than 900 injured in the riots, sparked by the drowning of three ethnic Albanian boys. The police investigation into the children's deaths was inconclusive, but ethnic Albanians hastily blamed them on Serbs.
At least 600 homes were destroyed and 4,000 people -- mainly Serbs -- were forced to flee to safety. More than 30 churches were damaged or destroyed during.
The head of Serbia's Orthodox Christian Church, Patriarch Pavle, asked Serbian churches to let their bells toll for five minutes at midday Thursday in memory of the violence.
Bishop Artemije, who heads the Kosovo Serb diocese, expressed bitterness that a year after the rampage, "nothing has been done to improve the unbearable situation" faced by the province's Serbs.
"After the pogrom last year, we were given promises that everything that was destroyed would be rebuilt. But those were just empty promises," the bishop said.
The United Nations and NATO, which have controlled Kosovo since the end of the war in mid-1999, were criticized for failing to protect Serbs and other minorities during the riots.
Marking the grim anniversary, several hundred Serbs still living in central Kosovo held a protest rally demanding Jessen-Petersen's resignation.
"Petersen's promises are hollow" read a banner. The Serb protesters also lighted candles and prayed for victims of last year's violence.
Officials say they have taken steps to prevent riots from recurring, such as making it easier for peacekeepers to respond, stepping up cooperation with police and bringing in more armored vehicles and other equipment.
"One year on, Kosovo has come a long way," Jessen-Petersen said. "Lessons have been learned, by us and by the politicians and people of Kosovo."
Serbia's prime minister, Vojislav Kostunica, said in Belgrade that as many as 60,000 Kosovo's Albanians took part in the outbreak of violence last year "which clearly indicates that it was not spontaneous ... but an organized attempt to ethnically cleanse the province of Serbs."
Meanwhile, Serbia's president, Boris Tadic, called Thursday for talks between Belgrade and Pristina. He also said he was ready to talk with ethnic Albanian politicians in the province.
"I believe that the time has come for talks," Tadic said during a visit to refugee camps outside Belgrade where Kosovo Serbs who fled the violence had sought refuge.
He added, however, that independence for Kosovo, as demanded by its ethnic Albanian majority, was "unacceptable," and would jeopardize stability of the region.
Associated Press Writer
534 words
17 March 2005
02:10 pm
Associated Press Newswires
English
(c) 2005. The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved.
PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro (AP) - The top U.N. official in Kosovo urged the province's government Thursday to improve living conditions for minorities to prevent a repeat of last year's anti-Serb violence.
Soren Jessen-Petersen said the events last March "cast a shadow over Kosovo," and urged the province's predominantly ethnic Albanian government to "intensify its efforts to bring about real improvement in the living conditions of the minorities."
Jessen-Petersen spoke on the anniversary of the anti-Serb violence, when mobs of ethnic Albanians targeted Serbs and other minorities for three days throughout this U.N.-administered province.
Nineteen people were killed and more than 900 injured in the riots, sparked by the drowning of three ethnic Albanian boys. The police investigation into the children's deaths was inconclusive, but ethnic Albanians hastily blamed them on Serbs.
At least 600 homes were destroyed and 4,000 people -- mainly Serbs -- were forced to flee to safety. More than 30 churches were damaged or destroyed during.
The head of Serbia's Orthodox Christian Church, Patriarch Pavle, asked Serbian churches to let their bells toll for five minutes at midday Thursday in memory of the violence.
Bishop Artemije, who heads the Kosovo Serb diocese, expressed bitterness that a year after the rampage, "nothing has been done to improve the unbearable situation" faced by the province's Serbs.
"After the pogrom last year, we were given promises that everything that was destroyed would be rebuilt. But those were just empty promises," the bishop said.
The United Nations and NATO, which have controlled Kosovo since the end of the war in mid-1999, were criticized for failing to protect Serbs and other minorities during the riots.
Marking the grim anniversary, several hundred Serbs still living in central Kosovo held a protest rally demanding Jessen-Petersen's resignation.
"Petersen's promises are hollow" read a banner. The Serb protesters also lighted candles and prayed for victims of last year's violence.
Officials say they have taken steps to prevent riots from recurring, such as making it easier for peacekeepers to respond, stepping up cooperation with police and bringing in more armored vehicles and other equipment.
"One year on, Kosovo has come a long way," Jessen-Petersen said. "Lessons have been learned, by us and by the politicians and people of Kosovo."
Serbia's prime minister, Vojislav Kostunica, said in Belgrade that as many as 60,000 Kosovo's Albanians took part in the outbreak of violence last year "which clearly indicates that it was not spontaneous ... but an organized attempt to ethnically cleanse the province of Serbs."
Meanwhile, Serbia's president, Boris Tadic, called Thursday for talks between Belgrade and Pristina. He also said he was ready to talk with ethnic Albanian politicians in the province.
"I believe that the time has come for talks," Tadic said during a visit to refugee camps outside Belgrade where Kosovo Serbs who fled the violence had sought refuge.
He added, however, that independence for Kosovo, as demanded by its ethnic Albanian majority, was "unacceptable," and would jeopardize stability of the region.
Peace holds in U.S.-patrolled sector of Kosovo
By Ben Murray, Stars and Stripes
European edition, Thursday, March 17, 2005
Kosovar civilians in the American-patrolled sector of the province have so far heeded calls for calm in response to a pair of shake-ups at the top of their interim government, the new U.S. commander in the area said Tuesday.
The resignation of Kosovo’s prime minister and an attack on its president over the past week have not outwardly disrupted the tenuous peace in the U.S. portion of the beleaguered Balkan region, said Brig. Gen. William Wade, commander of Multinational Brigade East.
“Things remain very calm throughout the [area of operations],” Wade said in a telephone interview. “At this point, all the people of Kosovo seem to be behaving themselves very well.”
Wade took command of the U.S. portion of the NATO peacekeeping operation two days before events began to unfold in Kosovo on March 8, when then-Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj stepped down from his post after being indicted by a U.N. tribunal on 37 counts of alleged war crimes. On March 15, Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova escaped unscathed from a bombing targeting his vehicle in the provincial capital of Pristina.
The events triggered repeated calls for composure by U.N. and Kosovo Force officials.
“I appeal … to the people of Kosovo to express your feelings through peaceful means. A violent response will not help Kosovo,” the U.N.’s top envoy to the region, Soren Jessen-Peterson, said in a statement released March 8. “It is important that we all remain calm and dignified during these difficult days.”
Wade said the National Guardsmen under his command came to Kosovo prepared to start their mission in a time of potential unrest: March 18 marks the one-year anniversary of the last major outbreak of ethnic violence between ethnic Albanians and Serbs in the area. About 2,000 U.S. troops are serving in Kosovo.
NATO forces have been in place in the province since 1999, following a bombing campaign to push former Yugoslavian leader Slobodan Milosevic’s forces out of the region.
The 18,000-soldier peacekeeping force received a timely boost in troop numbers just before Haradinaj’s resignation last week. On March 6, a battalion of British troops was asked to join a German armored battalion in a previously planned training exercise called Operation Determined Effort 2005, KFOR public information officer Leroy Guillaume said.
Bad weather in Kosovo and lessons learned from the 2004 training regimen, “showed that we need a plan to be ready to face any contingency,” Guillaume said of the reason for the last-minute troop addition in an e-mail to Stars and Stripes.
Wade said he didn’t think ethnic tensions in MNB (East) would increase as events continued to unfold in Kosovo’s new government.
“I don’t expect an escalation, given what we’ve seen,” he said.
European edition, Thursday, March 17, 2005
Kosovar civilians in the American-patrolled sector of the province have so far heeded calls for calm in response to a pair of shake-ups at the top of their interim government, the new U.S. commander in the area said Tuesday.
The resignation of Kosovo’s prime minister and an attack on its president over the past week have not outwardly disrupted the tenuous peace in the U.S. portion of the beleaguered Balkan region, said Brig. Gen. William Wade, commander of Multinational Brigade East.
“Things remain very calm throughout the [area of operations],” Wade said in a telephone interview. “At this point, all the people of Kosovo seem to be behaving themselves very well.”
Wade took command of the U.S. portion of the NATO peacekeeping operation two days before events began to unfold in Kosovo on March 8, when then-Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj stepped down from his post after being indicted by a U.N. tribunal on 37 counts of alleged war crimes. On March 15, Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova escaped unscathed from a bombing targeting his vehicle in the provincial capital of Pristina.
The events triggered repeated calls for composure by U.N. and Kosovo Force officials.
“I appeal … to the people of Kosovo to express your feelings through peaceful means. A violent response will not help Kosovo,” the U.N.’s top envoy to the region, Soren Jessen-Peterson, said in a statement released March 8. “It is important that we all remain calm and dignified during these difficult days.”
Wade said the National Guardsmen under his command came to Kosovo prepared to start their mission in a time of potential unrest: March 18 marks the one-year anniversary of the last major outbreak of ethnic violence between ethnic Albanians and Serbs in the area. About 2,000 U.S. troops are serving in Kosovo.
NATO forces have been in place in the province since 1999, following a bombing campaign to push former Yugoslavian leader Slobodan Milosevic’s forces out of the region.
The 18,000-soldier peacekeeping force received a timely boost in troop numbers just before Haradinaj’s resignation last week. On March 6, a battalion of British troops was asked to join a German armored battalion in a previously planned training exercise called Operation Determined Effort 2005, KFOR public information officer Leroy Guillaume said.
Bad weather in Kosovo and lessons learned from the 2004 training regimen, “showed that we need a plan to be ready to face any contingency,” Guillaume said of the reason for the last-minute troop addition in an e-mail to Stars and Stripes.
Wade said he didn’t think ethnic tensions in MNB (East) would increase as events continued to unfold in Kosovo’s new government.
“I don’t expect an escalation, given what we’ve seen,” he said.
COMMENT:KOSOVA'S COALITION MUST CARRY ON WITHOUT HARADINAJ
At this critical time in Kosova's transition, it would be folly to
replace an experienced and successful government.
By Ardian Gjini in Pristina (BCR No 547, 16-Mar-05)
Ever since the indictment of Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj and his
resignation, there have been calls for the formation of a new broad
coalition government in Kosova.
This would replace the current arrangement, yoking Haradinaj's
Alliance for the Future of Kosova, AAK, the Democratic League of
Kosovo, LDK and some smaller parties, including a Serb political
movement.
Despite initial international and local criticism, Haradinaj's
government proved effective in addressing the issues under the
competence of the Provisional Institutions of Self Government, PISG,
especially the all-important standards implementation process.
While much praise went rightly to Haradinaj himself for - as some said
- achieving more in three months than his predecessors did in years,
the government's success was not all down to Haradinaj's focused and
charismatic leadership.
A key factor was that this government was created purely out of the
will of the political parties that were involved it.
It was the first government in Kosova to rest on a political consensus
among the coalition parties and with no interference from the
international community.
Since Haradinaj resigned, there have been vigorous demands for a
return to the old pattern of all-inclusive coalition governments.
The idea enjoys strongest support - naturally - from the opposition
parties, especially the Democratic Party of Kosova, PDK, led by of
Hashim Thaqi.
It is also supported, though somewhat less vigorously, by the fourth
political party in Kosova, led by Veton Surroi.
There is speculation that the idea additionally enjoys the backing of
important elements in the international community.
The principal argument in favour of the idea is that Kosova will be
more peaceful if all parties are included in government.
In other words, there is a concern over the behaviour of the
opposition if it is left outside the government at this critical time.
That the international community might be concerned is understandable,
however if the opposition is fuelling the anxiety then you don't have
to be an academic to see this as a threat.
But while there is only one real argument to support the creation of a
new broader coalition, there are plenty of strong arguments in favour
of keeping the current arrangement.
Firstly, the ruling coalition has always made it clear that they do
not intend to sideline the opposition parties when it comes to talks
on Kosova's final status.
Then again, with little time left for the standards implementation
process, starting negotiations on forming a new government will take
up much of the precious time left.
It will take valuable time for new ministers to find their feet and
get hold of their tasks in the complex standards implementation
process. A new government might not be ready until mid-June, by when
it would be impossible to move anything forward.
Another set of arguments against the formation of a new broad
coalition concerns doubts over whether such a government would be
cohesive or viable.
A new government created as a result of internal or external pressure,
rather than as an expression of political will by the coalition
parties themselves, will not work well.
Keeping such a government together might prove far more challenging
(if not downright impossible) than keeping the opposition in its
place.
Supporters of such a new arrangement argue that the current coalition
government cannot continue without Haradinaj's personal presence.
What they forget is that the current coalition – even without
Haradinaj - has ministers who have shown they are willing to work as a
team and move things forward.
Those ministers have gained considerable knowledge about where the
standards process stands and about the momentum created by Haradinaj.
A new government would have none of this. Before it was even up and
running, it might well run out of time when it came to doing much on
standards implementation.
Anyone aware of these facts might legitimately conclude that the
international community must have made a deal that we are all not
aware of.
Whether this is true or not, it is not the time for secret deals. The
international community has invested a lot in Kosovo – and especially
in the creation of a democratic political process, which is now alive
and getting stronger every day.
It is time to show support and respect for this same process. After
all, it is one of the most important standards that needs to be
implemented.
Ardian Gjini was the former prime minister's senior political adviser
and is a senior member of the AAK.
replace an experienced and successful government.
By Ardian Gjini in Pristina (BCR No 547, 16-Mar-05)
Ever since the indictment of Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj and his
resignation, there have been calls for the formation of a new broad
coalition government in Kosova.
This would replace the current arrangement, yoking Haradinaj's
Alliance for the Future of Kosova, AAK, the Democratic League of
Kosovo, LDK and some smaller parties, including a Serb political
movement.
Despite initial international and local criticism, Haradinaj's
government proved effective in addressing the issues under the
competence of the Provisional Institutions of Self Government, PISG,
especially the all-important standards implementation process.
While much praise went rightly to Haradinaj himself for - as some said
- achieving more in three months than his predecessors did in years,
the government's success was not all down to Haradinaj's focused and
charismatic leadership.
A key factor was that this government was created purely out of the
will of the political parties that were involved it.
It was the first government in Kosova to rest on a political consensus
among the coalition parties and with no interference from the
international community.
Since Haradinaj resigned, there have been vigorous demands for a
return to the old pattern of all-inclusive coalition governments.
The idea enjoys strongest support - naturally - from the opposition
parties, especially the Democratic Party of Kosova, PDK, led by of
Hashim Thaqi.
It is also supported, though somewhat less vigorously, by the fourth
political party in Kosova, led by Veton Surroi.
There is speculation that the idea additionally enjoys the backing of
important elements in the international community.
The principal argument in favour of the idea is that Kosova will be
more peaceful if all parties are included in government.
In other words, there is a concern over the behaviour of the
opposition if it is left outside the government at this critical time.
That the international community might be concerned is understandable,
however if the opposition is fuelling the anxiety then you don't have
to be an academic to see this as a threat.
But while there is only one real argument to support the creation of a
new broader coalition, there are plenty of strong arguments in favour
of keeping the current arrangement.
Firstly, the ruling coalition has always made it clear that they do
not intend to sideline the opposition parties when it comes to talks
on Kosova's final status.
Then again, with little time left for the standards implementation
process, starting negotiations on forming a new government will take
up much of the precious time left.
It will take valuable time for new ministers to find their feet and
get hold of their tasks in the complex standards implementation
process. A new government might not be ready until mid-June, by when
it would be impossible to move anything forward.
Another set of arguments against the formation of a new broad
coalition concerns doubts over whether such a government would be
cohesive or viable.
A new government created as a result of internal or external pressure,
rather than as an expression of political will by the coalition
parties themselves, will not work well.
Keeping such a government together might prove far more challenging
(if not downright impossible) than keeping the opposition in its
place.
Supporters of such a new arrangement argue that the current coalition
government cannot continue without Haradinaj's personal presence.
What they forget is that the current coalition – even without
Haradinaj - has ministers who have shown they are willing to work as a
team and move things forward.
Those ministers have gained considerable knowledge about where the
standards process stands and about the momentum created by Haradinaj.
A new government would have none of this. Before it was even up and
running, it might well run out of time when it came to doing much on
standards implementation.
Anyone aware of these facts might legitimately conclude that the
international community must have made a deal that we are all not
aware of.
Whether this is true or not, it is not the time for secret deals. The
international community has invested a lot in Kosovo – and especially
in the creation of a democratic political process, which is now alive
and getting stronger every day.
It is time to show support and respect for this same process. After
all, it is one of the most important standards that needs to be
implemented.
Ardian Gjini was the former prime minister's senior political adviser
and is a senior member of the AAK.
Serbia accepts 2,960 missing from Kosovo.
Serbia accepted at talks with Kosovo Albanians yesterday an International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) figure estimating that 2,960 mostly Kosovo Albanians are missing, presumed dead, after the 1998-99 war.
The step was taken at their first talks for a year on the vexed issue of the missing, about 2,400 of whom are Kosovo Albanians. Settling their fate and recovering their remains is considered essential for future reconciliation.
Francois Stamm of the ICRC, which organised the meeting, said it marked "an important step forward in what we hope will be a process that brings clarity for thousands of families still waiting for news of their missing relatives. Not closing these cases will make reconciliation difficult".
The United Nations says direct dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina is crucial for a better climate in the province ahead of talks this year on whether the Kosovo Albanian majority gets the independence it demands from Serbia. Kosovo has been run by the UN since 1999 when Nato bombing drove out Serb forces to stop the killing of ethnic Albanian civilians caught up in a guerrilla insurgency.
Some 10,000 people died in the war and there were allegations of random brutality by both sides. About 2,400 of the missing are ethnic Albanians. The corpses of more than 800 ethnic Albanians killed in Kosovo and trucked north were found in three mass graves near Belgrade and eastern Serbia in 2001. Fewer than half have been returned.
The talks were due to restart last week after a year in limbo but were postponed when Kosovo's ethnic Albanian prime minister Ramush Haradinaj surrendered to the UN war crimes court in The Hague to face charges.
"I do think we came with more moral credit now after the resignation and voluntary surrender of our prime minister," said Nexhmedin Spahiu, an Albanian representative in the talks. - (Reuters)
The step was taken at their first talks for a year on the vexed issue of the missing, about 2,400 of whom are Kosovo Albanians. Settling their fate and recovering their remains is considered essential for future reconciliation.
Francois Stamm of the ICRC, which organised the meeting, said it marked "an important step forward in what we hope will be a process that brings clarity for thousands of families still waiting for news of their missing relatives. Not closing these cases will make reconciliation difficult".
The United Nations says direct dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina is crucial for a better climate in the province ahead of talks this year on whether the Kosovo Albanian majority gets the independence it demands from Serbia. Kosovo has been run by the UN since 1999 when Nato bombing drove out Serb forces to stop the killing of ethnic Albanian civilians caught up in a guerrilla insurgency.
Some 10,000 people died in the war and there were allegations of random brutality by both sides. About 2,400 of the missing are ethnic Albanians. The corpses of more than 800 ethnic Albanians killed in Kosovo and trucked north were found in three mass graves near Belgrade and eastern Serbia in 2001. Fewer than half have been returned.
The talks were due to restart last week after a year in limbo but were postponed when Kosovo's ethnic Albanian prime minister Ramush Haradinaj surrendered to the UN war crimes court in The Hague to face charges.
"I do think we came with more moral credit now after the resignation and voluntary surrender of our prime minister," said Nexhmedin Spahiu, an Albanian representative in the talks. - (Reuters)
Kosovo official sure there will be no violence after fall of premier
A political advisor to former Kosovo prime minister Ramush Haradinaj, Nexhmedin Spahiu, said today that "there will be no riots or violence" in Kosovo.
"There will be no violence in Kosovo, because Ramush Haradinaj's government worked very well during its first 100 days, and there is no reason for destabilization. Riots occur when there is `a bad government', which was the case when Harri Holkeri was leading UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo]," Spahiu said.
According to him, Holkeri and his officials were leading Kosovo, "but also the whole of UNMIK towards destabilization", which, in his opinion, led to the violence in March last year.
"There will be no violence in Kosovo, because Ramush Haradinaj's government worked very well during its first 100 days, and there is no reason for destabilization. Riots occur when there is `a bad government', which was the case when Harri Holkeri was leading UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo]," Spahiu said.
According to him, Holkeri and his officials were leading Kosovo, "but also the whole of UNMIK towards destabilization", which, in his opinion, led to the violence in March last year.
Serbian President Boris Tadic says he is ready to talk to Kosovo Albanian leaders
President Boris Tadic says he is ready to talk to Kosovo Albanian leaders, arrest war crimes suspects and put Serbia's languishing economic reform plan back on the fast track toward European Union membership.
"My motto is: if you have a problem, attack it immediately," he told Reuters late on Wednesday, as news swept the Balkans of the EU's rebuff to neighbouring Croatia for failing to arrest of a top Hague tribunal fugitive.
"We know that we won't get any discount on cooperation with the Hague tribunal," said Tadic. "And Croatia too needs to pass all its exams to qualify for the EU, not just some of them."
Tadic barely conceals his impatience. At 47 he is a man with leadership ambitions in a largely ceremonial post made for an elder statesman. His Democratic Party is in opposition and his conservative rival Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica is in the driving seat - and stuck in the slow lane, according to Tadic.
When Kostunica goes Serbia will shift gear, Tadic said. But he carefully gave no hint of when power might change hands.
Kostunica's minority coalition survived its first year only by re-enlisting the discredited Socialists of former autocrat Slobodan Milosevic as a prop, said Tadic. This put the brakes on everywhere, leading to a barren stability from inertia, he said.
Kostunica approached the EU like a man trying to board a fast-moving train step by step, Tadic said. "The only way for today's Serbia to join the European Union is by very fast, carefully planned and precisely implemented reforms."
"If you can't operate on people, don't be a surgeon," he said, blaming Kostunica for failure to lead. "I'm sure there's a significant pro-European, pro-democracy majority in Serbia."
INTENSE, PARALLEL MANHUNTS
The month of March is pregnant with painful memories for Serbs.
In 1999, NATO began bombing Serbia over its Kosovo crackdown. Last year, Albanian mobs punched through the thin skin of NATO protection to strike at Kosovo Serbs. Two years ago, an assassin acting for a reactionary underworld clan shot dead reformist Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic.
"Today we're at the same stage Zoran Djindjic left. There's no real improvement," said Tadic. "You can't imagine how frustrating it is to me as president. I see things we can achieve in a short time, but we're waiting."
Kostunica's refusal to arrest those accused of war crimes only wastes time, said Tadic. He may have persuaded some to surrender in 2005, but catching former Bosnian Serb commander Ratko Mladic remained the big challenge, just as arresting Ante Gotovina was now the main puzzle facing neighbour Croatia.
"We're in the same situation. We must either arrest Mladic and Gotovina or prove they are not here. Both Serbs and Croats must cooperate. The only way is to look for Ratko Mladic and Ante Gotovina every day, every hour, every minute."
Tadic made a risky 2-day tour of Kosovo last month. He said he saw "ghettoes and frightened people" - now Serbs are the victims, but not long ago it was the Albanians, he said - neither is tolerable.
Kosovo is a Serbian province, but Albanians say they will never again accept Belgrade rule after the 1998-99 war which cost more than 12,000 lives. "We have to find a solution which today does not exist legally and politically," Tadic admitted.
"I understand the legitimate interests of the Albanians in building their own future. But at the same time, I respect the legitimate interest of Serbs in Kosovo to be linked to Serbia.
"Right now I am totally ready to meet Albanian leaders in Kosovo and Albania. We have to find a solution."
(Additional reporting by Monika Lajhner).
"My motto is: if you have a problem, attack it immediately," he told Reuters late on Wednesday, as news swept the Balkans of the EU's rebuff to neighbouring Croatia for failing to arrest of a top Hague tribunal fugitive.
"We know that we won't get any discount on cooperation with the Hague tribunal," said Tadic. "And Croatia too needs to pass all its exams to qualify for the EU, not just some of them."
Tadic barely conceals his impatience. At 47 he is a man with leadership ambitions in a largely ceremonial post made for an elder statesman. His Democratic Party is in opposition and his conservative rival Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica is in the driving seat - and stuck in the slow lane, according to Tadic.
When Kostunica goes Serbia will shift gear, Tadic said. But he carefully gave no hint of when power might change hands.
Kostunica's minority coalition survived its first year only by re-enlisting the discredited Socialists of former autocrat Slobodan Milosevic as a prop, said Tadic. This put the brakes on everywhere, leading to a barren stability from inertia, he said.
Kostunica approached the EU like a man trying to board a fast-moving train step by step, Tadic said. "The only way for today's Serbia to join the European Union is by very fast, carefully planned and precisely implemented reforms."
"If you can't operate on people, don't be a surgeon," he said, blaming Kostunica for failure to lead. "I'm sure there's a significant pro-European, pro-democracy majority in Serbia."
INTENSE, PARALLEL MANHUNTS
The month of March is pregnant with painful memories for Serbs.
In 1999, NATO began bombing Serbia over its Kosovo crackdown. Last year, Albanian mobs punched through the thin skin of NATO protection to strike at Kosovo Serbs. Two years ago, an assassin acting for a reactionary underworld clan shot dead reformist Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic.
"Today we're at the same stage Zoran Djindjic left. There's no real improvement," said Tadic. "You can't imagine how frustrating it is to me as president. I see things we can achieve in a short time, but we're waiting."
Kostunica's refusal to arrest those accused of war crimes only wastes time, said Tadic. He may have persuaded some to surrender in 2005, but catching former Bosnian Serb commander Ratko Mladic remained the big challenge, just as arresting Ante Gotovina was now the main puzzle facing neighbour Croatia.
"We're in the same situation. We must either arrest Mladic and Gotovina or prove they are not here. Both Serbs and Croats must cooperate. The only way is to look for Ratko Mladic and Ante Gotovina every day, every hour, every minute."
Tadic made a risky 2-day tour of Kosovo last month. He said he saw "ghettoes and frightened people" - now Serbs are the victims, but not long ago it was the Albanians, he said - neither is tolerable.
Kosovo is a Serbian province, but Albanians say they will never again accept Belgrade rule after the 1998-99 war which cost more than 12,000 lives. "We have to find a solution which today does not exist legally and politically," Tadic admitted.
"I understand the legitimate interests of the Albanians in building their own future. But at the same time, I respect the legitimate interest of Serbs in Kosovo to be linked to Serbia.
"Right now I am totally ready to meet Albanian leaders in Kosovo and Albania. We have to find a solution."
(Additional reporting by Monika Lajhner).
Wednesday, March 16, 2005
Milosevic admits: “War crimes were committed in Kosovo”
Former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic said in front of The Hague Tribunal today, that crimes were committed during wartime against Albanians in Kosovo in 1999.
Milosevic also said that at the time, military institutions did investigate those cases and did press charges against those who committed the crimes. He, however, could not answer the Tribunal’s question of how many people exactly were sentenced and punished for the crimes.
“These documents are related to the main indictments that state that Yugoslavian forces, rather that military forces, committed crimes in Kosovo. No one is denying the fact that crimes were committed, and here you can see that the entire line of command made sure that these crimes would be punished, first the criminal would be arrested, and then taken to court.” Milosevic said.
Milosevic gave details regarding the war crimes from the military documents he had, which claim that during the spring of 1999, members of the Yugoslav army, mostly reserves, killed innocent Albanians and threw the bodies into wells, as well as committed crimes of rape and robbery against Albanian and Roma civilians.
The former Yugoslav president, who stands accused by The Hague for crimes against humanity allegedly committed in Kosovo and acts of genocide in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, presented 12 cases in which 28 Albanians were killed, and three cases of rape. He also cited several criminal reports that were filed in May 1999, against “unidentified persons” for the murder of 144 Albanian civilians, whose bodies were found in the village of Izbica.
Milosevic also said that at the time, military institutions did investigate those cases and did press charges against those who committed the crimes. He, however, could not answer the Tribunal’s question of how many people exactly were sentenced and punished for the crimes.
“These documents are related to the main indictments that state that Yugoslavian forces, rather that military forces, committed crimes in Kosovo. No one is denying the fact that crimes were committed, and here you can see that the entire line of command made sure that these crimes would be punished, first the criminal would be arrested, and then taken to court.” Milosevic said.
Milosevic gave details regarding the war crimes from the military documents he had, which claim that during the spring of 1999, members of the Yugoslav army, mostly reserves, killed innocent Albanians and threw the bodies into wells, as well as committed crimes of rape and robbery against Albanian and Roma civilians.
The former Yugoslav president, who stands accused by The Hague for crimes against humanity allegedly committed in Kosovo and acts of genocide in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, presented 12 cases in which 28 Albanians were killed, and three cases of rape. He also cited several criminal reports that were filed in May 1999, against “unidentified persons” for the murder of 144 Albanian civilians, whose bodies were found in the village of Izbica.
State Dep. Daily Press Briefing - Remarks on Kosovo
QUESTION:Â Your reaction to the assassination attempt today against Ibrahim Rugova, Kosovo, which has been condemned by all the Balkan countries, including Greece?
MR. ERELI: Well, and we will add our name to that list by strongly condemning this incident and reiterating that violence in any form will not be tolerated and can only hurt Kosovo's future. We believe that the perpetrator or perpetrators of this cowardly act must be apprehended and tried as soon as possible.
For details about the attack and what happened, I obviously refer you to local authorities and the UN Mission in Kosovo. We are encouraging the leadership of Kosovo not to let this incident derail their commitment to forming a new government and continuing to implement the standards, and we will continue to support them as they prepare for the comprehensive review later this year.
QUESTION:Â Do you have anything that today's UN War Tribunal of Carla del Ponte indictment against the former Minister of Interior of Skopje, Ljube Boskovski, and the police officer Johan Tarculovski, accused of crimes during the ethnic Albanian rebellion in FYROM?
MR. ERELI:Â No, I don't have anything on that.
MR. ERELI: Well, and we will add our name to that list by strongly condemning this incident and reiterating that violence in any form will not be tolerated and can only hurt Kosovo's future. We believe that the perpetrator or perpetrators of this cowardly act must be apprehended and tried as soon as possible.
For details about the attack and what happened, I obviously refer you to local authorities and the UN Mission in Kosovo. We are encouraging the leadership of Kosovo not to let this incident derail their commitment to forming a new government and continuing to implement the standards, and we will continue to support them as they prepare for the comprehensive review later this year.
QUESTION:Â Do you have anything that today's UN War Tribunal of Carla del Ponte indictment against the former Minister of Interior of Skopje, Ljube Boskovski, and the police officer Johan Tarculovski, accused of crimes during the ethnic Albanian rebellion in FYROM?
MR. ERELI:Â No, I don't have anything on that.
Serbs agree 2,960 Kosovars still missing after wa
Serbia accepted at talks with Kosovo Albanians on Wednesday an International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) figure estimating 2,960 mostly Kosovo Albanians are missing, presumed dead, after the 1998-99 war.
The step was taken at their first talks for a year on the vexed issue of the missing, about 2,400 of whom are Kosovo Albanians. Settling their fate and recovering their remains is considered essential for future reconciliation.
Francois Stamm of the ICRC, which organised the meeting, said it marked "an important step forward in what we hope will be a process that brings clarity for thousands of families still waiting for news of their missing relatives".
"Not closing these cases will make reconciliation difficult".
The United Nations says direct dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina is crucial for a better climate in the province ahead of talks this year on whether the Kosovo Albanian majority gets the independence it demands from Serbia.
Kosovo has been run by the U.N. since 1999 when NATO bombing drove out Serb forces to stop the killing of ethnic Albanian civilians caught up in a guerrilla insurgency.
Some 10,000 people died in the war and there were allegations of random brutality by both sides. About 2,400 of the missing are ethnic Albanians.
The corpses of more than 800 ethnic Albanians killed in Kosovo and trucked hundreds of miles north were found in three mass graves near Belgrade and eastern Serbia in 2001. Fewer than half have been returned, a rate the U.N. says is far too slow.
The talks were due to restart last week after a year in limbo but were postponed when Kosovo's ethnic Albanian Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj surrendered to the U.N war crimes court in The Hague to face charges.
"I do think we came with more moral credit now after the resignation and voluntary surrender of our prime minister," said Nexhmedin Spahiu, an Albanian representative in the talks.
The step was taken at their first talks for a year on the vexed issue of the missing, about 2,400 of whom are Kosovo Albanians. Settling their fate and recovering their remains is considered essential for future reconciliation.
Francois Stamm of the ICRC, which organised the meeting, said it marked "an important step forward in what we hope will be a process that brings clarity for thousands of families still waiting for news of their missing relatives".
"Not closing these cases will make reconciliation difficult".
The United Nations says direct dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina is crucial for a better climate in the province ahead of talks this year on whether the Kosovo Albanian majority gets the independence it demands from Serbia.
Kosovo has been run by the U.N. since 1999 when NATO bombing drove out Serb forces to stop the killing of ethnic Albanian civilians caught up in a guerrilla insurgency.
Some 10,000 people died in the war and there were allegations of random brutality by both sides. About 2,400 of the missing are ethnic Albanians.
The corpses of more than 800 ethnic Albanians killed in Kosovo and trucked hundreds of miles north were found in three mass graves near Belgrade and eastern Serbia in 2001. Fewer than half have been returned, a rate the U.N. says is far too slow.
The talks were due to restart last week after a year in limbo but were postponed when Kosovo's ethnic Albanian Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj surrendered to the U.N war crimes court in The Hague to face charges.
"I do think we came with more moral credit now after the resignation and voluntary surrender of our prime minister," said Nexhmedin Spahiu, an Albanian representative in the talks.
SRSG says lessons of March 2004 strengthen our resolve to build a multi-ethnic stable Kosovo
PRISTINA – “The tragic events of March last year must never happen again,” SRSG Søren Jessen-Petersen said, one year after the riots that occurred in Kosovo in March 2004.
“I regret the loss of lives and damage to homes and religious sites. The events of March last year cast a shadow over Kosovo,” said the SRSG, “but one year on, Kosovo has come a long way. Lessons have been learnt, by us and by the politicians and people of Kosovo. We are now striving together with greater urgency to build a society where people respect each other and where all communities can live freely, peacefully and harmoniously. Clearly, we can now see the light at the end of the tunnel.”
The SRSG underlined that there is now a clear way forward for Kosovo and that lies in the implementation of Standards, particularly those linked to improving the living conditions of the minorities. “The PISG, supported by UNMIK and the international community, must intensify its efforts to bring about real improvement in the living conditions of the minorities. Standards implementation is primarily about improving the living conditions of the population, and particularly the Kosovo Serbs: their rights, their protection, return, freedom of movement, security,” said the SRSG, adding, "Kosovo has recently shown very encouraging progress and it is important at this time for all concerned to stay the course that would lead to a positive review of implementation of Standards mid-2005 and initiation of status talks in September."
The SRSG also reiterated his call for Kosovo Serbs to look ahead and engage actively in the Kosovo institutions at all levels. “This is the best way of helping build the future we all want to see,” he said, adding that “we cannot change the past but we can and we must shape the future, a future within Europe: a multi-ethnic, prosperous, stable, peaceful and, above all, tolerant society where all communities feel welcome and involved.”
“I regret the loss of lives and damage to homes and religious sites. The events of March last year cast a shadow over Kosovo,” said the SRSG, “but one year on, Kosovo has come a long way. Lessons have been learnt, by us and by the politicians and people of Kosovo. We are now striving together with greater urgency to build a society where people respect each other and where all communities can live freely, peacefully and harmoniously. Clearly, we can now see the light at the end of the tunnel.”
The SRSG underlined that there is now a clear way forward for Kosovo and that lies in the implementation of Standards, particularly those linked to improving the living conditions of the minorities. “The PISG, supported by UNMIK and the international community, must intensify its efforts to bring about real improvement in the living conditions of the minorities. Standards implementation is primarily about improving the living conditions of the population, and particularly the Kosovo Serbs: their rights, their protection, return, freedom of movement, security,” said the SRSG, adding, "Kosovo has recently shown very encouraging progress and it is important at this time for all concerned to stay the course that would lead to a positive review of implementation of Standards mid-2005 and initiation of status talks in September."
The SRSG also reiterated his call for Kosovo Serbs to look ahead and engage actively in the Kosovo institutions at all levels. “This is the best way of helping build the future we all want to see,” he said, adding that “we cannot change the past but we can and we must shape the future, a future within Europe: a multi-ethnic, prosperous, stable, peaceful and, above all, tolerant society where all communities feel welcome and involved.”
EU postpones Croatia talks
BRUSSELS (Reuters) - The European Union has sent a powerful signal to would-be members in the Balkans by postponing entry talks with Croatia to punish its failure to arrest a top war crimes suspect seen by many Croats as a hero.
Foreign ministers set no new date for the talks, due to have begun on Thursday, saying they would begin "as soon as the (EU) Council has established that Croatia is cooperating fully with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia".
"In the absence of a common agreement, the opening of accession negotiations is postponed," Luxembourg Foreign Minister Jean Asselborn announced at a news conference on Wednesday.
It is the first time the bloc has called off talks with a candidate over an issue involving human rights and the rule of law, setting a precedent not only for Western Balkan states but also for EU aspirant Turkey, due to open negotiations on October 3.
U.N. war crimes prosecutor Carla del Ponte has told the EU in a series of letters that Zagreb has not done enough to hand over fugitive General Ante Gotovina and has failed to report recent approaches by his supporters seeking a trial in Croatia.
"The demand is that there has to be full cooperation with the Hague tribunal for the talks to start," Swedish Foreign Minister Laila Freivalds told reporters.
Croatian Prime Minister Ivo Sanader voiced dismay at the EU decision and insisted his country had done its best.
"I cannot but express my dissatisfaction with this decision of the (Council) today. Croatia deserves negotiations as soon as possible," he told the European Parliament's foreign affairs committee, vowing to continue work to meet EU standards.
POLITICAL MESSAGE
As an incentive to Zagreb, ministers approved a negotiating framework for the talks once they eventually open.
"This means we are ready when Croatia is," EU Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn said.
Gotovina, a former French legionnaire, has been on the run since he was indicted in 2001 for crimes against humanity during a 1995 offensive to recapture a rebel Croatian Serb enclave.
The Hague tribunal has charged him over the murder of at least 150 Serbs, and plunder and destruction of their property.
Ministers stressed the political message to other aspirants.
"If we want Serbia to come into line, then our position towards Croatia has to be very clear, otherwise we also lose our leverage vis-a-vis Serbia," said Belgian Foreign Minister Karel de Gucht.
Belgrade is under pressure to deliver the two most wanted war crimes suspects -- former Bosnian Serb president Radovan Karadzic and military commander Ratko Mladic.
Croatian political analyst Zeljko Trkanjec told Reuters: "The delay is a clear message to the region -- no handovers, no talks. Also, it is a message to Croatia -- you must move faster, more actively. If you cannot achieve this, how will you implement EU laws and decisions?"
In a letter delivered to EU president Luxembourg on Tuesday, del Ponte said she still considered Zagreb had not tried hard enough to catch Gotovina despite intensified last-minute steps.
"The additional information (provided by Croatia) does not modify my assessment of Croatia's cooperation with my office," she wrote.
Opening talks requires a unanimous decision by member states even when the EU has already set a date for negotiations, as is the case with Croatia and Turkey.
Diplomats said a majority opposed making a start until Gotovina was in custody.
Only seven EU states -- Austria, Hungary, Slovenia, Malta, Ireland, Lithuania and Cyprus -- favoured starting talks now. A larger group including Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, the Netherlands and Nordic states opposed it.
EU diplomats said no member state had sought to link the Croatian case with Turkey's, but the clear message to Ankara was that it should fulfil all the undertakings it made to the EU last year to ensure it could begin on time.
These include bringing into force several packages of human rights and legal reforms and extending its EU customs union to cover the 10 new member states, including Cyprus.
Foreign ministers set no new date for the talks, due to have begun on Thursday, saying they would begin "as soon as the (EU) Council has established that Croatia is cooperating fully with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia".
"In the absence of a common agreement, the opening of accession negotiations is postponed," Luxembourg Foreign Minister Jean Asselborn announced at a news conference on Wednesday.
It is the first time the bloc has called off talks with a candidate over an issue involving human rights and the rule of law, setting a precedent not only for Western Balkan states but also for EU aspirant Turkey, due to open negotiations on October 3.
U.N. war crimes prosecutor Carla del Ponte has told the EU in a series of letters that Zagreb has not done enough to hand over fugitive General Ante Gotovina and has failed to report recent approaches by his supporters seeking a trial in Croatia.
"The demand is that there has to be full cooperation with the Hague tribunal for the talks to start," Swedish Foreign Minister Laila Freivalds told reporters.
Croatian Prime Minister Ivo Sanader voiced dismay at the EU decision and insisted his country had done its best.
"I cannot but express my dissatisfaction with this decision of the (Council) today. Croatia deserves negotiations as soon as possible," he told the European Parliament's foreign affairs committee, vowing to continue work to meet EU standards.
POLITICAL MESSAGE
As an incentive to Zagreb, ministers approved a negotiating framework for the talks once they eventually open.
"This means we are ready when Croatia is," EU Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn said.
Gotovina, a former French legionnaire, has been on the run since he was indicted in 2001 for crimes against humanity during a 1995 offensive to recapture a rebel Croatian Serb enclave.
The Hague tribunal has charged him over the murder of at least 150 Serbs, and plunder and destruction of their property.
Ministers stressed the political message to other aspirants.
"If we want Serbia to come into line, then our position towards Croatia has to be very clear, otherwise we also lose our leverage vis-a-vis Serbia," said Belgian Foreign Minister Karel de Gucht.
Belgrade is under pressure to deliver the two most wanted war crimes suspects -- former Bosnian Serb president Radovan Karadzic and military commander Ratko Mladic.
Croatian political analyst Zeljko Trkanjec told Reuters: "The delay is a clear message to the region -- no handovers, no talks. Also, it is a message to Croatia -- you must move faster, more actively. If you cannot achieve this, how will you implement EU laws and decisions?"
In a letter delivered to EU president Luxembourg on Tuesday, del Ponte said she still considered Zagreb had not tried hard enough to catch Gotovina despite intensified last-minute steps.
"The additional information (provided by Croatia) does not modify my assessment of Croatia's cooperation with my office," she wrote.
Opening talks requires a unanimous decision by member states even when the EU has already set a date for negotiations, as is the case with Croatia and Turkey.
Diplomats said a majority opposed making a start until Gotovina was in custody.
Only seven EU states -- Austria, Hungary, Slovenia, Malta, Ireland, Lithuania and Cyprus -- favoured starting talks now. A larger group including Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, the Netherlands and Nordic states opposed it.
EU diplomats said no member state had sought to link the Croatian case with Turkey's, but the clear message to Ankara was that it should fulfil all the undertakings it made to the EU last year to ensure it could begin on time.
These include bringing into force several packages of human rights and legal reforms and extending its EU customs union to cover the 10 new member states, including Cyprus.
SRSG's message on resumption of Pristina-Belgrade direct dialogue
SRSG Søren Jessen-Petersen : "I welcome the resumption today of direct
talks between Pristina and Belgrade on the fate of the missing persons,
which is an issue of deep humanitarian concern."
"This process is, above all, about the families of persons unaccounted for
and every single day these families pass without answers only increases
their suffering. I trust that the delegations will conduct the dialogue in
a constructive manner and in a way that focuses fully on the humanitarian
perspective. The key goal of this working group should be the facilitation
and provision of concrete answers to the families of the missing."
"I am grateful to the International Committee of the Red Cross for chairing
this dialogue and I look forward to further meetings of the working group
so that we can make real progress as quickly as possible."
talks between Pristina and Belgrade on the fate of the missing persons,
which is an issue of deep humanitarian concern."
"This process is, above all, about the families of persons unaccounted for
and every single day these families pass without answers only increases
their suffering. I trust that the delegations will conduct the dialogue in
a constructive manner and in a way that focuses fully on the humanitarian
perspective. The key goal of this working group should be the facilitation
and provision of concrete answers to the families of the missing."
"I am grateful to the International Committee of the Red Cross for chairing
this dialogue and I look forward to further meetings of the working group
so that we can make real progress as quickly as possible."
Four models for the government of Kosovo (Zëri)
Zëri carries an article by editorial office on the four probable models for the new government of Kosovo.
Actually, there are three models; the current one, which is the LDK-AAK Coalition, the model of broadening the coalition by including only one opposition party, PDK or ORA, or a broad-based coalition.
But the paper claims to have obtained information from Solana’s meetings that a fourth model has come up, and that is to continue with LDK-AAK coalition which would deal with priority standards and local reform until the status time, when an inclusive government would be created.
Actually, there are three models; the current one, which is the LDK-AAK Coalition, the model of broadening the coalition by including only one opposition party, PDK or ORA, or a broad-based coalition.
But the paper claims to have obtained information from Solana’s meetings that a fourth model has come up, and that is to continue with LDK-AAK coalition which would deal with priority standards and local reform until the status time, when an inclusive government would be created.
Talks focus on Kosovo war missing - BBC
Serbs and Kosovo Albanians are resuming talks to discuss the whereabouts of more than 3,000 people missing since the Kosovo war ended six years ago.
It is the first meeting of its kind since talks were disrupted a year ago by an outbreak of violence in Kosovo.
Officials in both Kosovo and Belgrade have been criticised for failing to locate, exhume and return bodies.
Most of the missing are Kosovo Albanians, but Serbs and people from other ethnic groups also disappeared.
Divisive issue
The talks are being chaired by the Geneva-based International Committee of the Red Cross.
The head of the International Red Cross' European branch, Francois Stam, says virtually no progress has been made in recent years.
"If you look at the initial figures there was a big step made when ethnic Albanian prisoners were initially in 1999 taken to Serbia proper and then they were released and returned to Kosovo," he said.
"Apart from that, I'm sorry to say, that very little concrete progress was achieved. It's not nil, but it's clearly unsatisfactory."
BBC's Belgrade correspondent Matt Prodger says the whereabouts of the missing is one of the most emotive issues dividing Kosovo Albanians and Serbs.
Some 800 bodies were exhumed from mass graves at a police training ground near Belgrade in 2001.
Our correspondents says many families, though not enough, have gone through the traumatic process of trying to identify relatives.
It is the first meeting of its kind since talks were disrupted a year ago by an outbreak of violence in Kosovo.
Officials in both Kosovo and Belgrade have been criticised for failing to locate, exhume and return bodies.
Most of the missing are Kosovo Albanians, but Serbs and people from other ethnic groups also disappeared.
Divisive issue
The talks are being chaired by the Geneva-based International Committee of the Red Cross.
The head of the International Red Cross' European branch, Francois Stam, says virtually no progress has been made in recent years.
"If you look at the initial figures there was a big step made when ethnic Albanian prisoners were initially in 1999 taken to Serbia proper and then they were released and returned to Kosovo," he said.
"Apart from that, I'm sorry to say, that very little concrete progress was achieved. It's not nil, but it's clearly unsatisfactory."
BBC's Belgrade correspondent Matt Prodger says the whereabouts of the missing is one of the most emotive issues dividing Kosovo Albanians and Serbs.
Some 800 bodies were exhumed from mass graves at a police training ground near Belgrade in 2001.
Our correspondents says many families, though not enough, have gone through the traumatic process of trying to identify relatives.
Tuesday, March 15, 2005
U.S. condemns attack on Kosovo president, appeals for talks on region's future to continue
The United States condemned the apparent assassination attempt against Ibrahim Rugova, president of Kosovo, a largely autonomous region of Serbia, and said whoever set the explosive device should be caught and tried quickly.
Adam Ereli, spokesman for the State Department, also appealed to Kosovo's leaders "not to let this incident derail their commitments to forming a new government and continuing to implement the standards."
Negotiations under the aegis of the United Nations are under way to agree to U.N. standards ds on human rights, the rights of minorities and the return of displaced people. Without agreement, talks cannot begin on resolving Kosovo' s political status.
The region legally is part of Serbia-Montenegro, the union that replaced Yugoslavia,. and has been under U.N. and NATO control since a 78-day, NATO-led air war halted a Serb crackdown on ethnic Albanian separatists in 1999.
Rugova escaped harm Tuesday in the explosion of a bomb that appeared to have been hidden in a trash can. Investigators said the device apparently was detonated by remote control as Rugova's convoy passed.
Ereli described the attack as cowardly and said the United States reiterated "that violence in any form will not be tolerated and can only hurt Kosovo's future."
Adam Ereli, spokesman for the State Department, also appealed to Kosovo's leaders "not to let this incident derail their commitments to forming a new government and continuing to implement the standards."
Negotiations under the aegis of the United Nations are under way to agree to U.N. standards ds on human rights, the rights of minorities and the return of displaced people. Without agreement, talks cannot begin on resolving Kosovo' s political status.
The region legally is part of Serbia-Montenegro, the union that replaced Yugoslavia,. and has been under U.N. and NATO control since a 78-day, NATO-led air war halted a Serb crackdown on ethnic Albanian separatists in 1999.
Rugova escaped harm Tuesday in the explosion of a bomb that appeared to have been hidden in a trash can. Investigators said the device apparently was detonated by remote control as Rugova's convoy passed.
Ereli described the attack as cowardly and said the United States reiterated "that violence in any form will not be tolerated and can only hurt Kosovo's future."
OSCE chief Rupel "shocked" by attack on Rugova
Slovenian Foreign Minister and chairman of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) Dimitrij Rupel on Tuesday condemned the bomb attack that narrowly missed Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova, describing it as an attempt to stop the process of democratization in the UN-administered Serbian province.
"While I was distressed to hear of this action I was also relieved to hear that President Rugova and his staff were unharmed," Rupel said, pointing out the attack against the democratically elected president of Kosovo took place in a very sensitive moment for the province.
"We must prevent any attempt to derail the democratic progress of the province for succeeding. I urge Kosovo's citizens to continue behaving in a responsible manner," Rupel said in a statement issued here in Ljubljana.
Rupel said Rugova has played a key role in the process of establishing democratic institutions in the province and promised the pan-European 55-member organization's help in strengthening democracy and stability in Kosovo.
A roadside bomb exploded early Tuesday as Rugova's car headed for a meeting with EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana in the provincial capital Pristina.
A visibly shaken Rugova attended the meeting with Solana, who is in Kosovo to discuss the formation of a new government following the resignation of prime minister Ramush Haradinaj to face charges at the UN war crimes court.
"While I was distressed to hear of this action I was also relieved to hear that President Rugova and his staff were unharmed," Rupel said, pointing out the attack against the democratically elected president of Kosovo took place in a very sensitive moment for the province.
"We must prevent any attempt to derail the democratic progress of the province for succeeding. I urge Kosovo's citizens to continue behaving in a responsible manner," Rupel said in a statement issued here in Ljubljana.
Rupel said Rugova has played a key role in the process of establishing democratic institutions in the province and promised the pan-European 55-member organization's help in strengthening democracy and stability in Kosovo.
A roadside bomb exploded early Tuesday as Rugova's car headed for a meeting with EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana in the provincial capital Pristina.
A visibly shaken Rugova attended the meeting with Solana, who is in Kosovo to discuss the formation of a new government following the resignation of prime minister Ramush Haradinaj to face charges at the UN war crimes court.
Kosovo Speaker repeats request for formation of secret police service
The parliament Speaker Nexhat Daci repeated his request to establishing the secret police service following a meeting with chief of UNMIK [UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo] Pillar I, Jean Dussourd.
According to the information office of Kosova [Kosovo] Assembly, following a meeting with Dussourd, Daci stated that Kosova judiciary is facing a lot of difficulties.
"There is a progress achieved in the Police Academy, but still the intelligence is lacking in Kosova, so when we talk about it, the first suggestion would be to establish this service. On the other hand, when we talk about judiciary we have to mention the difficulties they are facing, like the lack of working space and proper stimulation of judges.
Daci stated that these factors impact on the courts' efficiency, where there is an inconsistency between caseload and insufficient number of judges.
They also talked about the fulfilment of Standards.
Source: KosovaLive web site, Pristina, in English 15 Mar 05
According to the information office of Kosova [Kosovo] Assembly, following a meeting with Dussourd, Daci stated that Kosova judiciary is facing a lot of difficulties.
"There is a progress achieved in the Police Academy, but still the intelligence is lacking in Kosova, so when we talk about it, the first suggestion would be to establish this service. On the other hand, when we talk about judiciary we have to mention the difficulties they are facing, like the lack of working space and proper stimulation of judges.
Daci stated that these factors impact on the courts' efficiency, where there is an inconsistency between caseload and insufficient number of judges.
They also talked about the fulfilment of Standards.
Source: KosovaLive web site, Pristina, in English 15 Mar 05
EU, UN Urge Speed in Naming New Kosovo Prime Minister
The European Union and the United Nations are urging speed and inclusiveness in the naming of a new prime minister in Kosovo. Former Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj was forced to resign seven days ago and turn himself in to the war crimes tribunal in The Hague.
Top E.U. foreign policy official Javier Solana is urging Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova to move quickly in naming a new prime minister. The two met in Pristina as tensions mount following the indictment of the popular former government leader Ramush Haradinaj.
Mr. Solana says the talks with President Rugova were very productive.
"President Rugova has promised me today that he will meet in the coming hours with all the leaders, with all the political leaders, so that before a decision is taken on how is to be constructed the next government, he wants to have a dialogue, a conversation with all the political leaders that exist now in the parliament," he said.
The European Union is the principal power in providing financial assistance and peacekeepers to the NATO-led stability force in Kosovo. Western powers worry about more violence as Kosovo absorbs the shock of the previous prime minister's exit and the first anniversary (March 17th) of anti-Serb riots that shocked the international community.
Danish diplomat Soren Jessen-Petersen, the U.N. administrator in Kosovo, joined Mr. Solana in meeting reporters. He says the people of Kosovo have responded with calm and dignity to the events of the past week.
"Now we have to look ahead. The next 100 days are crucial. The next 100 days will decide whether enough progress has been made for a positive review this summer so that status talks could begin and be launched next autumn. There is no time to lose," he said.
Mr. Jessen-Petersen says this is a crucial moment for Kosovo. With tension high, additional German, American, and British troops have reinforced the NATO-led force in Kosovo.
While technically still part of Serbia, Kosovo's ethnic-Albanian 90-percent majority wants independence, which Serbia opposes.
Top E.U. foreign policy official Javier Solana is urging Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova to move quickly in naming a new prime minister. The two met in Pristina as tensions mount following the indictment of the popular former government leader Ramush Haradinaj.
Mr. Solana says the talks with President Rugova were very productive.
"President Rugova has promised me today that he will meet in the coming hours with all the leaders, with all the political leaders, so that before a decision is taken on how is to be constructed the next government, he wants to have a dialogue, a conversation with all the political leaders that exist now in the parliament," he said.
The European Union is the principal power in providing financial assistance and peacekeepers to the NATO-led stability force in Kosovo. Western powers worry about more violence as Kosovo absorbs the shock of the previous prime minister's exit and the first anniversary (March 17th) of anti-Serb riots that shocked the international community.
Danish diplomat Soren Jessen-Petersen, the U.N. administrator in Kosovo, joined Mr. Solana in meeting reporters. He says the people of Kosovo have responded with calm and dignity to the events of the past week.
"Now we have to look ahead. The next 100 days are crucial. The next 100 days will decide whether enough progress has been made for a positive review this summer so that status talks could begin and be launched next autumn. There is no time to lose," he said.
Mr. Jessen-Petersen says this is a crucial moment for Kosovo. With tension high, additional German, American, and British troops have reinforced the NATO-led force in Kosovo.
While technically still part of Serbia, Kosovo's ethnic-Albanian 90-percent majority wants independence, which Serbia opposes.
EU's Solana praises Kosovo "maturity" after Haradinaj's surrender
EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana praised Tuesday the "maturity" of Kosovo citizens following the surrender of former prime minister Ramush Haradinaj to the UN war crimes court.
His comments came despite an apparent roadside bomb attack on Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova's convoy minutes before the two met in the provincial capital Pristina. One person was injured in the blast, witnesses said.
"Kosovo institutions have worked very well at this period of time," Solana told reporters after meeting Rugova, who escaped the blast shaken but unhurt.
"Everybody has behaved in a constructive manner and I want to thank everybody for this behavior. I want to thank the people of Kosovo for their maturity."
Haradinaj, a former leader of the ethnic Albanian guerrilla movement that fought Belgrade forces during the 1998-99 Kosovo conflict, stepped down after being indicted by the UN war crimes court earlier this month.
He pleaded not guilty in his first appearance before the court on Monday.
The Kosovo Albanian majority, which demands independence from Serbia, regards Haradinaj as a hero of the separatist struggle and opposes any former rebels appearing at the UN court.
Solana was in Pristina to discuss the formation of a new government after Haradinaj's resignation. He said Rugova would have to "take responsibility about how the next government is going to take place".
"He has the support of the EU in something that in our mind is very, very important now -- it is that all the Kosovars have a sense of common course and common direction," he said.
Rugova dismissed concerns that Haradinaj's departure would cause a crisis of government in the tiny Balkan territory.
"I will nominate the new prime minister on time. There is no institutional crisis. The situation is stable and the provisional government is continuing its work."
His comments came despite an apparent roadside bomb attack on Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova's convoy minutes before the two met in the provincial capital Pristina. One person was injured in the blast, witnesses said.
"Kosovo institutions have worked very well at this period of time," Solana told reporters after meeting Rugova, who escaped the blast shaken but unhurt.
"Everybody has behaved in a constructive manner and I want to thank everybody for this behavior. I want to thank the people of Kosovo for their maturity."
Haradinaj, a former leader of the ethnic Albanian guerrilla movement that fought Belgrade forces during the 1998-99 Kosovo conflict, stepped down after being indicted by the UN war crimes court earlier this month.
He pleaded not guilty in his first appearance before the court on Monday.
The Kosovo Albanian majority, which demands independence from Serbia, regards Haradinaj as a hero of the separatist struggle and opposes any former rebels appearing at the UN court.
Solana was in Pristina to discuss the formation of a new government after Haradinaj's resignation. He said Rugova would have to "take responsibility about how the next government is going to take place".
"He has the support of the EU in something that in our mind is very, very important now -- it is that all the Kosovars have a sense of common course and common direction," he said.
Rugova dismissed concerns that Haradinaj's departure would cause a crisis of government in the tiny Balkan territory.
"I will nominate the new prime minister on time. There is no institutional crisis. The situation is stable and the provisional government is continuing its work."
Kosovo president survives apparent assassination attempt - AP
By Fisnik Abrashi
The Associated Press
PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro -- Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova survived an apparent attempt on his life Tuesday when a bomb exploded as his convoy passed through central Pristina.
The bomb went off as Rugova was on his way to a meeting with the European Union's foreign policy chief, Javier Solana. At least one person was injured.
An Associated Press reporter saw Rugova being transferred from one car to another after the blast, which damaged his car. He appeared to be unharmed. The car sped away.
"Thank God I survived again," he said when he arrived at the meeting. "Unfortunately there are still elements that want to destabilize Kosovo."
Last March, a hand grenade was hurled at Rugova's residence from a passing vehicle. The grenade exploded in the garden some three yards from the house. Rugova and his family were not hurt; no suspects were ever caught.
A police officer at the scene said Tuesday's blast appeared to have been caused by a remote-controlled explosive device.
The blast shattered windows in nearby shops and shredded roadside garbage bins. The bomb appeared to have been stashed in one of the small bins.
One person was injured by glass, police spokeswoman Sabrije Kamberi said. Police sealed off the site, and NATO-led peacekeepers used a robot to search for more bombs.
Rugova, a pacifist leader, was elected as Kosovo's president in 2002. He was re-elected in December last year when his party formed a coalition with the much smaller Alliance for the Future of Kosovo of former Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj.
Haradinaj resigned last week after being indicted by a U.N. war crimes court in The Hague, Netherlands, for wartime atrocities allegedly committed against Serbs, Albanians and Gypsy civilians during the province's 1998-99 war against Serb forces.
Haradinaj pleaded not guilty Monday to 37 counts of war crimes.
Kosovo has been administered by the United Nations since 1999 following a NATO war aimed at stopping the crackdown of Serb forces on independence-seeking ethnic Albanians.
The Associated Press
PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro -- Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova survived an apparent attempt on his life Tuesday when a bomb exploded as his convoy passed through central Pristina.
The bomb went off as Rugova was on his way to a meeting with the European Union's foreign policy chief, Javier Solana. At least one person was injured.
An Associated Press reporter saw Rugova being transferred from one car to another after the blast, which damaged his car. He appeared to be unharmed. The car sped away.
"Thank God I survived again," he said when he arrived at the meeting. "Unfortunately there are still elements that want to destabilize Kosovo."
Last March, a hand grenade was hurled at Rugova's residence from a passing vehicle. The grenade exploded in the garden some three yards from the house. Rugova and his family were not hurt; no suspects were ever caught.
A police officer at the scene said Tuesday's blast appeared to have been caused by a remote-controlled explosive device.
The blast shattered windows in nearby shops and shredded roadside garbage bins. The bomb appeared to have been stashed in one of the small bins.
One person was injured by glass, police spokeswoman Sabrije Kamberi said. Police sealed off the site, and NATO-led peacekeepers used a robot to search for more bombs.
Rugova, a pacifist leader, was elected as Kosovo's president in 2002. He was re-elected in December last year when his party formed a coalition with the much smaller Alliance for the Future of Kosovo of former Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj.
Haradinaj resigned last week after being indicted by a U.N. war crimes court in The Hague, Netherlands, for wartime atrocities allegedly committed against Serbs, Albanians and Gypsy civilians during the province's 1998-99 war against Serb forces.
Haradinaj pleaded not guilty Monday to 37 counts of war crimes.
Kosovo has been administered by the United Nations since 1999 following a NATO war aimed at stopping the crackdown of Serb forces on independence-seeking ethnic Albanians.
Monday, March 14, 2005
Days of clarifying situation (in Kosovo) - Kosovo Daily Zeri
The paper’s editor-in-chief, Blerim Shala considers that no one can really find an answer to how long might the political uncertainty last in Kosovo after the departure of Ramush Haradinaj.
There have been many rumours during the past week on what can happen in the Kosovo political scene. In fact, adds Shala, there have also been confidential opinions from Western diplomats saying that security at the moment is a priority and that all other issues, including those of government, can wait.
People with such views don’t understand that security and government affairs are closely linked to one another, Shala notes. If the government issues are not dealt with for several weeks there may be numerous problems that directly touch upon security. Slowing down of political process on implementation of Standards might bear unpredictable repercussions for the security and Kosovo politics in the next three months.
Therefore, concludes Shala, time needed for clarifying the political situation in Kosovo should be measured by days and not weeks.
There have been many rumours during the past week on what can happen in the Kosovo political scene. In fact, adds Shala, there have also been confidential opinions from Western diplomats saying that security at the moment is a priority and that all other issues, including those of government, can wait.
People with such views don’t understand that security and government affairs are closely linked to one another, Shala notes. If the government issues are not dealt with for several weeks there may be numerous problems that directly touch upon security. Slowing down of political process on implementation of Standards might bear unpredictable repercussions for the security and Kosovo politics in the next three months.
Therefore, concludes Shala, time needed for clarifying the political situation in Kosovo should be measured by days and not weeks.
Talks on government formula to start this week in Kosovo
The issue of possible changes in the current structure of the coalition government is one of the main topics in today’s daily press. Several daily newspapers are mentioning the possibility of a broad-based government being formed in Kosovo.
In relation to this issue, all dailies are focusing on the upcoming visit by EU High Representative Javier Solana; with one newspaper even quoting unnamed sources as saying that the top EU official favors the idea of a broad-based government under the leadership of PDK and Hashim Thaçi.
Koha Ditore quotes UNMIK spokesman Remi Dourlot as saying that the international administration [UNMIK] will not intervene on the issue of government.
‘The composition of the new government of Kosovo is in the hands of the political representatives of Kosovo, they are the ones that should decide about the composition,’ Dourlot was quoted as saying.
Zëri reports that both the government and opposition believe they will benefit from Solana’s visit to Kosovo: the government hopes it will gain the support to continue with the current coalition government, while the opposition believes there will be an opportunity to form a broad-based government.
Under the front-page headline Week of formulas, Express daily newspaper reports that Ibrahim Rugova is facing a huge dilemma: should he continue the agreement with AAK or listen to the international community?
On page ten, the paper reports that ORA leader Veton Surroi doesn’t believe that the coalition formula that governed Kosovo in the last 100 days will be repeated.
On the other hand, Kosova Sot reports that despite voices for a broad-based government, no changes are expected in the coalition government.
Zëri carries a front page headline Fate of Govt depends first of all on Rugova and Jessen-Petersen and cites unnamed sources close to UNMIK as saying that this week should be crucial in clarifying the mid-term political developments concerning the Kosovo Government after the departure of Ramush Haradinaj.
The paper also reports that UNMIK chief Søren Jessen-Petersen will have intensive consultations with leading Kosovar Albanian politicians and also with EU High Representative Solana and other Western officials in Prishtina. ‘After these meetings, the UNMIK chief will take a position about this highly important issue for political developments in Kosovo.
Zëri however says that similar to October and November last year, the fate of the Kosovo Government is most probably in the hands of two people: President Ibrahim Rugova and SRSG Søren Jessen-Petersen.
In relation to this issue, all dailies are focusing on the upcoming visit by EU High Representative Javier Solana; with one newspaper even quoting unnamed sources as saying that the top EU official favors the idea of a broad-based government under the leadership of PDK and Hashim Thaçi.
Koha Ditore quotes UNMIK spokesman Remi Dourlot as saying that the international administration [UNMIK] will not intervene on the issue of government.
‘The composition of the new government of Kosovo is in the hands of the political representatives of Kosovo, they are the ones that should decide about the composition,’ Dourlot was quoted as saying.
Zëri reports that both the government and opposition believe they will benefit from Solana’s visit to Kosovo: the government hopes it will gain the support to continue with the current coalition government, while the opposition believes there will be an opportunity to form a broad-based government.
Under the front-page headline Week of formulas, Express daily newspaper reports that Ibrahim Rugova is facing a huge dilemma: should he continue the agreement with AAK or listen to the international community?
On page ten, the paper reports that ORA leader Veton Surroi doesn’t believe that the coalition formula that governed Kosovo in the last 100 days will be repeated.
On the other hand, Kosova Sot reports that despite voices for a broad-based government, no changes are expected in the coalition government.
Zëri carries a front page headline Fate of Govt depends first of all on Rugova and Jessen-Petersen and cites unnamed sources close to UNMIK as saying that this week should be crucial in clarifying the mid-term political developments concerning the Kosovo Government after the departure of Ramush Haradinaj.
The paper also reports that UNMIK chief Søren Jessen-Petersen will have intensive consultations with leading Kosovar Albanian politicians and also with EU High Representative Solana and other Western officials in Prishtina. ‘After these meetings, the UNMIK chief will take a position about this highly important issue for political developments in Kosovo.
Zëri however says that similar to October and November last year, the fate of the Kosovo Government is most probably in the hands of two people: President Ibrahim Rugova and SRSG Søren Jessen-Petersen.
Kosovar Albanians React to Former PM's Not Guilty Plea - VOA
Thousands of Kosovar Albanians Monday morning were riveted to their televisions watching their former prime minister, Ramush Haradinaj, appear before the Hague tribunal and plead not guilty to charges of war crimes.
It was not easy for many Kosovars to watch the man they regard as a patriot and war hero appear before the Hague tribunal. But Agim Gruda, a basketball coach, said he felt immense pride in the way that former prime minister Haradinaj conducted himself.
"But when I listened [to the broadcast] about this man, really, I felt very proud that he had decided to go and found a pacific [peaceful] way to go there," he said.
Other people here in the capital, however, are outraged that Mr. Haradinaj has been charged with crimes for a war that most Kosovars feel was a proper response to Serbian repression. They resent their former prime minister being in the same court as Slobodan Milosevic, the Serbian leader who has been charged with genocide.
Journalist Valon Syla applauds what he calls Mr. Haradinaj's statesmanlike action of going immediately and voluntarily to the Hague to defend himself. But Mr. Syla worries about the uncertain political situation created by Mr. Haradinaj's resignation and departure less than a week ago.
"The bad thing is that he left Kosovo in a critical situation where now we don't know who will be the prime minister. We don't know if this coalition [government] is going to continue to work. Kosovo, in 2005 is a very political year. We need to fulfill certain standards, and all this Hague affair is being more of an obstacle for us than for justice," he said.
Diplomats here likewise praise Mr. Haradinaj for the manner in which he responded to the war crimes indictment. They are especially pleased that he urged the people to remain calm and avoid any violent action that could upset Kosovar Albanians' determination to win United Nations support for full independence.
It was not easy for many Kosovars to watch the man they regard as a patriot and war hero appear before the Hague tribunal. But Agim Gruda, a basketball coach, said he felt immense pride in the way that former prime minister Haradinaj conducted himself.
"But when I listened [to the broadcast] about this man, really, I felt very proud that he had decided to go and found a pacific [peaceful] way to go there," he said.
Other people here in the capital, however, are outraged that Mr. Haradinaj has been charged with crimes for a war that most Kosovars feel was a proper response to Serbian repression. They resent their former prime minister being in the same court as Slobodan Milosevic, the Serbian leader who has been charged with genocide.
Journalist Valon Syla applauds what he calls Mr. Haradinaj's statesmanlike action of going immediately and voluntarily to the Hague to defend himself. But Mr. Syla worries about the uncertain political situation created by Mr. Haradinaj's resignation and departure less than a week ago.
"The bad thing is that he left Kosovo in a critical situation where now we don't know who will be the prime minister. We don't know if this coalition [government] is going to continue to work. Kosovo, in 2005 is a very political year. We need to fulfill certain standards, and all this Hague affair is being more of an obstacle for us than for justice," he said.
Diplomats here likewise praise Mr. Haradinaj for the manner in which he responded to the war crimes indictment. They are especially pleased that he urged the people to remain calm and avoid any violent action that could upset Kosovar Albanians' determination to win United Nations support for full independence.
UN tightens the net around Balkans war crimes suspects - The Independent
War crimes suspects in the Balkans came under increased pressure when a former Macedonian minister was indicted by the UN tribunal, just as a former premier of Kosovo appeared in The Hague to plead innocent of a series of atrocities.
In separate developments, a Bosnian Serb, Gojko Jankovic, accused of crimes against Muslims during the Bosnian war of the early 1990s, flew to face justice at the UN court, and the Croatian government said it had tightened the net around the fugitive former general Ante Gotovina by stripping him of the right to own his two homes.
Recent weeks have seen a flow of new indictments and a series of voluntary surrenders to The Hague. But with the approach of the 10th anniversary of the Srebrenica massacre - the worst atrocity on European soil since the Second World War - the two men believed to be responsible have not been arrested. The former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic and his military commander, Ratko Mladic, remain at large.
Yesterday the former Macedonian interior minister Ljube Boskovski, a hardliner during clashes with the ethnic Albanian minority in 2001, was accused of war crimes in the first indictment by the UN concerning the former Yugoslav republic of Macedonia. Mr Boskovski formed a paramilitary police unit known as the Lions, loyal to him alone, while Ukrainian helicopter gunships were brought in to help Macedonian forces fight the rebels.
The allegations are said to involve Mr Boskovski's role in a clash between Macedonian security forces and Albanian rebels in the village of Ljubotno, near Skopje, in 2001, in which 10 Albanians were killed.
Meanwhile, in The Hague, Ramush Haradinaj, who resigned as Kosovo's prime minister last week to face war crimes allegations, appeared in the court in the Netherlands and pleaded not guilty to each of the 37 counts against him.
Mr Haradinaj, 36, is accused of involvement in the murder and abuses of Serb and Roma civilians and of ethnic Albanians judged to have collaborated with Serb forces in the 1998-99 conflict. Two other ethnic Albanian suspects named in the indictment, Lathe Brahma and Iris Balas, who surrendered last week, also deny the charges.
The three defendants, dressed in dark suits and ties, denied having committed war crimes as commanders of the Kosovo Liberation Army.
Mr Haradinaj is accused of having command responsibility for rape, murder and torture committed by his men. He was also accused of participating in beatings and torture.
His lawyer, Rodney Dixon, told the judge, Carmel Agius, that his immediate resignation upon hearing of his indictment was an indication that he will cooperate with his trial.
The Croatian government made a final effort to persuade European countries that it is co-operating fully with the tribunal - despite clear statements to the contrary from the UN's chief war crimes prosecutor, Carla Del Ponte. Later this week EU membership talks with Croatia are likely to be put on ice over its lack of co-operation.
In Zagreb the chief state prosecutor, Milan Bajic, said the property of General Gotovina, wanted by the tribunal for alleged atrocities during the Balkan wars, "has been frozen". The government decided not to freeze his military pension of some €700 (£490) a month because it is being used to support his two families.
In separate developments, a Bosnian Serb, Gojko Jankovic, accused of crimes against Muslims during the Bosnian war of the early 1990s, flew to face justice at the UN court, and the Croatian government said it had tightened the net around the fugitive former general Ante Gotovina by stripping him of the right to own his two homes.
Recent weeks have seen a flow of new indictments and a series of voluntary surrenders to The Hague. But with the approach of the 10th anniversary of the Srebrenica massacre - the worst atrocity on European soil since the Second World War - the two men believed to be responsible have not been arrested. The former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic and his military commander, Ratko Mladic, remain at large.
Yesterday the former Macedonian interior minister Ljube Boskovski, a hardliner during clashes with the ethnic Albanian minority in 2001, was accused of war crimes in the first indictment by the UN concerning the former Yugoslav republic of Macedonia. Mr Boskovski formed a paramilitary police unit known as the Lions, loyal to him alone, while Ukrainian helicopter gunships were brought in to help Macedonian forces fight the rebels.
The allegations are said to involve Mr Boskovski's role in a clash between Macedonian security forces and Albanian rebels in the village of Ljubotno, near Skopje, in 2001, in which 10 Albanians were killed.
Meanwhile, in The Hague, Ramush Haradinaj, who resigned as Kosovo's prime minister last week to face war crimes allegations, appeared in the court in the Netherlands and pleaded not guilty to each of the 37 counts against him.
Mr Haradinaj, 36, is accused of involvement in the murder and abuses of Serb and Roma civilians and of ethnic Albanians judged to have collaborated with Serb forces in the 1998-99 conflict. Two other ethnic Albanian suspects named in the indictment, Lathe Brahma and Iris Balas, who surrendered last week, also deny the charges.
The three defendants, dressed in dark suits and ties, denied having committed war crimes as commanders of the Kosovo Liberation Army.
Mr Haradinaj is accused of having command responsibility for rape, murder and torture committed by his men. He was also accused of participating in beatings and torture.
His lawyer, Rodney Dixon, told the judge, Carmel Agius, that his immediate resignation upon hearing of his indictment was an indication that he will cooperate with his trial.
The Croatian government made a final effort to persuade European countries that it is co-operating fully with the tribunal - despite clear statements to the contrary from the UN's chief war crimes prosecutor, Carla Del Ponte. Later this week EU membership talks with Croatia are likely to be put on ice over its lack of co-operation.
In Zagreb the chief state prosecutor, Milan Bajic, said the property of General Gotovina, wanted by the tribunal for alleged atrocities during the Balkan wars, "has been frozen". The government decided not to freeze his military pension of some €700 (£490) a month because it is being used to support his two families.
Serbia needs to cooperate more with the HAgue, says CoE
The Council of Europe has published its seventh regular report on Serbia-Montenegro and the extent to which it is meeting its obligations.
In it the council calls on the state union to step up cooperation with the Hague Tribunal, resolve contentious issues in relations between the member states and sign or ratify a number of European charters and conventions.
The report, which covers the period from December to February, says that the over and above what the state claims as progress in the surrender of a number of war crime suspects, it is necessary to step up cooperation with the Hague Tribunal, particularly by arresting and extraditing suspects.
“During the period under observation, there were no encouraging signs of this cooperation in the sense of handover or extradition. Four Hague indictees have been extradited to The Hague. Under increased international pressure, another two generals and a senior police officer indicted in October 2003 are expected to surrender, and remaining indictees are expected to be extradited,” said the council in its report.
Noting the failure to hold direct elections of the Serbia-Montenegro Parliament in February brings the future of the state union into further doubt, the Council of Europe proposes that Serbia-Montenegro to work harder at finding an acceptable solution through dialogue among the authorities.
The Council also says it expects Serbia-Montenegro to sign or ratify several European conventions and charters before the end of its second year of membership in the council at the beginning of April. These include the European Charter on Local Self-Government, the European Framework Convention on Cross-Border Cooperation and associated protocols, the European Charter on Regional and Minority Languages and the revised European Social Charter
Belgrade is also expected to give priority to the adoption of legislation on police and security forces in harmony with the standards of the Council of Europe.
The Serbian Government is expected to review the draft Criminal Code, including regulations which limit free speech and media, particularly those which relate to libel.
The council also notes that Montenegro still has not reached consensus on draft legislation on national minorities and that there are again problems with human trafficking and calls on the republic to respect the council’s recommendations relating to this area.
The council salutes in its report Serbia’s adoption of legislation transferring the authority of military courts to the civil judiciary and significant measures in the reform of criminal legislation.
In it the council calls on the state union to step up cooperation with the Hague Tribunal, resolve contentious issues in relations between the member states and sign or ratify a number of European charters and conventions.
The report, which covers the period from December to February, says that the over and above what the state claims as progress in the surrender of a number of war crime suspects, it is necessary to step up cooperation with the Hague Tribunal, particularly by arresting and extraditing suspects.
“During the period under observation, there were no encouraging signs of this cooperation in the sense of handover or extradition. Four Hague indictees have been extradited to The Hague. Under increased international pressure, another two generals and a senior police officer indicted in October 2003 are expected to surrender, and remaining indictees are expected to be extradited,” said the council in its report.
Noting the failure to hold direct elections of the Serbia-Montenegro Parliament in February brings the future of the state union into further doubt, the Council of Europe proposes that Serbia-Montenegro to work harder at finding an acceptable solution through dialogue among the authorities.
The Council also says it expects Serbia-Montenegro to sign or ratify several European conventions and charters before the end of its second year of membership in the council at the beginning of April. These include the European Charter on Local Self-Government, the European Framework Convention on Cross-Border Cooperation and associated protocols, the European Charter on Regional and Minority Languages and the revised European Social Charter
Belgrade is also expected to give priority to the adoption of legislation on police and security forces in harmony with the standards of the Council of Europe.
The Serbian Government is expected to review the draft Criminal Code, including regulations which limit free speech and media, particularly those which relate to libel.
The council also notes that Montenegro still has not reached consensus on draft legislation on national minorities and that there are again problems with human trafficking and calls on the republic to respect the council’s recommendations relating to this area.
The council salutes in its report Serbia’s adoption of legislation transferring the authority of military courts to the civil judiciary and significant measures in the reform of criminal legislation.
Tribunal Indicts Ex-Macedonian Minister
Macedonia's former interior minister has been indicted for war crimes by the U.N. tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the government said Monday.
Investigators from the tribunal at The Hague, Netherlands, reportedly questioned the former minister, Ljube Boskovski, last year about the killing of 10 people during a 2001 conflict between the government and rebels from Macedonia's ethnic Albanian minority.
Macedonia's justice ministry said state security official Johan Tarculovski was also indicted by the tribunal in connection with the same incident.
Details of the indictments were not immediately known. Jim Landale of the U.N. tribunal's registry said the court would not comment.
If confirmed, they would be Macedonia's first indictments by the tribunal, which is responsible for prosecuting people suspected of committing abuses during the Balkan wars. The wars began with the disintegration of Yugoslavia in the 1990s.
Boskovski is in jail in Croatia, where authorities arrested him last May for allegedly ordering the killing of seven illegal immigrants from Pakistan and India in 2001 in a bid to appear active in the U.S.-led war on terrorism. He has denied both allegations.
Investigators from the tribunal at The Hague, Netherlands, reportedly questioned the former minister, Ljube Boskovski, last year about the killing of 10 people during a 2001 conflict between the government and rebels from Macedonia's ethnic Albanian minority.
Macedonia's justice ministry said state security official Johan Tarculovski was also indicted by the tribunal in connection with the same incident.
Details of the indictments were not immediately known. Jim Landale of the U.N. tribunal's registry said the court would not comment.
If confirmed, they would be Macedonia's first indictments by the tribunal, which is responsible for prosecuting people suspected of committing abuses during the Balkan wars. The wars began with the disintegration of Yugoslavia in the 1990s.
Boskovski is in jail in Croatia, where authorities arrested him last May for allegedly ordering the killing of seven illegal immigrants from Pakistan and India in 2001 in a bid to appear active in the U.S.-led war on terrorism. He has denied both allegations.
EU foreign policy chief to visit Kosovo
The European Union's foreign policy chief Javier Solana was due to arrive in Kosovo Monday as officials try to form a new government after the former prime minister was indicted for wartime atrocities by a U.N. court.
Solana will meet with officials in this disputed United Nations-administered province on Tuesday following the resignation of former prime minister Ramush Haradinaj last week and his surrender to the U.N. war crimes tribunal in The Hague, Netherlands.
Haradinaj and two of his subordinates were indicted by the tribunal for alleged crimes committed against Serbs, Albanians and Gypsy civilians by the western-backed rebel Kosovo Liberation Army during 1998-1999 war against Serb forces.
He is the highest-ranking Kosovo Albanian to be indicted by the tribunal. On Monday, he pleaded not guilty to all charges.
A caretaker government led by the deputy prime minister is in place until the parliament votes the new executive that will probably lead the province into the status talks later this year.
Kosovo, which officially remains part of Serbia-Montenegro, has been administered by the U.N. since 1999, following NATO's war aimed at stopping the Serb crackdown on independence-seeking ethnic Albanians.
The talks to resolve the province's status are expected to start later this year, if Kosovo reaches internationally set benchmarks on human rights, rights of minorities and the rule of law.
Solana will meet with officials in this disputed United Nations-administered province on Tuesday following the resignation of former prime minister Ramush Haradinaj last week and his surrender to the U.N. war crimes tribunal in The Hague, Netherlands.
Haradinaj and two of his subordinates were indicted by the tribunal for alleged crimes committed against Serbs, Albanians and Gypsy civilians by the western-backed rebel Kosovo Liberation Army during 1998-1999 war against Serb forces.
He is the highest-ranking Kosovo Albanian to be indicted by the tribunal. On Monday, he pleaded not guilty to all charges.
A caretaker government led by the deputy prime minister is in place until the parliament votes the new executive that will probably lead the province into the status talks later this year.
Kosovo, which officially remains part of Serbia-Montenegro, has been administered by the U.N. since 1999, following NATO's war aimed at stopping the Serb crackdown on independence-seeking ethnic Albanians.
The talks to resolve the province's status are expected to start later this year, if Kosovo reaches internationally set benchmarks on human rights, rights of minorities and the rule of law.
Serbia-Montenegro backs China's stance on Taiwan
Serbia-Montenegro on Monday praised China's tough new legislation on Taiwan, apparently counting on reciprocal support for Serbia's efforts to prevent its breakaway Kosovo province from gaining independence.
Foreign Minister Vuk Draskovic said in a statement that his country "extends full support to the adopted law and views of the state bodies of China" concerning Taiwan. The statement came after Draskovic met with the Chinese ambassador to Belgrade, Li Guobang.
The law enacted by China's parliament Monday authorizes force to stop Taiwan from pursuing formal independence.
Serbia is keen to prevent independence of its southern Kosovo province, where ethnic Albanian separatists took up arms in 1998. The fighting ended with NATO bombing of Serb targets in 1999, forcing Serbia to accept a U.N. resolution that turned its province into a protectorate, run since by the United Nations and NATO.
Talks on Kosovo's final status are expected later this year. Serbia expects that China -- which was strongly against NATO's air strikes -- will use its influence and possibly veto power in the U.N. Security Council if Kosovo's future is decided there.
Draskovic thanked Guobang for supporting a U.N. resolution that left Kosovo formally within Serbia's borders.
"The U.N. charter does not allow creation of independent states within territory of sovereign countries," Draskovic's statement said.
Foreign Minister Vuk Draskovic said in a statement that his country "extends full support to the adopted law and views of the state bodies of China" concerning Taiwan. The statement came after Draskovic met with the Chinese ambassador to Belgrade, Li Guobang.
The law enacted by China's parliament Monday authorizes force to stop Taiwan from pursuing formal independence.
Serbia is keen to prevent independence of its southern Kosovo province, where ethnic Albanian separatists took up arms in 1998. The fighting ended with NATO bombing of Serb targets in 1999, forcing Serbia to accept a U.N. resolution that turned its province into a protectorate, run since by the United Nations and NATO.
Talks on Kosovo's final status are expected later this year. Serbia expects that China -- which was strongly against NATO's air strikes -- will use its influence and possibly veto power in the U.N. Security Council if Kosovo's future is decided there.
Draskovic thanked Guobang for supporting a U.N. resolution that left Kosovo formally within Serbia's borders.
"The U.N. charter does not allow creation of independent states within territory of sovereign countries," Draskovic's statement said.
Senator Biden's floor statement on ICTY's indictment of Kosovo's PM Ramush Haradinaj
Senate
INDICTMENT OF RAMUSH HARADINAJ
Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, yesterday the
International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia
at the Hague, known by the acronym ICTY, indicted a
fellow that I met several years ago, a guy who was very
much involved in the carnage that took place at the time of
the war in Kosovo. His name is Ramush Haradinaj. This is
a young man who looks like he could lift an ox out of a
ditch. A very hard, tough guy.
Until yesterday he happened to be the Prime Minister of
Kosovo. He was indicted for war crimes in Kosovo during
the period of 1998 and 1999. Mr. Haradinaj declared
himself entirely innocent but resigned as Prime Minister,
surrendered voluntarily, and flew to the Netherlands today
to turn himself in. H e also did something highly unusual in
the Balkans. He issued a statement calling for calm in
Kosovo.
From the creation of the Hague Tribunal a decade ago, I
have supported its vitally important work. Beginning with
Judge Goldstone, my staff and I have met with its chief
prosecutors over the past decade. I have great respect for
Carla Del Ponte, the current chief prosecutor and for the
court's judges.
I am confident that H aradinaj will receive a fair trial.
Without presuming to pass judgment on his innocence or
guilt, though, I would like to com ment--this is the first
time I have ever done this--on my personal impressions of
him and also to put his arrest in a larger context relating to
the entire territory of the former Yugoslavia.
Let me begin with my meeting with him in P ristina in
January of 2001. We discussed Kosovo's future, and he
seemed genuinely to recognize that the only way forward
was for the rights of the Kosovo Serbs, and of other non-
Albanian minorities to be guaranteed. During that trip, I
flew by helicopter to western Kosovo where I visited the
Serbian Orthodox Visoki Decani Monastery, a 14 th
century architectural masterpiece which last year was
named a UNESCO World Heritage site.
During the fighting in 1999, the Serbian Orthodox monks
of this monastery had saved Kosovar Albanians from
persecution by Serb forces. Again, these were Serbian
Orthodox monks saving Kosovar Albanians most of them
Muslims--from persecution by Serb forces.
Nevertheless, when I visited the Visoki Decani Monastery
nearly 2 years later, Father Sava and other monks told me
that they were in great danger. In fact, Italian KFOR
armored personnel carriers were lined up in the snow just
outside the monastery's stone walls as a deterrent.
Knowing that the territory around Decani is Mr.
Haradinaj's political base, I sent him a confidential letter
after I returned to Washington. In it I wrote that I was
counting on him to personally guarantee and protect the
Serbian Orthodox monastery I had just visited.
In March of 2004, serious riots against Serbs and other
non-Albanian minorities broke out across Kosovo.
Hundreds of homes were destroyed, and many medieval
Serbian Orthodox churches and monasteries were burned
to the ground. KFOR proved unable or unwilling to
prevent this destruction. In fact, in several cases, the
outrages occurred while European KFOR troops stood by.
One of the few venerable monasteries that remained
untouched was Visoki Decani. Mr. Haradinaj had kept his
promise.
During the 1998-1999 war, Haradinaj was a leading
commander of the Kosovo Liberation Army, the KLA.
Hence, his election as Prime Minister last year was
greeted with considerable skepticism. From all reports,
however, in his brief tenure, he has earned nearly
unanimous praise, including from the head of the U.N.
mission in Kosovo, for his constructive and effective
leadership. I am told that even Serbian leaders in Belgrade
privately acknowledge that of all of the Kosovar political
leaders, it is Haradinaj with whom they could potentially
negotiate with the greatest degree of confidence.
Mr. Haradinaj's call for calm, which so far has been
heeded, was based upon a realization that a repeat of the
violence of March 2004 would deal a fatal blow to the
Kosovars' hope that the process toward negotiations on
the final status of Kosovo can begin later this year.
I have said repeatedly that self-determination by the
people of Kosovo is ultimately the only realistic solution
to the problem. Since more than 90 percent of the
population is ethnic Albanian, as is Mr. Haradinaj, with a
collective memory of extreme persecution by the Serbian
government of Slobodan Milosevic, I can't imagine they
would ever vote for a return to being governed by
Belgrade.
On the other hand, I have coupled my advocacy of selfdetermination
for Kosovo with the precondition that the
personal safety and freedom of movement of all Kosovo
Serbs, Roma, Ashkali, Egyptians, Turks, Bosniaks,
Gorani, and other non-Albanian minorities are being
provided and are guaranteed for the future. As yet,
unfortunately, this has not occurred. Mr. Haradinaj's
statesman-like actions are intended to keep Kosovo on the
path toward Final Status negotiations.
In the overall post-Yugoslav context, Mr. Haradinaj's
willingness after his indictment to surrender voluntarily
and go to The H ague is striking. It stands in glaring
contrast to the behavior of the three most infamous
individuals indicted by The Hague, all of whom are still
fugitives, resisting arrest: former Bosnian Serb General
Ratko Mladic, former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan
Karadzic, and former Croatian General Ante G otovina.
By their evasion of ICTY's indictments, all three are
blocking their countries' progress toward entering Euro-
Atlantic institutions, a necessary precondition for
stabilizing the Western Balkans. The surrender of Mladic,
who is thought to be in Serbia, is necessary for Serbia's
joining NATO's Partnership for Peace and for eventual
NATO and EU membership.
Karadzic's unwillingness to give himself up is blocking
Partnership for Peace membership for Bosnia and
Herzegovina.
Gotovina's fugitive status is holding up Croatia's
promising candidacy for EU membership.
Whatever the eventual adjudication of his indictment,
Ramush Haradinaj by his dignified departure and public
statement has proven himself to be a patriot. The same
cannot be said of M ladic, Karadzic, and G otovina, whose
selfish actions are standing in the way of much needed
progress for Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Croatia.
Whatever Mr. Haradinaj's fate, I want to pub licly salute
him for his personal courage, for the statesmanship he has
demonstrated over the last two days, and for having kept
his word by doing exactly what he told me he would do
with regard to the monastery. I wish him well. I hope
justice is served, and I applaud him for his wise decision
to cooperate with the Hague Tribunal.
I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.
INDICTMENT OF RAMUSH HARADINAJ
Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, yesterday the
International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia
at the Hague, known by the acronym ICTY, indicted a
fellow that I met several years ago, a guy who was very
much involved in the carnage that took place at the time of
the war in Kosovo. His name is Ramush Haradinaj. This is
a young man who looks like he could lift an ox out of a
ditch. A very hard, tough guy.
Until yesterday he happened to be the Prime Minister of
Kosovo. He was indicted for war crimes in Kosovo during
the period of 1998 and 1999. Mr. Haradinaj declared
himself entirely innocent but resigned as Prime Minister,
surrendered voluntarily, and flew to the Netherlands today
to turn himself in. H e also did something highly unusual in
the Balkans. He issued a statement calling for calm in
Kosovo.
From the creation of the Hague Tribunal a decade ago, I
have supported its vitally important work. Beginning with
Judge Goldstone, my staff and I have met with its chief
prosecutors over the past decade. I have great respect for
Carla Del Ponte, the current chief prosecutor and for the
court's judges.
I am confident that H aradinaj will receive a fair trial.
Without presuming to pass judgment on his innocence or
guilt, though, I would like to com ment--this is the first
time I have ever done this--on my personal impressions of
him and also to put his arrest in a larger context relating to
the entire territory of the former Yugoslavia.
Let me begin with my meeting with him in P ristina in
January of 2001. We discussed Kosovo's future, and he
seemed genuinely to recognize that the only way forward
was for the rights of the Kosovo Serbs, and of other non-
Albanian minorities to be guaranteed. During that trip, I
flew by helicopter to western Kosovo where I visited the
Serbian Orthodox Visoki Decani Monastery, a 14 th
century architectural masterpiece which last year was
named a UNESCO World Heritage site.
During the fighting in 1999, the Serbian Orthodox monks
of this monastery had saved Kosovar Albanians from
persecution by Serb forces. Again, these were Serbian
Orthodox monks saving Kosovar Albanians most of them
Muslims--from persecution by Serb forces.
Nevertheless, when I visited the Visoki Decani Monastery
nearly 2 years later, Father Sava and other monks told me
that they were in great danger. In fact, Italian KFOR
armored personnel carriers were lined up in the snow just
outside the monastery's stone walls as a deterrent.
Knowing that the territory around Decani is Mr.
Haradinaj's political base, I sent him a confidential letter
after I returned to Washington. In it I wrote that I was
counting on him to personally guarantee and protect the
Serbian Orthodox monastery I had just visited.
In March of 2004, serious riots against Serbs and other
non-Albanian minorities broke out across Kosovo.
Hundreds of homes were destroyed, and many medieval
Serbian Orthodox churches and monasteries were burned
to the ground. KFOR proved unable or unwilling to
prevent this destruction. In fact, in several cases, the
outrages occurred while European KFOR troops stood by.
One of the few venerable monasteries that remained
untouched was Visoki Decani. Mr. Haradinaj had kept his
promise.
During the 1998-1999 war, Haradinaj was a leading
commander of the Kosovo Liberation Army, the KLA.
Hence, his election as Prime Minister last year was
greeted with considerable skepticism. From all reports,
however, in his brief tenure, he has earned nearly
unanimous praise, including from the head of the U.N.
mission in Kosovo, for his constructive and effective
leadership. I am told that even Serbian leaders in Belgrade
privately acknowledge that of all of the Kosovar political
leaders, it is Haradinaj with whom they could potentially
negotiate with the greatest degree of confidence.
Mr. Haradinaj's call for calm, which so far has been
heeded, was based upon a realization that a repeat of the
violence of March 2004 would deal a fatal blow to the
Kosovars' hope that the process toward negotiations on
the final status of Kosovo can begin later this year.
I have said repeatedly that self-determination by the
people of Kosovo is ultimately the only realistic solution
to the problem. Since more than 90 percent of the
population is ethnic Albanian, as is Mr. Haradinaj, with a
collective memory of extreme persecution by the Serbian
government of Slobodan Milosevic, I can't imagine they
would ever vote for a return to being governed by
Belgrade.
On the other hand, I have coupled my advocacy of selfdetermination
for Kosovo with the precondition that the
personal safety and freedom of movement of all Kosovo
Serbs, Roma, Ashkali, Egyptians, Turks, Bosniaks,
Gorani, and other non-Albanian minorities are being
provided and are guaranteed for the future. As yet,
unfortunately, this has not occurred. Mr. Haradinaj's
statesman-like actions are intended to keep Kosovo on the
path toward Final Status negotiations.
In the overall post-Yugoslav context, Mr. Haradinaj's
willingness after his indictment to surrender voluntarily
and go to The H ague is striking. It stands in glaring
contrast to the behavior of the three most infamous
individuals indicted by The Hague, all of whom are still
fugitives, resisting arrest: former Bosnian Serb General
Ratko Mladic, former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan
Karadzic, and former Croatian General Ante G otovina.
By their evasion of ICTY's indictments, all three are
blocking their countries' progress toward entering Euro-
Atlantic institutions, a necessary precondition for
stabilizing the Western Balkans. The surrender of Mladic,
who is thought to be in Serbia, is necessary for Serbia's
joining NATO's Partnership for Peace and for eventual
NATO and EU membership.
Karadzic's unwillingness to give himself up is blocking
Partnership for Peace membership for Bosnia and
Herzegovina.
Gotovina's fugitive status is holding up Croatia's
promising candidacy for EU membership.
Whatever the eventual adjudication of his indictment,
Ramush Haradinaj by his dignified departure and public
statement has proven himself to be a patriot. The same
cannot be said of M ladic, Karadzic, and G otovina, whose
selfish actions are standing in the way of much needed
progress for Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Croatia.
Whatever Mr. Haradinaj's fate, I want to pub licly salute
him for his personal courage, for the statesmanship he has
demonstrated over the last two days, and for having kept
his word by doing exactly what he told me he would do
with regard to the monastery. I wish him well. I hope
justice is served, and I applaud him for his wise decision
to cooperate with the Hague Tribunal.
I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.
A Settlement for Kosovo - Wesley Clark
To the Editor of the New York Times
"Still Troubled After All These Years" (editorial, March 3) says that "work should begin immediately on a settlement" for Kosovo, but it does not say what that settlement would look like in international law. The truth is, the world has been avoiding this thorny problem for six years.
You say the solution should "include a semiautonomous zone for the Serbs," but do not define what that zone would be semiautonomous from. You also reject independence for the province. Does this mean that the Kosovo Albanians would just live in the international limbo of United Nations administration indefinitely - with no access to foreign lending and investment, and thus very high unemployment?
The riots last year against Serbs and other minority groups were indefensible. But recognizing that social unrest has underlying causes and charting a path to a settlement to begin dealing with those causes does not "reward bad faith." Independence may well be the best way to get a functioning state that produces real benefits for people, including Kosovo's Serbs. When people have responsibility, they tend to behave more responsibly.
Let's hope that the calm response to date of the Kosovo Albanians to Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj's indictment and resignation ("Kosovo's New Chance," editorial, March 9), together with his own dignified exit, may mark precisely that society's turning point toward responsibility.
Wesley Clark
Little Rock, Ark., March 10, 2005
The writer was NATO's supreme allied commander during the 1999 Kosovo campaign.
"Still Troubled After All These Years" (editorial, March 3) says that "work should begin immediately on a settlement" for Kosovo, but it does not say what that settlement would look like in international law. The truth is, the world has been avoiding this thorny problem for six years.
You say the solution should "include a semiautonomous zone for the Serbs," but do not define what that zone would be semiautonomous from. You also reject independence for the province. Does this mean that the Kosovo Albanians would just live in the international limbo of United Nations administration indefinitely - with no access to foreign lending and investment, and thus very high unemployment?
The riots last year against Serbs and other minority groups were indefensible. But recognizing that social unrest has underlying causes and charting a path to a settlement to begin dealing with those causes does not "reward bad faith." Independence may well be the best way to get a functioning state that produces real benefits for people, including Kosovo's Serbs. When people have responsibility, they tend to behave more responsibly.
Let's hope that the calm response to date of the Kosovo Albanians to Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj's indictment and resignation ("Kosovo's New Chance," editorial, March 9), together with his own dignified exit, may mark precisely that society's turning point toward responsibility.
Wesley Clark
Little Rock, Ark., March 10, 2005
The writer was NATO's supreme allied commander during the 1999 Kosovo campaign.